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Σάββατο, 7η Ιουνίου 2008
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Ιρανικοί ανώτεροι υπάλληλοι Πενταγώνου θυμάτων πρακτόρων;

Σάββατο, 7η Ιουνίου 2008

iran-weapons.jpgΑπό John Walcott | Counterintelligence αμυντικού τμήματος οι ανακριτές υποψιάστηκαν ότι οι ιρανικοί εξόριστοι που παρείχαν την αμφίβολη νοημοσύνη στο Ιράκ και το Ιράν σε μια μικρή ομάδα δύναμης ανώτερων υπαλλήλων Πενταγώνου «έχουν χρησιμοποιηθεί ως πράκτορες μιας ξένης υπηρεσίας πληροφοριών… για να φθάσουν και να επηρεάσουν τα πιό υψηλά επίπεδα των ΗΠΑ. κυβέρνηση,» ένας εν λόγω έκθεση κορυφαίος βοηθός Thursday.A Επιτροπής νοημοσύνης Συγκλήτου στον έπειτα-γραμματέα της υπεράσπισης Donald H. Το Rumsfeld, εντούτοις, που διακόπηκε την έρευνα του 2003 σχετικά με τους ανώτερους υπαλλήλους Πενταγώνου» δραστηριότητες μετά από μόνο έναν μήνα, και τον κορυφαίο ορείχαλκο του αμυντικού τμήματος δεν ακολούθησε ποτέ σύσταση των ανακριτών» για μια πιό λεπτομερή έρευνα, η έκθεση Συγκλήτου εν λόγω.

Η αποκάλυψη δημιουργεί τα ερωτήματα για εάν το Ιράν μπορεί να είχε χρησιμοποιήσει μια μικρή σκευωρία των ανώτερων υπαλλήλων στο Πεντάγωνο και στο γραφείο αντιπροέδρου Dick Cheney's για να ταΐσει την ψευδή νοημοσύνη στο Ιράκ και το Ιράν στους ανώτερους σχεδιαστές πολιτικής στη διοίκηση των Μπους που ήταν πρόθυμοι να αντικαταστήσουν τον ιρακινό δικτάτορα.

Το Ιράν, που ήταν θανάσιμος εχθρός του ιρακινού δικτάτορα Σαντάμ Χουσεΐν και διεξήγαγε έναν αιματηρό οκτάχρονο πόλεμο με το Ιράκ κατά τη διάρκεια δικών του βασιλεύει, είναι ο αρχικός δικαιούχος των ΗΠΑ. πολιτική στο Ιράκ, όπου οι ιρανικός-υποστηριγμένες ομάδες τρέχουν τώρα ένα μεγάλο μέρος της κυβέρνησης και των δυνάμεων ασφάλειας.

Η counterintelligence έρευνα επαφές εξέτασε μερικών ανώτερων υπαλλήλων Πενταγώνου» με τον ιρανικό εξόριστο Manucher Ghorbanifar, τον οποίο η CIA είχε ονομάσει ένα «fabricator» το 1984. Εκείνες οι επαφές ήταν από έναν αμερικανικό πολίτη, Michael Ledeen, έναν προηγούμενου σύμβουλο του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας Πενταγώνου και εθνική και έναν κύριο συνήγορο του εισβάλλοντας Ιράκ και της νίκης του ισλαμικού καθεστώτος του Ιράν.

Σύμφωνα με την έκθεση Συγκλήτου, η Counterintelligence του Πενταγώνου μονάδα δραστηριότητας τομέων κατέληξε στο συμπέρασμα το 2003 ότι Ledeen «ήταν πιθανώς χωρίς πρόθεση οποιωνδήποτε counterintelligence ζητημάτων σχετικών με τη σχέση του με τον κ. Ghorbanifar.»

Η counterintelligence μονάδα είπε, εντούτοις, ότι η ένωση Ledeen με Ghorbanifar «ήταν ευρέως γνωστή, και επομένως πρέπει να θεωρηθεί άλλη ξένη υπηρεσία πληροφοριών, συμπεριλαμβανομένων εκείνων του Ιράν, θα ήξερε.»

Stephen Cambone, έπειτα ο υφυπουργός της υπεράσπισης για τη νοημοσύνη, διέκοψε τη counterintelligence έρευνα μετά από μόνο έναν μήνα, η έκθεση Συγκλήτου εν λόγω.

Η έκθεση Συγκλήτου είπε ότι οι ανώτεροι υπάλληλοι Πενταγώνου δεν ακολούθησαν ποτέ σύσταση των ανακριτών» για μια περιεκτική ανάλυση εάν Ghorbanifar ή οι συνεταίροι του προσπάθησε «άμεσα ή έμμεσα επιρροή ή πρόσβαση ΗΠΑ. κυβερνητικοί ανώτεροι υπάλληλοι.»

Οι counterintelligence ανακριτές σύστησαν εκείνες τις ΗΠΑ. officials attempt “to map Ghorbanifar’s relationship within Iranian elite social networks and, if possible, his contacts with other governments and/or intelligence organizations,” but that effort was never undertaken.

The Senate committee also found that Pentagon officials concealed the contacts with Ghorbanifar from the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Pentagon officials also provided Senate investigators with an inaccurate account of events and, with support from two unnamed officials in Cheney’s office, continued meeting with Ghorbanifar after contact with him was officially ordered to stop.

The first meetings with Ghorbanifar, which were disclosed in August 2003 by the Long Island, N.Y., newspaper Newsday, took place in Rome in December 2001. They were attended by two Pentagon Iran experts, Harold Rhode and Larry Franklin; by an Italian military intelligence official, and by Ledeen.

On the Iranian side were Ghorbanifar, an unidentified Iranian exile from Morocco and an alleged Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps defector.

Among other things, the Iranians told the Americans about:

  • Iranian “hit teams” they said were targeting U.S. personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.
  • What they claimed was Shiite Muslim Iran’s longstanding relationship with the secular Palestine Liberation Organization.
  • “Tunnel complexes in Iran for weapons storage or exfiltration of regime leaders,” and about the alleged growth of anti-regime sentiment in Iran.

Franklin, who, in an unrelated matter, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to prison in 2006 for providing classified information on Iran policy to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, passed the information about the alleged Iranian hit squads to a U.S. Special Forces commander in Afghanistan. Although a DIA analyst told the Senate committee that he couldn’t speculate on whether the information had been “truly useful,” Ledeen and Pentagon officials claimed it saved American lives, the committee said.During the Rome meetings, Ghorbanifar also laid out a scheme to overthrow the Iranian regime on a napkin during a late night meeting in a bar. “The plan,” said the Senate committee, “involved the simultaneous disruption of traffic at key intersections leading to Tehran that would create anxiety, work stoppages and other disruptive measures” in a capital city famous for its traffic congestion.

Ghorbanifar asked for $5 million in seed money, Franklin told the committee, and indicated that if the traffic jam plan succeeded, he’d need additional money.

“The proposed funding for, and foreign involvement in, Mr. Ghorbanifar’s plan for regime change were never fully understood,” the Senate committee said.

Nevertheless, Ghorbanifar’s proposals grew more ambitious — and expensive. A February 2002 memo from Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter Rodman referred to an unnamed foreign government’s support for a Ghorbanifar plan that would cost millions of dollars. A later summary referred to contracts “that would assure oil and gas sales in the event of regime change”. The U.S. ambassador to Italy said that DOD officials “were talking about 25 million for some kind of Iran program.”

After Franklin and Rhode returned from the Rome meetings, the Senate report said, two series of events began to unfold in Washington that were typical of the gamesmanship that plagued the Bush administration’s national security team.

“First,” the report said, “State Department and CIA officials attempted to determine what Mr. Ledeen and the DOD representatives had done in Rome, and second, DOD officials debated the next course of action.”

When the CIA and the State Department discovered that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar were involved, they opposed any further contact with the two. Ledeen’s contacts, the Defense Human Intelligence Service concluded, were “nefarious and unreliable,” the Senate committee reported.

According to the report, Ledeen, however, persisted, presenting then-Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith with a new 100-day plan to provide, among other things, evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that supposedly had been moved to Iran — Saddam Hussein’s archenemy. This time, the report said, Ledeen solicited support from former speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich and from three then-GOP senators, Sam Brownback of Kansas, Jon Kyl of Arizona and Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania.

Rhode and Ghorbanifar met again in Paris in June 2003 with at least the tacit approval of an official in Cheney’s office, the Senate report said.

He reported back to officials in the Pentagon and the vice president’s office, but “there is no indication that the information collected during the Paris meeting was shared with the Intelligence Community for a determination of potential intelligence value,” the report said.

McClatchy Newspapers 2008
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