Marrom: Para ser mais do que um acessório aos crimes de guerra
Por Tariq Ali | O poder pode dar forma à “verdade”, mas não para sempre. Aquela é uma lição que poderia ser aprendida da série das derrotas electoral que marcam a extremidade do hegemony weightless do trabalho novo. Há algo grotesque sobre os denunciations diários do marrom pelo núcleo duro Blairites no Parliament e nos seus acolytes dos meios, que expressaram mal uma palavra do criticism enquanto o país foi arrastado em duas guerras e o trabalho novo prettified o Thatcherite social e a agenda econômica, chamando-se agora para a remoção do marrom. Como se suas remoção e recolocação por um Blairite robotic (o sénior, Purnell e, amusingly bastante, mesmo Milburn de Miliband são mencionados nesta consideração) fariam o truque.
Bronzeie foi implicado inteiramente no projeto Labour novo e financiou seu hyper-militarism. É demasiado fraco imitar mesmo Zapatero em Spain e Rudd em Austrália retirando tropas britânicas de Iraq. Instead, um de seus zombis planejou a idéia pathetic de dia armado das forças comemorar o militarism e incentivar school-leavers fazer exame acima de matar estrangeiros como seus assunto principal e graduado ou morrer na universidade do mundo.
O fato é que o tempo do trabalho novo está acima. Quando veio power acenar a união Jack em 1997, a paisagem social tinha sido destruída já por Thatcherism. A arquitetura phallic das companhias financeiras desregularizadas dominou a cidade, gents velhos e suas redes cozy consigned ao clubland. O silicone e as empresa pharmaceutical, financiados por importante japonês e americano e immunized de encontro a um movimento do trade-union, neutralizado pelo estado, sprouted ao longo do sudoeste do corredor M4 de Londres e de leitura.
As cidades velhas de textile foram reduzidas ao status dos cemeteries; o ferro e o steelworks ploughed ao rubble. A classe de funcionamento velha estava inoperante. No transference da riqueza e do poder da classe, o Thatcherism e seus worshippers Labour novos do neocon eram eminente bem sucedidos. Os disparities da riqueza tinham aumentado durante o Blair/anos marrons. Muitas das utilidades dinheiro-starved foundered nas mãos confidenciais. As escolas e os hospitais continuaram a deteriorar-se. Porque o privatization railway provou um disastre, os “radicais Labour novos” estavam pensando de como a “volta da escolha” poderia privatizar a saúde e a instrução.
From the start New Labour was pledged to consolidate the Thatcherite paradigm rather than offer anything different. Blair’s model was to depoliticize Labour (and the electorate) by preaching against the sin of “ideology” (i.e. social democracy) in the name of a new, beyond left-and-right, trendy Starbucks-style capitalism. And so it was decreed that Labour should become little more than a British version of the US Democratic Party with cheerleaders and all, though it is more reminiscent of the Republicans. Domestically, Brown would aim for fiscal-surplus levels usually only demanded of the Third World, to be ameliorated by a few low-cost anti-poverty measures.
While all this was going on there was little opposition within the Labour Party or the major trades unions. As long as they were in power with over-sized, if unrepresentative majorities, the brothers and sisters might grumble a bit in private, but power was what really mattered. Look at them now as they squeal in anguish at the thought that they might lose their jobs. Members of the Cabinet who have helped deregulate the country will find something or the other if the economy doesn’t collapse, but for New Labour cannon-fodder the world outside the bubble offers little hope. It’s too late now. They should accept that the party’s over. Desperate squabbling to retain power at all costs without any political principle involves will not endear them to the electorate and is unrealistic in any case.
As for Gordon Brown, he may be a lame-duck prime minister, but he could still do something decent. After all, he has nothing to lose now except his job. He could withdraw British troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and, like the Irish Republic, permit a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. Worth remembering that Blair’s massive majorities were the product not of voter enthusiasm but of a winner-takes-all electoral system, which helped to mask the collapse of the Conservatives, the country’s historic party of government. The Tory recovery is a sign of how low New Labour has fallen and marks its end.
Brown could push through two constitutional measures badly needed at home: a fully elected second chamber and proportional representation. It might help reverse a growing alienation of the young from the political process. Were he to realize that he owes the country something, he might still make the history books and as more than an accessory to war crimes.
See More:UK NewsHave Your Say: Brown: To Be More Than an Accessory to War Crimes
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This entry was posted on Wednesday, May 28th, 2008 at 10:06 am and is filed under Political News, General . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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