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Bruin: Om meer dan Toebehoren aan de Misdaden van de Oorlog te zijn

Woensdag, 28 Mei, 2008

tariqali.jpgDoor Tariq Ali | De macht kan „waarheid“, maar niet voor ooit gestalte geven. Dat is één les die van de reeks kiesnederlagen zou kunnen worden geleerd die het eind van weightless hegemonie van de Nieuwe Arbeid merken. Er zijn iets grotesk over dagelijkse denunciations van Bruin door harde kern Blairites in het Parlement en hun media akolieten, dat nauwelijks een woord van kritiek uitten aangezien het land in twee oorlogen werd gesleept en de Nieuwe Arbeid de sociale en economische agenda Thatcherite prettified, nu verzoekend de verwijdering van Bruin. Alsof zijn verwijdering en vervanging door een robotachtige Blairite (de oudste Miliband, Purnell en, vermakelijk genoeg, zelfs Milburn worden vermeld in dit verband) de truc zouden doen.

Bruin werd volledig betrokken bij het Nieuwe project van de Arbeid en financierde zijn hyper-militarism. Hij is te zwak Zapatero in Spanje en Rudd in Australië zelfs om na te bootsen door Britse troepen van Irak terug te trekken. In plaats daarvan, bedacht één van zijn zombies het pathetische idee van de Bewapende Dag van Krachten om militarism te vieren en schoolverlaters aan te moedigen om dodende vreemdelingen als hun hoofdonderwerp op te nemen en op de universiteit van de wereld een diploma te behalen of te sterven.

Het feit is dat de tijd van de Nieuwe Arbeid omhoog is. Toen het over macht golvend Union Jack in 1997 kwam, was het sociale landschap reeds gesloopt door Thatcherism. De phallic architectuur van de gedereguleerde financiële bedrijven overheerste de stad, werden oude gents en hun comfortabele netwerken verzonden aan clubland. Silicium en de farmaceutische firma's, die door Japans en Amerikaans kapitaal wordt gefinancierd en die tegen een vakbondsbeweging wordt het geïmmuniseerdr, neutered door de staat, die langs het M4 gangzuidwesten is ontsproten van Londen en Lezing.

De oude textielsteden werden verminderd tot de status van begraafplaatsen; het ijzer en de staalfabrieken waren geploegd aan puin. De oude arbeidersklasse was dood. In transference van klassenrijkdom en macht, waren Thatcherism en zijn worshippers van de neocon Nieuwe Arbeid uitmuntend succesvol. Ongelijkheden van de rijkdom waren tijdens Blair/de Bruine jaren gestegen. Veel van de geld-verhongerde nut waren in privé handen ingestort. De scholen en de ziekenhuizen bleven verslechteren. Aangezien de spoorwegprivatisering een ramp bewees, dacht de Nieuwe Arbeid „basissen“ aan hoe de „revolutie van keus“ gezondheid en onderwijs kon privatiseren.

From the start New Labour was pledged to consolidate the Thatcherite paradigm rather than offer anything different. Blair’s model was to depoliticize Labour (and the electorate) by preaching against the sin of “ideology” (i.e. social democracy) in the name of a new, beyond left-and-right, trendy Starbucks-style capitalism. And so it was decreed that Labour should become little more than a British version of the US Democratic Party with cheerleaders and all, though it is more reminiscent of the Republicans. Domestically, Brown would aim for fiscal-surplus levels usually only demanded of the Third World, to be ameliorated by a few low-cost anti-poverty measures.

While all this was going on there was little opposition within the Labour Party or the major trades unions. As long as they were in power with over-sized, if unrepresentative majorities, the brothers and sisters might grumble a bit in private, but power was what really mattered. Look at them now as they squeal in anguish at the thought that they might lose their jobs. Members of the Cabinet who have helped deregulate the country will find something or the other if the economy doesn’t collapse, but for New Labour cannon-fodder the world outside the bubble offers little hope. It’s too late now. They should accept that the party’s over. Desperate squabbling to retain power at all costs without any political principle involves will not endear them to the electorate and is unrealistic in any case.

As for Gordon Brown, he may be a lame-duck prime minister, but he could still do something decent. After all, he has nothing to lose now except his job. He could withdraw British troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and, like the Irish Republic, permit a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. Worth remembering that Blair’s massive majorities were the product not of voter enthusiasm but of a winner-takes-all electoral system, which helped to mask the collapse of the Conservatives, the country’s historic party of government. The Tory recovery is a sign of how low New Labour has fallen and marks its end.

Brown could push through two constitutional measures badly needed at home: a fully elected second chamber and proportional representation. It might help reverse a growing alienation of the young from the political process. Were he to realize that he owes the country something, he might still make the history books and as more than an accessory to war crimes.

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This entry was posted on Wednesday, May 28th, 2008 at 10:06 am and is filed under Political News, General . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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