Marrón: Para ser más que un accesorio a los crímenes de guerra
Por Tariq Ali | La energía puede formar “verdad”, pero no para siempre. Ésa es una lección que se podría aprender de la serie de derrotas electorales que marcan el extremo de la hegemonía ingrávida del nuevo trabajo. Hay algo grotesco sobre las denuncias diarias del marrón por la base dura Blairites en el parlamento y sus acolytes de los medios, que pronunciaron apenas una palabra de la crítica mientras que el país fue arrastrado en dos guerras y el nuevo trabajo prettified el Thatcherite social y la agenda económica, ahora llamando para el retiro del marrón. Como si su retiro y reemplazo por un Blairite robótico (mencionan el mayor, Purnell y, graciosamente bastante, incluso Milburn de Miliband en este respeto) hicieran el truco.
Broncee fue implicado completamente en el nuevo proyecto de trabajo y financió su hiperactivo-militarismo. Él es demasiado débil incluso mímico Zapatero en España y Rudd en Australia retirando a tropas británicas de Iraq. En lugar, uno de sus zombis ideó la idea pathetic del día armado de las fuerzas de celebrar el militarismo y de animar a school-leavers que tomen a extranjeros de la matanza como su tema principal y graduado o mueran en la universidad del mundo.
El hecho es que el tiempo del nuevo trabajo está para arriba. Cuando vino accionar agitar la unión gato en 1997, el paisaje social había sido arruinado ya por Thatcherism. La arquitectura phallic de las compañías financieras desregularizadas dominó la ciudad, los viejos gents y sus redes acogedoras fueron consignadas al clubland. El silicio y las firmas farmacéuticas, financiados por capital japonés y americano e inmunizados contra un movimiento del sindicato, neutralizado por el estado, brotaron a lo largo del sudoeste del pasillo M4 de Londres y de la lectura.
Las viejas ciudades del textil fueron reducidas al estado de cementerios; el hierro y la acería habían sido arados al escombro. La vieja clase obrera era muerta. En el transference de la abundancia y de la energía de la clase, el Thatcherism y sus devotos de trabajo nuevos del neocon eran eminentemente acertados. Las disparidades de la abundancia habían aumentado durante el Blair/los años marrones. Muchas de las utilidades efectivo-hambrientas se habían derrumbado en manos privadas. Las escuelas y los hospitales continuaron deteriorando. Pues la privatización ferroviaria probó un desastre, los “radicales de trabajo nuevos” pensaban en cómo la “revolución de la opción” podría privatizar salud y la educación.
From the start New Labour was pledged to consolidate the Thatcherite paradigm rather than offer anything different. Blair’s model was to depoliticize Labour (and the electorate) by preaching against the sin of “ideology” (i.e. social democracy) in the name of a new, beyond left-and-right, trendy Starbucks-style capitalism. And so it was decreed that Labour should become little more than a British version of the US Democratic Party with cheerleaders and all, though it is more reminiscent of the Republicans. Domestically, Brown would aim for fiscal-surplus levels usually only demanded of the Third World, to be ameliorated by a few low-cost anti-poverty measures.
While all this was going on there was little opposition within the Labour Party or the major trades unions. As long as they were in power with over-sized, if unrepresentative majorities, the brothers and sisters might grumble a bit in private, but power was what really mattered. Look at them now as they squeal in anguish at the thought that they might lose their jobs. Members of the Cabinet who have helped deregulate the country will find something or the other if the economy doesn’t collapse, but for New Labour cannon-fodder the world outside the bubble offers little hope. It’s too late now. They should accept that the party’s over. Desperate squabbling to retain power at all costs without any political principle involves will not endear them to the electorate and is unrealistic in any case.
As for Gordon Brown, he may be a lame-duck prime minister, but he could still do something decent. After all, he has nothing to lose now except his job. He could withdraw British troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and, like the Irish Republic, permit a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. Worth remembering that Blair’s massive majorities were the product not of voter enthusiasm but of a winner-takes-all electoral system, which helped to mask the collapse of the Conservatives, the country’s historic party of government. The Tory recovery is a sign of how low New Labour has fallen and marks its end.
Brown could push through two constitutional measures badly needed at home: a fully elected second chamber and proportional representation. It might help reverse a growing alienation of the young from the political process. Were he to realize that he owes the country something, he might still make the history books and as more than an accessory to war crimes.
See More:UK NewsHave Your Say: Brown: To Be More Than an Accessory to War Crimes
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This entry was posted on Wednesday, May 28th, 2008 at 10:06 am and is filed under Political News, General . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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