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翻訳しなさい:
              苦悶を禁止することは十分ではない
日曜日、2009年1月25日
ヨルダンPaust著 |か。JURIST? ヒューストン法律相談所の大学のヨルダンPaust JURISTの補助編集員は入会者の実行に条約基づかせていた通常の達成することの国際的な法律上の義務によって苦悶および不人情な質問の禁止している大統領が-高い米国の役人を含んで訴えられる-適度に前に承認の、発注された、扇動されたか、または人間性に対して行われた苦悶および他の戦争犯罪や罪が….彼の政令を追うか、またはすべての人を引き渡すべきであるとBarack Obama言う 2009年1月22日のBarack Obama大統領に統治を委任する正当な質問の保障の政令にことをすべての米国署名した。 従って人の質問は1949年のジュネーブ協定の共通の記事3に反映される条約基づかせていた通常の国際法の下で条件に、少くとも、およびことすべての人従うか。すべての情況で。慈悲深く扱われるか。 順序は目的間に必要性をリストするか。米国の法律が忠実に。実行されること引き留められるかだれが武力紛争で米国の管理の個人と米国の人員の米国の条約の義務の承諾を、ジュネーブ協定を含んで保障し、心配を取ること安全で、正当で、慈悲深い処置を促進するため、か。 さらに、政令はこと個人のすべての質問保証するか。の下の管理ではまたは米国政府の役人、従業員、または他の代理人の有効な制御、または米国の部門か代理店によって、武力紛争で所有されるか、作動するか、または制御される設備の内で引き留められてか。 2006米国に従って行なわれる。 知性コレクションの軍隊分野マニュアル。 分野マニュアルはまた共通の記事3が人間の処置に最低標準を提供するように要求する。 重要なのは巧妙な反対に違法質問の作戦の使用へ軍弁護士によって最終的になったものの、軍マニュアル-プロダクト-、極度な風邪(例えば、冷た細胞)のwaterboarding、犬の使用、および露出している除去人使用およびhoodingのような使用されてはならないリストの特定の作戦決して是認された彼のの間に使用のためのによってブッシュ大統領承認された苦悶、残酷でおよび不人情な処置のすべての作戦か。プログラムか。 のか。堅いか。 よくとり上げられるのの一部とする質問および秘密の延滞か(自体人間性および戦争犯罪に対して罪である)強制消失およびか。統一する公有地か。 plan to deny Geneva law protections and to use and attempt to justify serial and cascading criminality in the form of coercive interrogation. In fact, last summer it was disclosed that such tactics had been addressed and expressly and/or tacitly approved and facilitated during several meetings of the National Security Council?s Principals Committee in the White House during 2002 and 2003 that were attended by Dick Cheney, his lawyer David Addington, Condoleezza Rice, Donald Rumsfeld, George Tenet, John Ashcroft, and others who facilitated their approval and use, including John Yoo. Several lawyers even made a trip to Guantanamo in September 2002 to discuss use of SERE [Survival Evasion Resistance and Escape] tactics and some saw how they were being used against detainees being held in secret detention. In this regard, President Obama?s Order states: ?Executive Order 13440 of July 20, 2007, is revoked. All executive directives, orders, and regulations inconsistent with this order, including but not limited to those issued to or by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from September 11, 2001, to January 20, 2009, concerning detention or the interrogation of detained individuals, are revoked to the extent of their inconsistency with this order.? It would serve transparency and our democratic values to declassify all such directives, orders, and regulations with lawful interrogation tactics and assessments thereof blacked-out if need be, thus leaving for the public eye the unlawful tactics that had been authorized and abetted (since they are unlawful and should never be used again), most of which are known publicly anyway. What President Obama has done is necessary to reassure the world that there is a new U.S. commitment to the rule of law, reaffirm that no one is above the law, and reclaim U.S. respect and integrity. Importantly, what the President has done is necessary under the United States Constitution. Our Constitution requires nothing less than that the President ?take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,? and it has been known since the Founding that such laws include treaty-based and customary international law, such as common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. Indeed, every relevant judicial opinion since the beginning of the United States has recognized that the President and all within the Executive branch are bound by the laws of war, a point famously reaffirmed by President Lincoln?s Attorney General in 1865 while addressing the need to prosecute war crimes and the lack of congressional power to limit the reach of the laws of war. International laws that President Obama must faithfully execute during an armed conflict include common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions as well as all other treaty-based and customary laws of war, the Convention Against Torture, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (which also prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment in all circumstances, including in times of relative peace), and related customary international laws. President Obama?s executive order to replace unlawful authorizations and orders during the Bush Administration with the requirement that such laws be faithfully executed by all U.S. nationals and certain other persons covered by the Order is the constitutionally proper and necessary response. What should ultimately follow is presidential execution of treaty-based and customary international legal obligations to either initiate prosecution of or to extradite all persons who are reasonably accused of having authorized, ordered, abetted, or perpetrated war crimes and/or crimes against humanity. For example, Article 146 of the 1949 Geneva Civilian Convention expressly and unavoidably requires that all Parties ?search for persons alleged to have committed, or to have ordered to be committed, … grave breaches [of the Convention] and shall bring such persons, regardless of their nationality, before its own courts? for ?effective penal sanctions? or, ?if it prefers, … hand such persons over for trial to another High Contracting Party.? The obligation is absolute and applies with respect to alleged perpetrators of any status. As a party to the Geneva Conventions, the United States must either initiate prosecution or extradite to another state or, today, render an accused to the International Criminal Court. ?Grave breaches? of the Convention include ?torture or inhuman treatment? and transfer of a non-prisoner of war from occupied territory. Similarly, Article 7, paragraph 1, of the Convention Against Torture expressly and unavoidably requires that a Party to the treaty ?under whose jurisdiction a person alleged to have committed … [for example, torture or ?complicity or participation in torture?] is found, shall … if it does not extradite him, submit the case to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution.? There are no other alternatives. As documented in a recent draft law review article on ?The Absolute Prohibition of Torture and Necessary and Appropriate Sanctions,? [to be posted soon on SSRN at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1331159] ultimately President Obama can restore the rule of law, bring an end to seven years of impunity, and restore American honor, integrity, and respect only by adherence to the express and unavoidable constitutional duty of the President of the United States to faithfully execute the laws, including relevant international laws requiring prosecution or extradition of criminal accused. It is not a decision for committees, politics, and compromises, but of law. It is not a decision that may be comfortable, but it is one that President Obama must make at this defining moment in our history that follows well-known serial and cascading criminality never before authorized by a President and Vice President. It is a decision that must be made by President Obama as he begins to define his legacy. Jordan J. Paust is the Mike & Teresa Baker Law Center Professor at the University of Houston, a former U.S. Army JAG officer and member of the faculty of the Judge Advocate General?s School. His book, Beyond the Law: The Bush Administration?s Unlawful Responses in the ?War? on Terror, was published by Cambridge University Press. Have Your Say: Banning Torture is Not Enough Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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