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ترجمت:
              ليس يحظر تعذيب كافي
يوم الأحد, يناير - كانون الثّاني [25ث], 2009
بالأردن [بوست] |?قانونية? قانونية يقول يسهم محررة الأردن [بوست] من الجامعة من هيوستون قانون مركز أنّ رئيس [برك] [أبما] سوفت متابعة [إإكسكتيف وردر] ه يحظر تعذيب وإستجواب غيرإنسانيّ ب ينجز [ترت-بسد] و [لغل وبليغأيشن] إعتيادي دوليّة إلى إمّا مدربة مقاضاة من أو أن يسلّم كلّ أشخاص - بما في ذلك عال [أوس] مسؤولات - معقولا يتّهم من يتلقّى سابقا يفوّض, يأمر, يحرّض, أو يرتكب تعذيب وأخرى جريمة حرب [أند/ور] جرائم ضدّ إنسانية…. وقع في يناير - كانون الثّاني 22, 2009, رئيس [برك] [أبما] [إإكسكتيف وردر] على يضمن إستجوابات قانونيّة, ينتدب أنّ كلّ الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة يذعن إستجوابات الأشخاص, في حدّ أدنى, مع المتطلبات تحت [ترت-بسد] وقانون إعتيادي دوليّة يعكس في مادة عاديّة 3 من ال 1949 [جنفا كنفنأيشن] و, لذلك, أنّ كلّ أشخاص? سوفت في كلّ ظروف كنت عاملت بكرم.? يعدّن الأمر بين أغراضه الحاجة? أن يروّج الآمنة, قانونيّة, ومعالجة إنسانيّة من فردات في الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة رعاية ومن الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة مستخدمة الذي يكون احتجزت في نزاعات مسلّحة, أن يضمن إستجابة مع المعاهدة إلتزامات من الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة, بما في ذلك ال [جنفا كنفنأيشن], وأن يأخذ عناية أنّ نفّذت القانون من الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة بإخلاص.? إضافة إلى ذلك, يؤكّد ال [إإكسكتيف وردر] أنّ كلّ إستجوابات من أيّ فردة? في الرعاية أو تحت التحكم فعّالة من ضابطة, موظفة, أو أخرى عاملة من الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة حكومة, أو يحتجز ضمن تسهيل يمتلك, يشغل, أو يضبط بقسم أو وكالة من الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة, في أيّ نزاع مسلّحة? كنت سيوصل وفق ال 2006 الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة جيش مجال دليل استخدام على [إينتلّيجنس كلّكأيشن]. المجال يتطلّب دليل استخدام أيضا أنّ مادة عاديّة 3 سيزوّد حدّ أدنى معيار لمعالجة ال [هومن بينغ]. بأهمّيّة, الدليل استخدام عسكريّة - المنتوج من ماذا أخيرا أصبح معارضة ناجحة بمحاميات عسكريّة إلى إستعمال من غير شرعيّ إستجواب تكتيكات - قائمة ميلان إلى جانب تكتيكات خاصّة أنّ ينبغي أبدا كنت استعملت, مثل [وتربوأردينغ], إستعمال من برد متطرّفة ([إ.غ.], ال [كلد-سلّ]), إستعمال الكلاب, ويجرب أشخاص عارية و [هوودينغ], كلّ تكتيكات من تعذيب, قاسية ومعالجة غيرإنسانيّ أنّ كان فوّضت برئيس بوش لإستعمال أثناء خاصّتي يعترف? برنامج? من? متينة? إستجواب وسر توقيف أو إختفاء قسريّة (أيّ يكون بنفسي جريمة ضدّ إنسانية وجريمة حرب) وكجزء ال [ولّ-دوكمنتد]? عامة, يوحّد? plan to deny Geneva law protections and to use and attempt to justify serial and cascading criminality in the form of coercive interrogation. In fact, last summer it was disclosed that such tactics had been addressed and expressly and/or tacitly approved and facilitated during several meetings of the National Security Council?s Principals Committee in the White House during 2002 and 2003 that were attended by Dick Cheney, his lawyer David Addington, Condoleezza Rice, Donald Rumsfeld, George Tenet, John Ashcroft, and others who facilitated their approval and use, including John Yoo. Several lawyers even made a trip to Guantanamo in September 2002 to discuss use of SERE [Survival Evasion Resistance and Escape] tactics and some saw how they were being used against detainees being held in secret detention. In this regard, President Obama?s Order states: ?Executive Order 13440 of July 20, 2007, is revoked. All executive directives, orders, and regulations inconsistent with this order, including but not limited to those issued to or by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from September 11, 2001, to January 20, 2009, concerning detention or the interrogation of detained individuals, are revoked to the extent of their inconsistency with this order.? It would serve transparency and our democratic values to declassify all such directives, orders, and regulations with lawful interrogation tactics and assessments thereof blacked-out if need be, thus leaving for the public eye the unlawful tactics that had been authorized and abetted (since they are unlawful and should never be used again), most of which are known publicly anyway. What President Obama has done is necessary to reassure the world that there is a new U.S. commitment to the rule of law, reaffirm that no one is above the law, and reclaim U.S. respect and integrity. Importantly, what the President has done is necessary under the United States Constitution. Our Constitution requires nothing less than that the President ?take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,? and it has been known since the Founding that such laws include treaty-based and customary international law, such as common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. Indeed, every relevant judicial opinion since the beginning of the United States has recognized that the President and all within the Executive branch are bound by the laws of war, a point famously reaffirmed by President Lincoln?s Attorney General in 1865 while addressing the need to prosecute war crimes and the lack of congressional power to limit the reach of the laws of war. International laws that President Obama must faithfully execute during an armed conflict include common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions as well as all other treaty-based and customary laws of war, the Convention Against Torture, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (which also prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment in all circumstances, including in times of relative peace), and related customary international laws. President Obama?s executive order to replace unlawful authorizations and orders during the Bush Administration with the requirement that such laws be faithfully executed by all U.S. nationals and certain other persons covered by the Order is the constitutionally proper and necessary response. What should ultimately follow is presidential execution of treaty-based and customary international legal obligations to either initiate prosecution of or to extradite all persons who are reasonably accused of having authorized, ordered, abetted, or perpetrated war crimes and/or crimes against humanity. For example, Article 146 of the 1949 Geneva Civilian Convention expressly and unavoidably requires that all Parties ?search for persons alleged to have committed, or to have ordered to be committed, … grave breaches [of the Convention] and shall bring such persons, regardless of their nationality, before its own courts? for ?effective penal sanctions? or, ?if it prefers, … hand such persons over for trial to another High Contracting Party.? The obligation is absolute and applies with respect to alleged perpetrators of any status. As a party to the Geneva Conventions, the United States must either initiate prosecution or extradite to another state or, today, render an accused to the International Criminal Court. ?Grave breaches? of the Convention include ?torture or inhuman treatment? and transfer of a non-prisoner of war from occupied territory. Similarly, Article 7, paragraph 1, of the Convention Against Torture expressly and unavoidably requires that a Party to the treaty ?under whose jurisdiction a person alleged to have committed … [for example, torture or ?complicity or participation in torture?] is found, shall … if it does not extradite him, submit the case to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution.? There are no other alternatives. As documented in a recent draft law review article on ?The Absolute Prohibition of Torture and Necessary and Appropriate Sanctions,? [to be posted soon on SSRN at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1331159] ultimately President Obama can restore the rule of law, bring an end to seven years of impunity, and restore American honor, integrity, and respect only by adherence to the express and unavoidable constitutional duty of the President of the United States to faithfully execute the laws, including relevant international laws requiring prosecution or extradition of criminal accused. It is not a decision for committees, politics, and compromises, but of law. It is not a decision that may be comfortable, but it is one that President Obama must make at this defining moment in our history that follows well-known serial and cascading criminality never before authorized by a President and Vice President. It is a decision that must be made by President Obama as he begins to define his legacy. Jordan J. Paust is the Mike & Teresa Baker Law Center Professor at the University of Houston, a former U.S. Army JAG officer and member of the faculty of the Judge Advocate General?s School. His book, Beyond the Law: The Bush Administration?s Unlawful Responses in the ?War? on Terror, was published by Cambridge University Press. Have Your Say: Banning Torture is Not Enough Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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