By Stephen Lendman Por Stephen Lendman

Post-9/11, the “war on terror” has been a jihad against Islam, the colonizers v. the colonized, or what Edward Said called “the familiar (America, Europe, us) and the strange (the Orient, East, them).” Dr. Aafia Siddiqui is one of its most tragic, aggrieved, and ravaged victims. Post-9/11, la "guerra contra el terror" ha sido una guerra santa contra el Islam, los colonizadores contra los colonizados, o lo que Edward Said denomina "el familiar (América, Europa, nosotros) y el extraño (Oriente, Oriente, ellos). "Dr. Aafia Siddiqui es uno de sus más trágicos, agraviado, y asolado por las víctimas. Her ordeal continues horrifically. Su calvario continúa horriblemente.

Boston Magazine’s Katherine Oxment asked: “Who’s afraid of Aafia Siddiqui? Boston Magazine Katherine Oxment preguntó: "¿Quién teme al Aafia Siddiqui? She went to MIT and Brandeis, married a (physician, lived in Boston), cared for her children….raised money for charities….did other volunteer work, hosted play groups in her apartment, (is) deeply religious….distribute(d) Korans to inmates in area prisons,” and did nothing out of the ordinary. Ella fue a MIT y Brandeis, se casó con un (médico, vivió en Boston), al cuidado de sus hijos .... Recaudado dinero para organizaciones benéficas .... Que otros trabajos voluntarios, organizó grupos de juego en su apartamento, (es) profundamente religioso .... Distribuir ( d) coranes a los reclusos en cárceles de la zona ", y no hizo nada fuera de lo común. (She) “was a normal woman living a normal American life. (Ella) "era una mujer normal una vida normal de la vida americana. Until the FBI called her a terrorist….a high-profile Al Qaeda operative,” but we’ve seen these charges before, and each time they were bogus. Hasta el FBI llamó a un terrorista .... Un alto perfil operativo de Al Qaeda ", pero que hemos visto estos cargos antes, y cada vez eran falsos. They’re egregiously so against Aafia - a woman guilty only of being Muslim at the wrong time in America or elsewhere if you’re on Washington’s target list. Son tan egregiously contra Aafia - sólo una mujer culpable de ser musulmán en el momento equivocado en Estados Unidos o en otros lugares si usted está en la lista de objetivos de Washington.

Against her and others, no evidence exists so prosecutors invent it. En su contra y otros, no existen pruebas de modo que los fiscales inventar. Most (or key parts) is kept classified, unavailable to the defense, and trials are judicial equivalents of circuses. La mayor parte (o partes clave) se mantiene la clasificación, no a la defensa, y los ensayos son equivalentes judiciales de los circos. Witnesses are enlisted, pressured, coerced, and/or bought off to cooperate. Los testigos son reclutados, presionados, coaccionados, y / o comprar a cooperar. Proceedings are carefully orchestrated. Procedimientos están cuidadosamente orquestada. Due process is effectively denied, and juries are intimidated to convict the innocent for political advantage. El debido proceso se les niega de manera efectiva, y los jurados son intimidados para condenar a los inocentes para beneficio político.

The dominant media cooperate. Los medios de comunicación dominantes cooperar. Using information from Washington Post writer, Douglas Farah, and other sources, writer Lindsey Worth of FMS, Inc. referred to “the mysterious Aafia Siddiqui….allegedly Al Qaeda’s only female leader” in connecting her to “the Al Queda diamond operation” in West Africa. Utilizando la información de Washington Post escritor, Douglas Farah, y de otras fuentes, escritor Lindsey Valor de FMS, Inc. se refiere a "la misteriosa Aafia Siddiqui .... Supuestamente de Al Qaeda de la única mujer líder" en la conexión a "la explotación de diamantes de Al-Qaida "en el África occidental.

The Times Online calls Aafia “Al-Qaeda woman,” and for ABC News she’s “Mata Hari” in a lengthy report featuring unsubstantiated charges against her, including: El Times Online Aafia llamadas "mujeres de Al-Qaeda", y de ABC News que la "Mata Hari" en un extenso informe con infundadas acusaciones en su contra, entre ellos:

– possessing detailed radiological, chemical and biological information, including possessing a liter of cyanide and instructions for a “dirty bomb;” - Poseer detallado radiológicas, químicas y biológicas de información, incluida la posesión de un litro de cianuro y las instrucciones de una "bomba sucia";

– more documents for a mass casualty attack; - Más documentos de una víctima de ataque en masa;

– a list of New York targets, including the Statue of Liberty, Brooklyn Bridge, Empire State Building, Wall Street, and the animal disease center on Plum Island; - Una lista de objetivos de Nueva York, incluyendo la Estatua de la Libertad, Puente de Brooklyn, el Empire State Building, Wall Street, y el centro de las enfermedades animales en Plum Island;

– terrorist recruiting; - La contratación de terroristas;

– possessing excerpts from “The Anarchist’s Arsenal;” - Poseer las citas de "El Anarquista del Arsenal;

– “documents detailing US military assets;” - "Los documentos que se detallan los activos militares de EE.UU.";

– methods of attack by reconnaissance drones, underwater bombs and gliders; and - Los métodos de ataque de aviones teledirigidos de reconocimiento, bajo las bombas y los planeadores, y

– a thumb (or flash) drive packed with emails detailing “specific cells” and planned attacks to carry out. - Un dedo pulgar (o flash) en coche lleno de mensajes de correo electrónico detallando "células específicas" y prevista para llevar a cabo los ataques.

According to the FBI, she is, or was when captured, a potential “treasure trove” of information on terrorist supporters, sympathizers or sleepers in America and overseas. Según el FBI, que es, o cuando fue capturado, una potencial "tesoro" de información sobre terroristas seguidores, simpatizantes o traviesas en los Estados Unidos y el extranjero. CIA officer John Kiriakou said she’s “the most significant capture in five years,” and an unnamed counterterrorism official called her “a very dangerous person, no doubt about it.” Oficial de la CIA John Kiriakou dijo que es "la captura más importante en cinco años," la lucha contra el terrorismo y un oficial no identificado llamó "una persona muy peligrosa, no hay duda."

For Kiriakou, she’sa “radical” involved in planning “a wide variety of different operations (perhaps with WMDs),” including a “possible attempt on the life of the President.” Unnamed sources from three federal agencies accused her of an “ill conceived” and perhaps amateurish plot to “kill all living US presidents,” including Jimmy Carter by poisoning. Para Kiriakou, Es una "radical" que participan en la planificación de "una amplia variedad de operaciones (tal vez con armas de destrucción en masa)", incluyendo un "posible atentado contra la vida del Presidente." Fuentes anónimas de tres agencias federales acusaron de un " mal concebido "y tal vez amateurish complot para" matar a todos los presidentes de EE.UU. de vida ", incluyendo el envenenamiento por Jimmy Carter.

By marriage to his nephew, she’s also reputedly linked to Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the “principal architect of the 9/11 attacks,” according to the 9/11 Commission. Por matrimonio con su sobrino, que es también presumiblemente vinculados a Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, el "principal arquitecto del 9 / 11 ataques," de acuerdo con el 9 / 11 Comisión. He reportedly “gave her up” after capture on March 1, 2003, and shortly thereafter she and her children disappeared. Se dice que "hasta le dio" después de su captura el 1 de marzo de 2003, y poco después ella y sus hijos desaparecidos.

The DOJ also connects her to Adnan El Shukrijumah, another suspected Al Qaeda member “involved in terrorist planning with senior Al Qaeda leaders overseas and across America,” according to John Ashcroft. El Departamento de Justicia también se conecta a Adnan El Shukrijumah, otro miembro de Al Qaeda sospechosos "involucrados en la planificación terrorista con altos dirigentes de Al Qaeda y el extranjero a través de América", de acuerdo a John Ashcroft.

Aafia’s friends and family deny all charges. Aafia de familiares y amigos niegan todos los cargos. They call her an innocent victim of US persecution, and an especially egregious one for being ravaged in detention. Ellos llaman a un inocente víctima de persecución de los EE.UU., y una especialmente graves por ser una asolado en detención. One supporter (Abu Sabaya) said this about the woman he knew: Un defensor (Abu Sabaya) dice esto sobre la mujer que conocía:

“I want you to come to know of the concern and dedication that this woman had for Islam as described by those who knew her - a dedication that was manifested by way of actions that were very simple and easy, yet seldom carried out by those who are able. "Quiero que vengas a conocer la preocupación y dedicación que esta mujer tenía para el Islam, tal como se describe por los que la conocían - una dedicación que se manifiesta por medio de acciones que son muy simples y fáciles, pero rara vez llevado a cabo por aquellos que son capaces.

Those who knew Aafia recall that she was a very small, quiet, polite, and shy woman who was barely noticeable in a gathering. Los que conocían Aafia recordar que era una muy pequeña, tranquila, amable y tímida mujer que fue apenas perceptible en una reunión. However….she would say what (was) needed” when necessary. Sin embargo .... ¿Qué le diría (es) necesaria "cuando sea necesario.

While at MIT, she organized drives to deliver Korans and other Islamic literature to Muslims in local prisons. Mientras que en el MIT, se organizó para entregar unidades de coranes y otros literatura islámica a los musulmanes en las prisiones locales. She was also dedicated to Islam on campus where fellow students described her as soft-spoken, studious, religious, but not extremist or fundamentalist. También fue dedicado al Islam en el campus donde se describen sus compañeros de estudios como de voz suave, estudioso, religioso, pero no extremistas o fundamentalistas. She wrote three instructional guides on the faith. Ella escribió tres guías de instrucción en la fe. More as well on how to run a daw’ah table to provide religious information and training for da’iyas (callers to Islam). Más información y sobre la manera de ejecutar un cuadro daw'ah religiosos para proporcionar información y formación para da'iyas (que llaman al Islam). She wrote: Ella escribió:

“Imagine our humble, but sincere daw’ah effort turning into a major daw’ah movement in this country! "Imaginen nuestra humilde, pero sincero daw'ah esfuerzo se convierta en un gran movimiento daw'ah en este país! Just imagine it! Imagínense que! And us, reaping the reward of everyone who accepts Islam throught this movement (for) years to come. Y nosotros, cosechando la recompensa de todos los que acepta el Islam pensamiento de este movimiento (para) los próximos años. Think and plan big. Pensar y planificar grandes. May Allah give this strength and sincerity to us so that our humble effort continues and expands until America becomes a Muslim land.” Que Alá dé esta fuerza y sinceridad a nosotros para que nuestro humilde esfuerzo continúa y se expande hasta que América se convierta en una tierra musulmana ".

Aafia taught local Muslim children on Sundays, but her greatest passion was to help oppressed Muslims worldwide. Aafia enseñado los niños musulmanes locales los domingos, pero su mayor pasión es ayudar a los musulmanes oprimidos en todo el mundo. She spoke publicly, sent emails, gave slideshow presentations, and raised donations while a student and caring for three young children at home. Habló públicamente, envió correos electrónicos, dieron presentaciones de diapositivas, y planteó las donaciones, mientras que un estudiante y el cuidado de tres niños pequeños en casa.

Because of her faith, activism, and passion for the oppressed, it’s little wonder she was targeted and why Assistant US Attorney Christopher LaVigne called her “a high security risk” despite no evidence to prove it. A causa de su fe, el activismo, y la pasión por los oprimidos, es de extrañar que fue atacado y por qué el Fiscal Auxiliar de EE.UU. Christopher LaVigne llamó "un alto riesgo de seguridad" pese a que no existen pruebas para demostrarlo.

Her Background and What Happened Sus antecedentes y lo que ocurrió

Aafia is a Pakistani national with degrees from MIT and a doctorate in neurocognitive science from Brandeis. Aafia es de nacionalidad pakistaní, con grados desde el MIT y un doctorado en ciencias neurocognitivas de Brandeis. Despite false media reports, she’s not a microbiologist, geneticist or neurologist. A pesar de falsos informes de los medios, ella no es un microbiólogo, un neurólogo o genetista. Nor did her training provide expertise for WMD terrorism. Tampoco su formación para proporcionar conocimientos técnicos terrorismo armas de destrucción en masa. As her lawyer, Elaine Whitfeld Sharp, explains: Como su abogado, Elaine Whitfeld Sharp, explica:

The prosecution claimed “that Aafia was involved in biochemical warfare. La fiscalía alegó que Aafia participó en la guerra bioquímica. She wasn’t taking brain cells and testing how they reacted to gases. Ella no teniendo las células del cerebro y la forma en que reaccionó la prueba a los gases. But there’s all this news in the media about the changing face of Al Qaeda, the neurobiology scare, and now we’ve got this MIT graduate with a Brandeis Ph.D. Pero todo esto no hay noticias en los medios de comunicación sobre el cambio de cara de Al Qaeda, la neurobiología susto, y ahora tenemos este graduado del MIT con un doctorado de Brandeis who’s cooking up all these viruses.” que la cocina de todos estos virus. "

Boston Magazine writer Katherine Ozment explained what Aafia “was actually cooking up” - the simple concept that people learn by imitation. Revista de Boston escritor explicó Katherine Ozment lo Aafia "fue hasta la cocina" - el simple concepto de que las personas aprenden por imitación. To study it, “she devised a computer program and used adult volunteers, who came to her office and watched various objects move randomly across the screen, then reproduced what they recalled. Para estudiarlo ", ella concibió un programa de ordenador utilizado y adultos voluntarios, que llegaron a su oficina y vimos varios objetos se mueven aleatoriamente por la pantalla y, a continuación, se reproduce lo que recuerda. The point was to see how well they retained the information having seen in on the screen.” El punto fue para ver qué tan bien se mantuvo la información en haber visto en la pantalla. "

Brandeis professor of cognitive science Paul DiZio laughed about how this could apply to terrorism. Brandeis profesor de ciencia cognitiva DiZio rió Pablo acerca de cómo podría aplicarse al terrorismo. “I can’t see how it can be applied to anything. "No puedo ver cómo se puede aplicar a cualquier cosa. It’s not applied work. No es el trabajo aplicado. It didn’t have a medical aspect to it. No tenía un aspecto médico a la misma. And, as a computer expert, she was competent. Y, como un equipo de expertos, que era competente. But you know, calling her a mastermind or something (is ludicrous) - I never saw any evidence.” Pero ustedes saben, una llamada de su cerebro o algo (es absurdo) - Nunca he visto ninguna prueba. "

She and her husband (a medical resident at the time at Brigham and Women’s Hospital) used their apartment for a 1999 nonprofit organization they began called the Institute of Islamic Research and Teaching. Ella y su esposo (un médico residente en el momento en el Brigham and Women's Hospital) utiliza su departamento para 1999 una organización sin fines de lucro que comenzó la llamada Instituto Islámico de Investigación y Docencia. It had nothing to do with terrorism. No tiene nada que ver con el terrorismo. According to the neighborhood Mosque’s Imam, Abdullah Faruuq: “What I know of (Aafia) is that she was living here in America, and her organization was for sharing Islamic information with the American people.” Según el imán de la mezquita de barrio, Abdullah Faruuq: "Lo que sé de (Aafia) es que ella estaba viviendo aquí en América, y su organización para el intercambio de información Islámica con el pueblo estadounidense".

Faruuq was impressed with her dedication. Faruuq quedó impresionado con su dedicación. “Aafia was an American girl and a good sister.” She also wanted her husband to use his medical skills to help the less fortunate. "Aafia fue una niña americana y una buena hermana." Ella también quería a su marido para utilizar sus conocimientos médicos para ayudar a los menos afortunados. Despite her devout faith, “there was nothing radical about Siddiqui. A pesar de su devota fe, "no hay nada radical Siddiqui. She just seemed like a very kind person.” Ella sólo me pareció una persona muy amable. "

She’s also a mother of three, and a victim of extreme viciousness in detention. Ella es también madre de tres hijos, y una víctima de la extrema crueldad en la detención. According to her mother, Ismet, she “left the family home in Gulshan-e-lqbal in a taxi on March 30 to catch a flight for Rawalpindi, but never reached the airport.” Inside sources claim she was picked up by intelligence agents en route, and initial reports suggest then handed over to the FBI. Según su madre, Ismet, que "abandonó el hogar familiar en Gulshan-e-lqbal en un taxi el 30 de marzo para tomar un vuelo de Rawalpindi, pero nunca llegaron al aeropuerto." Dentro de las fuentes afirman que fue recogido por agentes de inteligencia en ruta, y los informes iniciales indican a continuación, entregó al FBI.

She was missing for over a year when the agency posted her photographs on its web site. Ella había desaparecido hace más de un año cuando la agencia envió sus fotografías en su sitio web. Shortly afterward, a story was leaked about her involvement in the 2001 Liberian diamond trade with her as an Al Qaeda operative. Poco después, se filtró una historia acerca de su participación en el 2001 con el comercio de diamantes de Liberia como un operativo de Al Qaeda. The family’s attorney, Elaine Whitfield Sharp, called the allegation a blessing in disguise because it placed Aafia in Liberia at a specific time when she can prove she was in Boston that week. El abogado de la familia, Elaine Whitfield Sharp, llamado el alegato una bendición disfrazada, ya que coloca Aafia en Liberia en un momento determinado cuando se pueda probar que en Boston esta semana.

Aafia’s mother says that only days after her daughter’s disappearance a man on motorcycle came to her family home and warned her to say nothing about what happened if she wanted to see Aafia and her grandchildren again. Aafia la madre dice que sólo días después de la desaparición de su hija a un hombre en motocicleta llegó a su casa y advirtió a decir nada sobre lo que pasó si quería ver a sus nietos y Aafia nuevo. She hasn’t since, and according to the Pakistani Urdu press, the family was picked up by local authorities and taken into custody. Ella no ha dado, y según la prensa paquistaní urdu, la familia fue recogida por las autoridades locales y tener en custodia. A government interior ministry spokesman and two unnamed US officials confirmed the report in the press. Un portavoz del ministerio del interior del gobierno y dos funcionarios anónimos EE.UU. confirmó el informe en la prensa. They then retracted their statements, but local Chicago NBC news (based on a Press Trust of India account) reported that Aafia was being interrogated by US intelligence officials. Luego se retractó de sus declaraciones, pero NBC noticias locales de Chicago (Pulse sobre la base de una cuenta de fideicomiso de la India), informó que se estaba Aafia EE.UU. interrogado por oficiales de inteligencia.

At the time, the FBI website stated: “Although the FBI has no information indicating this individual is connected to specific terrorist activities, the FBI would like to locate and question this individual.” The agency knew full well what happened - that Aafia was in secret detention, that her horrific ordeal had begun, and that they and other US authorities were involved. En ese momento, el sitio web del FBI dijo: "Aunque el FBI no tiene información sobre esta persona se conecta a las actividades terroristas, el FBI desea localizar e interrogar a esta persona". El organismo sabe muy bien lo que pasó - que Aafia fue en secretos de detención, que su horrible calvario había comenzado, y que EE.UU. y otras autoridades involucradas.

A Brief Timeline of Affia’s Case Breve Cronología de Affia del asunto

– March 18, 2003: the FBI issues an alert requesting information about Aafia; - 18 de marzo de 2003: el FBI publica un aviso solicitando información acerca de Aafia;

– March 29: UPI reports that the FBI believes Aafia may be an Al Qaeda “fixer,” transferring money to support “terrorist” operations; - 29 de marzo: UPI informa que el FBI considera Aafia puede ser uno de Al Qaeda "fijador", la transferencia de dinero para apoyar a "terroristas" las operaciones;

– March 30: Aafia disappears en route to the airport for a flight to Rawalpindi; - 30 de marzo: Aafia desaparece en el camino al aeropuerto para un vuelo a Rawalpindi;

– April 3: CNN reports that Al Qaeda figure Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (arrested March 1) mentioned Aafia during interrogation; Pakistani authorities deny any knowledge of her whereabouts; - 3 de abril: la CNN informa de que Al-Qaida figura Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (detenido 1 de marzo) durante el interrogatorio mencionado Aafia; autoridades pakistaníes niegan todo conocimiento de su paradero;

– April 4: the FBI denies that it captured and is detaining Aafia; - 4 de abril: el FBI niega que es capturado y detener a Aafia;

– May 26: John Ashcroft and FBI director Robert Mueller cite reports that Al Queda plans an attack on the US in the summer or fall; Aafia is named as an Al Qaeda “operative and facilitator” and is one of seven Al Qaeda members being sought; - 26 de mayo: John Ashcroft y el director del FBI Robert Mueller citar informes de que Al-Qaida planes de un ataque a los EE.UU. en el verano o en otoño; Aafia se llama Al-Qaida como una "y el facilitador" y es uno de los siete miembros de Al Qaeda están buscando ;

– May 28, 2004: Pakistan’s Interior Ministry confirms that Aafia was turned over to US authorities in 2003 after it was unable to establish any links she may have had with Al Qaeda; - 28 de mayo de 2004: Ministerio del Interior de Pakistán confirma que Aafia fue entregado a autoridades de EE.UU. en 2003 después de haber sido incapaz de establecer ningún vínculo que pueda haber tenido con Al-Qaida;

– A 2006 Amnesty International report includes Aafia as one of many of the “disappeared” in the “war on terror;” - Un informe de Amnistía Internacional de 2006 incluye Aafia como uno de muchos de los "desaparecidos" en la "guerra contra el terror";

– A 2007 Ghost Prisoner Human Rights Watch report said that Aafia “may have once been held” in secret CIA detention; - A 2007 Prisionero fantasma informe de Human Rights Watch dice que Aafia "puede tener una vez que se celebraron" en secreto de detención de la CIA;

– A February 2008 Asian Human Rights Commission report said Aafia was brought to Karachi and severely tortured to secure her compliance as a government witness against Khalid Shiekh Mohammed; - Un febrero 2008 Comisión Asiática de Derechos Humanos dijo Aafia informe se señaló a Karachi y gravemente torturado para garantizar su cumplimiento como un testigo del gobierno contra Shiekh Khalid Mohammed;

– July 7, 2008: UK journalist Yvonne Ridley identifies Aafia as “Prisoner 650″ at the US Bagram, Afghanistan torture-prison; - 7 de julio de 2008: Reino Unido periodista Yvonne Ridley Aafia identifica como "El prisionero 650" en los EE.UU. de Bagram, Afganistán tortura prisión;

– July 11: US Lt. Col. Rumi Nielson-Green denies that any women are being held at Bagram; - 11 de julio: EE.UU. teniente coronel Rumi Nielson-Verde niega cualquier mujer que se celebran en Bagram;

– July 31: the FBI tells Aafia’s brother that she’s in US custody; - Julio 31: el FBI le dice el hermano de Aafia que está bajo custodia de los EE.UU.;

– August 4: a DOJ press release says that Afghanistan National Police arrested Aafia in Ghazni on July 17 and that she was wounded the next day while trying to shoot US Army personnel; - 4 de agosto: un comunicado de prensa del Departamento de Justicia dice que la Policía Nacional de Afganistán en Ghazni Aafia detenido el 17 de julio y que fue herida el día siguiente al intentar disparar el personal de Ejército de EE.UU.;

– August 6: US Magistrate Judge Ronald Ellis orders Aafia be held without bail; her court-appointed lawyer, Elizabeth Fink, says charges against her are “absurd;” a bail hearing was set for August 11 and another for August 18 to determine if she should be tried; - 6 de agosto: EE.UU. Magistrado Juez Ronald Ellis Aafia pedidos se celebrará sin fianza, su abogado de oficio, Elizabeth Fink, dice acusación en su contra son "absurdas" una audiencia de libertad bajo fianza se fijó para el 11 de agosto y otro de 18 de agosto para determinar si ella debe ser juzgado;

– August 12: the Washington Pakistani embassy formally requests that Aafia be repatriated to Pakistan; - 12 de agosto: la embajada de Pakistán en Washington solicita formalmente que Aafia ser repatriados a Pakistán;

– August 13: the US military in Afghanistan denies it ever held Aafia in detention and that an unnamed female prisoner was someone else; - 13 de agosto: los EE.UU. militares en Afganistán niega que nunca se celebró en Aafia detención y mujeres sin nombre que un preso fue alguien más;

– September 12: according to a report in MIT’s The Tech, court documents released today indicate that Aafia “was diagnosed with chronic depressive type psychosis;” - 12 de septiembre: de acuerdo con un informe del MIT en la tecnología, los documentos judiciales a conocer hoy indican que Aafia "fue diagnosticada con psicosis crónica de tipo depresivo;

– September 23: Judge Richard Berman enters a “not guilty” plea on behalf of Aafia; she refuses to come to court because doing so requires she be strip-searched; he sets December 17 as the next hearing date to determine her fitness to stand trial; he also sets March 9, 2009 as a tentative trial date; - 23 de septiembre: el Juez Richard Berman entra un "no culpable" en nombre del motivo Aafia, ella se niega a venir a la corte, porque hacerlo exige que se tira-buscado, sino que establece el 17 de diciembre próximo como fecha para la audiencia para determinar su aptitud para el pie juicio, sino que también establece 9 de marzo de 2009 como fecha para el juicio provisional;

– September 29: World Net Daily reports that for the “first time since 9/11, counterterrorism field agents have been authorized to spy on young Muslim men and women - including American citizens - who have traveled to Pakistan without any specific evidence (suggesting) wrongdoing;” - 29 de septiembre: World Net diario informa de que, para la "primera vez desde el 9 / 11, agentes de campo de la lucha contra el terrorismo ha autorizado a espiar a los jóvenes hombres y mujeres musulmanes - entre ellos ciudadanos americanos - que han viajado a Pakistán sin ninguna prueba concreta (sugerir) infractor;

– October 2: Aafia is moved to the Carswell Federal Medical Center, Fort Worth, TX for psychiatric evaluation; in vain, her lawyer pleaded that she not be sent because she urgently needs medical treatment; - 2 de octubre: Aafia se mueve a la Federal Medical Center Carswell, en Fort Worth, TX para evaluación psiquiátrica, en vano, su abogado alegó que no se enviará porque ella necesita urgentemente tratamiento médico;

– October 6: Pakistani senators Mushahid Hussain Syed, Sadia Abbasi Mehmood, and SM Zafar met with Aafia; Faqir Saeed of the Pakistani embassy as well; she tells them of her ordeal - that she was abducted in 2003, given an injection, found herself in a cell, and was forced to sign papers and confess to things she didn’t do; her children’s lives were threatened and she was abused grievously; - 6 de octubre: senadores paquistaníes Mushahid Hussain Syed, Sadia Abbasi Mehmood, y se reunió con SM Zafar Aafia; Faqir Saeed de la embajada de Pakistán y, ella les dice de su calvario - que fue secuestrado en 2003, debido a una inyección, que se encuentra a sí misma en una celda, y fue obligado a firmar documentos y confesar cosas que no hizo; la vida de sus hijos fueron amenazados y maltratados fue gravemente;

– November 17: Judge Richard Berman indicates that a psychiatric evaluation indicates that Aafia is “not competent to proceed as a result of her mental disease, which renders her unable to understand the nature and consequences of the proceedings against her;” - 17 de noviembre: Juez Richard Berman señala que una evaluación psiquiátrica Aafia indica que "no es competente para proceder como consecuencia de su enfermedad mental, que hace que su incapaz de comprender la naturaleza y consecuencias del procedimiento en su contra;

– December 17: the next scheduled date (in New York District Court) to determine if Aafia is fit to stand trial; - 17 de diciembre: la próxima fecha (en el Tribunal de Distrito de Nueva York) Aafia para determinar si es apto para ser sometido a juicio;

– March 9, 2009: the tentative date for Aafia’s trial to begin. - 9 de marzo de 2009: la fecha tentativa para el juicio de Aafia para empezar.

The US Bagram, Afghanistan Torture-Prison Los EE.UU. de Bagram, Afganistán, la prisión de la Tortura

After her abduction, Aafia disappeared into Bagram hell and was known only as “Prisoner 650.” Then later, by released prisoners, as the “Gray Lady of Bagram” because of her screams they heard for years. Después de su secuestro, Aafia desapareció en el infierno de Bagram y fue conocido solamente como "El prisionero 650." Entonces, después, por los prisioneros liberados, como la "Dama Gris de Bagram", debido a que escucharon sus gritos durante años.

At one time, Bagram (north of Kabul at the US air base) held twice as many prisoners as Guantanamo and likely still holds hundreds. En un momento, Bagram (norte de Kabul en la base aérea de los EE.UU.), celebrada el doble de presos de Guantánamo y que aún mantiene a cientos. They’re crammed into wire cages, routinely tortured, forced to sleep on floor mats, and have buckets for latrines, or at least did until recently. Que están apiñadas en jaulas de alambre, sistemáticamente torturados, obligados a dormir en esteras, y cubos de letrinas, o al menos no hasta hace poco. Many prisoners are held secretly, have been there for years, have no access to lawyers, or any knowledge of the allegations against them. Muchos presos se mantienen en secreto, han estado allí durante años, no tienen acceso a abogados, o cualquier conocimiento de las denuncias en su contra. Most, perhaps all, are innocent victims and guilty only of being Muslims at the wrong time in the wrong place. La mayoría, quizá todos, son víctimas inocentes y culpables sólo de los musulmanes en el momento equivocado en el lugar equivocado.

What’s known about Bagram comes from released or transfered prisoners who got access to counsel. ¿Qué sabe acerca de Bagram proviene de liberados o transferidos los presos que tiene acceso a un abogado. In early 2008, The New York Times also reported that the International Committee of the Red Cross filed a confidential complaint with US authorities charging that its detainees were held incommunicado for weeks or months in isolation cells and subjected to cruel treatment (torture) in violation of international law. A principios de 2008, The New York Times informó también de que el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja presentó una denuncia confidencial con autoridades de EE.UU. de que su carga de los detenidos estuvieron incomunicados durante semanas o meses en celdas de aislamiento y sometido a tratos crueles (la tortura) en violación de el derecho internacional.

In February 2005, The London Guardian reported that a prisoner named Mustafa was blindfolded, handcuffed, gagged, and forced to bend down over a table by three US soldiers. En febrero de 2005, El Guardián de Londres informó de que un recluso llamado Mustafa fue vendado, esposado, amordazado, y lo obligaron a inclinarse sobre una mesa de tres soldados de EE.UU.. They then “forcibly rammed a stick up my rectum….I could not stop screaming when this happened.” A continuación "chocó contra un palo la fuerza de mi recto .... No podía dejar de gritar cuando esto ocurrió".

Another case involved Wesam Abdulrahman Ahmed Al Deemawi. Otro caso es el de Wesam Abdulrahman Ahmed Al Deemawi. For over a 40 days, he was threatened with dogs, stripped and photographed “in shameful and obscene positions,” placed in a cage with a hook and hanging rope, and hung on it blindfolded for two days. Durante más de 40 días, fue amenazado con perros, desnudado y fotografiado "en posiciones vergonzosas y obscenas", colocado en una jaula con un gancho y cuerda colgando, y colgaron en él los ojos vendados durante dos días. Both men were never charged and were later released. Tanto los hombres como nunca fueron acusados y posteriormente fueron liberados.

Other prisoners were beaten, chained, hung from the ceiling by their wrists, and subjected to numerous other tortures and indignities - for months or years. Otros prisioneros fueron golpeados, encadenados, colgado del techo por las muñecas, y sometidos a torturas y muchas otras indignidades - durante meses o años. In some cases so horrifically they died. En algunos casos, de modo que murieron horriblemente. Aafia and other women were (and still are) at Bagram and other US torture- prisons (including torture-ships at sea), according to British journalist Yvonne Ridley: “There are many Muslim women in the captivity of American forces and if (people remain) silent, (they’ll) lose their sisters forever.” Some are treated even worse than Aafia. Aafia y otras mujeres fueron (y siguen siendo) en Bagram y otras cárceles de EE.UU. tortura (incluida la tortura, los buques en el mar), según el periodista británico Yvonne Ridley: "Hay muchas mujeres musulmanas en el cautiverio de las fuerzas americanas, y si (las personas siguen siendo) en silencio, (ellos) pierden sus hermanas para siempre. "Algunos son tratados peor que Aafia.

Ridley wrote about Bagram’s “Prisoner 650″ and her ordeal of torture and repeatedly being raped for over four years. Ridley escribió acerca de Bagram de "El prisionero 650" y su calvario de la tortura y de ser violada repetidamente durante más de cuatro años. “The cries of (this) helpless woman echoed (with such torment) in the jail that (it) prompted prisoners to go on hunger strike.” Ridley called her a “gray lady (because) she (was) almost a ghost, a spectre whose cries and screams continue to haunt those who heard her. "Los gritos de (este) se hizo eco de la mujer desamparada (con tal tormento) en la cárcel que (él) pida a los presos en huelga de hambre". Ridley llamó una "dama gris (porque) ella (era) casi un fantasma, un espectro cuyos gritos y gritos seguir acosando a los que escuchó de ella. This would never happen to a Western woman.” It did to Aafia, other Muslim women as well, and their ordeal continues horrifically. Esto nunca pasará con una mujer occidental. "No a Aafia, otras mujeres musulmanas y, además, su calvario continúa horriblemente.

US and International Law on Prisoners of War and Enforced Disappearances EE.UU. y el Derecho Internacional de los prisioneros de guerra y las desapariciones forzadas

US and international law are clear and unequivocal on prisoner detentions and their treatment. EE.UU. y el derecho internacional son claras e inequívocas sobre las detenciones preso y su tratamiento. America under George Bush defiles it, and, given the rogue team he’s assembled, the Obama administration (with or without Guantanamo) promises little or no change. América en el marco de George Bush defiles, y, dada la picaresca que ha montado el equipo, la administración de Obama (con o sin Guantánamo) promete poco o ningún cambio. These practices are grievous crimes of war and against humanity and should never be tolerated against anyone for any reason. Estas prácticas son graves crímenes de guerra y de lesa humanidad y nunca debe ser tolerada en contra de nadie por ninguna razón. Yet they persist. Sin embargo, persisten.

The US War Crimes Act (1996) defines these offenses as grave breaches under the Geneva Conventions (1949) and violations of its Common Article 3. Los EE.UU. la Ley de Crímenes de Guerra (1996) define estos delitos como infracciones graves en virtud de los Convenios de Ginebra (1949) y violaciónes de su artículo 3 común. It states in part: Afirma en parte:

– ….”the following acts are prohibited at any time and in any place….: - .... "Son los siguientes actos prohibidos en todo momento y en cualquier lugar ....:

– violence to life and person (including) murder, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture; - La violencia a la vida y la persona (incluyendo) el asesinato, la mutilación, los tratos crueles y la tortura;

– ….humiliating and degrading treatment;” - .... Los tratos humillantes y degradantes;

– sentencing or executing detainees “without previous judgment pronounced by a regularly constituted court affording all the judicial guarantees….recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples;” and - La ejecución de la condena o detenidos ", sin sentencia previa pronunciada por un tribunal constituido regularmente y que ofrezcan todas las garantías judiciales .... Reconocidas como indispensables por los pueblos civilizados", y

– assuring wounded and sick are (properly) cared for. - Asegurando heridos y los enfermos son (correctamente) atendidos.

The US Army Field Manual 27-10 is also explicit on the rule of law. El Ejército de los EE.UU. Manual de campo 27-10 también se expresa en el Estado de Derecho. It incorporates the Nuremberg Principles prohibiting crimes against humanity, and specifically obligates soldiers to disobey illegal orders or be subject to prosecution under international law. Incorpora los Principios de Nuremberg que prohíbe los crímenes contra la humanidad y, concretamente, obliga a los soldados a desobedecer órdenes ilegales o ser objeto de enjuiciamiento en virtud del derecho internacional. Paragraph 498 states that any person, military or civilian, who commits a crime under international law bears responsibility and may be punished. El párrafo 498 establece que toda persona, militar o civil, que cometa un delito en virtud del derecho internacional es responsable y puede ser castigado. Paragraph 499 defines a “war crime.” Paragraph 509 denies the defense of superior orders in the commission of a crime, and paragraph 510 denies the defense of an “act of state.” Párrafo 499 se define un "crimen de guerra". Párrafo 509 niega la defensa de órdenes superiores en la comisión de un delito, y en el párrafo 510 niega la defensa de un "acto de Estado".

Under Article VI of the Constitution (the supremacy clause), international law is part of domestic law, and US presidents take an oath under Article II, Section 1, Clause 7 to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution….” Further, Article II, Section 3 requires the president to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully exercised.” De conformidad con el artículo VI de la Constitución (cláusula de la supremacía), el derecho internacional es parte del derecho interno, y de los EE.UU. presidentes juramento en virtud del Artículo II, Sección 1, Cláusula 7 a "preservar, proteger y defender la Constitución ...". Además, el artículo II, Sección 3 requiere que el presidente de "tener cuidado de que las leyes se ejerce".

International human rights law also strictly prohibits secret detentions. Internacionales de derechos humanos también prohíbe estrictamente detenciones secretas. Under Principle 6 of the (May 1989) UN Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions: En virtud del Principio 6 (mayo de 1989) Principios relativos a una eficaz prevención e investigación de las ejecuciones extralegales, arbitrarias o sumarias:

“Governments shall ensure that persons deprived of their liberty are (to be) held in officially recognised places of custody, and that accurate information on their custody and whereabouts, including transfers, is made promptly available to their relatives and lawyers or other persons of confidence.” "Los gobiernos deberán velar por que las personas privadas de libertad son (a), que tuvo lugar oficialmente reconocido en los lugares de detención, y que la información precisa sobre su detención y paradero, incluidos los traslados, se haga sin demora a sus familiares y abogados u otras personas de confianza ".

US and international laws leave no ambiguity on torture or its seriousness when practiced. EE.UU. y las leyes internacionales no dejan lugar a la ambigüedad sobre la tortura o de su gravedad, cuando se practica. The (1949) Third Geneva Convention’s Article 13 (on the Treatment of Prisoners of War) states: La (1949) Tercer Convenio de Ginebra del artículo 13 (sobre el trato de los prisioneros de guerra) dice:

Detainees “must at all times be humanely treated. Detenidos "en todo momento deben ser tratados humanamente. Any unlawful act or omission by the Detaining Power causing death or seriously endangering the health of a prisoner of war in its custody is prohibited….(these persons) must at all times be protected, particularly against acts of violence or intimidation….” Cualquier acto ilegal u omisión por la Potencia detenedora causar la muerte o graves que ponen en peligro la salud de un prisionero de guerra bajo su custodia está prohibido .... (Estas personas) en todo momento debe ser protegida, en particular contra los actos de violencia o intimidación ... ".

Third Geneva also prohibits physical or mental torture, all other forms of coercion, collective punishment, corporal punishments, and any type of violence. Tercera Ginebra prohíbe también la tortura física o mental, todas las demás formas de coacción, los castigos colectivos, los castigos corporales, y cualquier tipo de violencia. These acts are “war crimes.” Various other US and international laws also prohibit them, yet they’re official US policy, so far with impunity. Estos actos son "crímenes de guerra." EE.UU. y varias otras leyes internacionales prohíben también ellos, sin embargo, está la política oficial de EE.UU., hasta ahora con impunidad.

In December 1992, the UN General Assembly passed the Declaration on the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance. En diciembre de 1992, la Asamblea General de la ONU aprobó la Declaración sobre la protección de todas las personas contra las desapariciones forzadas. It states that: Afirma que:

“any act of enforced disappearance is an offence to human dignity.” It “places the persons subjected thereto outside the protection of the law and inflicts severe suffering on them and their families. "Todo acto de desaparición forzada constituye un ultraje a la dignidad humana." It "sustrae a la víctima fuera de la protección de la ley y causa graves sufrimientos a ellos ya sus familias. It constitutes a violation of the rules of international law guaranteeing, inter alia (among other things), the right to recognition as a person before the law, the right to liberty and security of the person, and the right not to be subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment….No state shall practice, permit or tolerate enforced disappearances” and must terminate any such acts “in any territory under its jurisdiction.” Such practices are crimes of war and against humanity. Constituye una violación de las normas del derecho internacional que garantizan, entre otras cosas (entre otras cosas), el derecho al reconocimiento como persona ante la ley, el derecho a la libertad ya la seguridad de la persona, y el derecho a no ser sometido a torturas y otros tratos o penas crueles, inhumanos o degradantes o la pena .... No hay estado la práctica, permitir o tolerar las desapariciones forzadas "y debe denunciar este tipo de actos" en cualquier territorio bajo su jurisdicción. "Esas prácticas son crímenes de guerra y de lesa humanidad.

In 2005, the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice (CHR&GJ, New York University School of Law) published a report titled: “Fate and Whereabouts Unknown: Detainees in the “War on Terror.” It presented “factual summaries of (28) individuals who may be in secret (US) detention sites” and included known information about Aafia at the time. En 2005, el Centro para los Derechos Humanos y Justicia Global (CDH y GJ, New York University School of Law) publicó un informe titulado: "suerte y el paradero desconocido: Los detenidos en la" guerra contra el terrorismo. ", Que presenta" un resumen de los hechos (28) personas que puedan verse en secreto (EE.UU.) los lugares de detención "e incluía información sobre Aafia conocido en el momento.

CHR&GJ said enforced disappearances happen “when individuals are deprived of their liberty by state agents and the state fails to provide information about their fate or whereabouts; through these actions, detainees are placed outside the protection of law.” GJ dijo la Comisión de Derechos Humanos y las desapariciones forzadas suceder "cuando las personas son privadas de su libertad por agentes del Estado y el Estado no proporciona información sobre su suerte o paradero, a través de estas acciones, los detenidos son colocados fuera de la protección de la ley".

“Disappearances” include these practices: "Desapariciones" de estas prácticas incluyen:

– individuals (often unidentified) held in secret US-run or controlled “black sites;” - Las personas (a menudo no identificados), celebrada en secreto Estados Unidos de gestión o control "negro sitios;

– individuals in foreign-based sites under US control or direction; - Los individuos en los sitios con base en el extranjero bajo el control o la dirección de EE.UU.;

– individuals “extraordinarily renditioned” to “black” or other sites; and - Las personas "extraordinariamente renditioned" a "negro" o en otros sitios, y

– individuals held in conflict areas and not properly registered and/or identified, such as CIA “ghost prisoners” on US military facilities like at Bagram. - Las personas detenidas en las zonas de conflicto y no debidamente registrados y / o identificados, como la CIA "presos fantasma" en EE.UU. como en las instalaciones militares de Bagram.

United States of America v. Aafia Siddiqui Estados Unidos de América contra Aafia Siddiqui

On September 2, the Justice Department (DOJ) indicted Aafia “for attempting to kill United States Nationals in Afghanistan and Six Additional Charges.” On September 4, she was arraigned before Judge Richard Berman in US District Court for the Southern District of New York. El 2 de septiembre, el Departamento de Justicia (DOJ) Aafia acusados "por intentar matar a nacionales de los Estados Unidos en Afganistán y seis cargos adicionales." El 4 de septiembre, fue acusado ante el juez Richard Berman en el Tribunal de Distrito de EE.UU. para el Distrito Sur de Nueva York .

Michael Garcia, US Attorney for the Southern District of New York, stated (in a September 2 press release) that on July 18, 2008, “a team of United States servicemen and law enforcement officers, and others assisting them, attempted to interview Aafia Siddiqui in Ghazni, Afghanistan, where she had been detained by local police the day before….unbeknownst to the United States interview team, unsecured, behind a curtain — Siddiqui obtained one of the United States Army officer’s M-4 rifles and attempted to fire it, and did fire it, at another United States Army officer and other members of the United States interview team…. Michael García, Fiscal de EE.UU. del Distrito Sur de Nueva York, dijo (2 de septiembre en un comunicado de prensa) que el 18 de julio de 2008, "un equipo de Estados Unidos los militares y los agentes del orden, y ayudar a otros, el intento de entrevistar a Aafia Siddiqui en Ghazni, Afganistán, donde había sido detenido por la policía local el día anterior .... Sin los Estados Unidos para entrevista equipo, sin garantía, detrás de una cortina - Siddiqui obtenido uno de los oficiales del Ejército de los Estados Unidos de fusiles M-4 y tentativa al fuego, y se hizo fuego, a otro oficial de Ejército de los Estados Unidos y otros miembros del equipo de Estados Unidos entrevista ....

Siddiqui then assaulted one of the United States Army interpreters, as he attempted to obtain the M-4 rifle from her. Siddiqui entonces asaltado uno de los intérpretes del Ejército de los Estados Unidos, tal como se trató de obtener la M-4 de su fusil. Siddiqui subsequently assaulted one of the FBI agents and one of the United States Army officers, as they attempted to subdue her.” Siddiqui posteriormente asaltado uno de los agentes del FBI y uno de los oficiales del Ejército de los Estados Unidos, ya que intentó someter a ella. "

Garcia said nothing about years of torture and rape at Bargram or that this frail, weakened, 110 pound woman was confronted by three US Army officers, two FBI agents, and two Army interpreters, yet inexplicably managed to assault three of them, get one of their rifles, open fire at close range, hit no one, and only she was severely wounded. García no dijo nada acerca de años de tortura y violación en Bargram o que este frágil, debilitada, 110 libras mujer se enfrenta a tres oficiales de Ejército de EE.UU., dos agentes del FBI, del Ejército y dos intérpretes, pero inexplicablemente logró asalto tres de ellos, de obtener una sus rifles, abrir fuego a corta distancia, golpear a nadie, y sólo fue gravemente herido. As her attorney put it: Como su abogado dice lo siguiente:

“Picture this woman who is very tiny (and extremely frail and weakened from her ordeal), and ask yourself how she engaged in armed conflict….with six (armed and well-trained) military men, how did this happen? "Imagen de esta mujer que es muy pequeña (y extremadamente frágil y debilitado de su odisea), y te preguntas cómo participan en un conflicto armado .... Con seis (armados y bien entrenados) los militares, ¿cómo pudo suceder esto? And how did she get shot? Y cómo ella disparó? I think you can answer that, can’t you (and question the absurdity of DOJ’s charges against her)? Creo que puedo responder que, no se puede (y lo absurdo de la cuestión del Departamento de Justicia los cargos en su contra)?

Garcia outlined, but didn’t indict, on the above-listed allegations about specific “cells,” handwritten notes about a “mass casualty attack,” constructing “dirty bombs,” and using various devices and means to deliver them. García esbozó, pero no acusar, en la lista anterior, las denuncias concretas acerca de "células", notas manuscritas sobre un "ataque de víctimas en masa," la construcción de "bombas sucias", y utilizando diversos dispositivos y medios para alcanzarlos. It was also alleged that before 9/11 she travelled to Liberia where she was involved in illegal diamond trading to support Al Qaeda and then opened a Baltimore post office box for one of its members. Se alegó también que antes del 9 / 11 viajó a Liberia, donde estuvo involucrado en el comercio de diamantes ilegales en apoyo de Al-Qaida y, a continuación, abrió un apartado de correos de Baltimore para uno de sus miembros. None of these claims are credible or showed up in her indictment. Ninguna de estas afirmaciones son dignas de crédito o apareció en su acusación.

Count One Un conde

Attempted Murder of United States Nationals by obtaining a US Army Officer’s M-4 rifle and attempting to fire and firing it at him, two other US Interview Team members, and repeatedly stating her intent and desire to kill Americans. Intento de asesinato de nacionales de los Estados Unidos mediante la obtención de un oficial de Ejército de EE.UU. de fusil M-4 y tratando de fuego y disparando en él, otros dos miembros del equipo Entrevista EE.UU., y en repetidas ocasiones su intención de declarar y el deseo de matar a los estadounidenses.

Count Two Cuenta Dos

Attempted Murder of United States Officers and Employees in the same manner while they were engaged in and on account of the performance of their official duties. Intento de asesinato de Estados Unidos funcionarios y empleados de la misma forma mientras se dedicaban a la cuenta y en el desempeño de sus funciones oficiales.

Count Three Cuente tres

Armed Assault of United States Officers and Employees in the same manner. Asalto armado de Estados Unidos Funcionarios y Empleados de la misma manera.

Count Four Cuatro contar

Discharge of A Firearm During (a) Crime of Violence as described above. Aprobación de la gestión de un arma de fuego durante (a) Delito de violencia como se ha descrito anteriormente.

Count Five Cuenta Cinco

Assault of United States Officers and Employees as described above. Asalto de los Estados Unidos los funcionarios y empleados, tal como se describe más arriba.

Count Six Seis contar

(Further charges of) Assault of United States Officers and Employees as described above. (Además de los cargos) Asalto de los Estados Unidos los funcionarios y empleados, tal como se describe más arriba.

Count Seven Siete contar

(More charges of) Assault of United States Officers and Employees as described above. (Más de cargos) Asalto de los Estados Unidos los funcionarios y empleados, tal como se describe más arriba.

Aafia’s Deteriorating Health Aafia del deterioro de la salud

In response to British MP Lord Nazir’s letter on Aafia’s whereabouts, US authorities confirmed that she’s incarcerated at Carswell Federal Medical Center, Fort Worth, TX (pursuant to an October 1, 2008 US District Court, NY judicial directive) where she’s undergoing psychiatric evaluation, but not getting desperately needed medical attention. En respuesta al diputado británico Señor Nazir la carta sobre el paradero del Aafia, autoridades de EE.UU. confirmó que está en la cárcel Federal Medical Center Carswell, en Fort Worth, TX (en virtud de un 1 de octubre de 2008 Tribunal de Distrito de EE.UU., NY judiciales Directiva) donde en la evaluación psiquiátrica, pero no necesita desesperadamente conseguir atención médica.

Nazir earlier raised questions about her detention and said “she (was) physically tortured and continuously raped by the officers at the (Bagram) prison” - for over four years. Nazir anteriormente planteado preguntas acerca de su detención y dijo que "ella (se) torturado físicamente y continuamente violadas por los funcionarios de la (Bagram) la cárcel" - durante más de cuatro años. He now wants her immediately released and repatriated to Pakistan after it was learned she’s held on dubious charges plus all the horrific treatment she endured - yet is guilty of nothing. Ahora quiere que ella inmediatamente puesto en libertad y repatriados a Pakistán después de que se supo que la celebrada el dudoso todos los cargos más horrible trato que sufrió - pero es culpable de nada.

Aafia is in deplorable condition and, according to Judge Berman, not in a correct state of mind to stand trial. Aafia está en condiciones deplorables y, de acuerdo con el Magistrado Berman, y no en un correcto estado de ánimo para ser sometido a juicio. On August 7, 2008, Iqbal Haider, Co-chairperson of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) expressed concern about her. El 7 de agosto de 2008, Iqbal Haider, Co-presidente de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos de Pakistán (HRCP) expresó su preocupación por ella. He called it shocking and of grave concern that pictures of her show a beat-up frail and helpless woman, the effects of years of torture, abuse, and continuous rape. Él lo llamó chocante y grave preocupación de que las fotos de su espectáculo un ritmo de mujer frágil y desamparada, los efectos de años de tortura, abuso, violación y continua. There are dark circles under her eyes, a badly repaired broken nose, “made up” teeth and crumbled lips, and overall “a picture of a severely dehydrated, sick person almost as if on the death bed. Hay círculos oscuros bajo los ojos, una nariz rota mal reparadas ", formado por" los dientes y los labios se desmoronó, y, en general, "la imagen de un gravemente deshidratados, enfermo casi como si en el lecho de muerte. It shows the inhumane brutality of an apparently civilised nation by the administration of a country which claims to be much civilised.” En él se muestra la brutalidad inhumana de parecer una nación civilizada por parte de la administración de un país que pretende ser mucho más civilizado ".

According to HRCP and Aafia’s family, her physical condition is deplorable, and she badly needs immediate medical treatment outside the Carswell prison where it’s not given. Según CDHP Aafia y su familia, su condición física es deplorable, y que necesita urgentemente tratamiento médico inmediato fuera de la prisión donde Carswell no es dado. “Her wound was oozing blood,” and her clothes were soaked in it. "Su herida era rezuma sangre", y sus ropas estaban empapadas en ella. Earlier in custody, one of her kidneys was removed, yet her abdominal pain persists. Anteriormente en la custodia, uno de sus riñones fue eliminado, pero persiste su dolor abdominal. She has large stitches down her torso from the surgery, negligently done, and may be suffering from internal bleeding. Ella tiene grandes puntos de sutura en su torso de la cirugía, realizada por negligencia, y puede ser que sufren de hemorragias internas. Her teeth were removed. Sus dientes se han eliminado. Her nose was broken and improperly reset. Su nariz estaba rota y restablecer indebidamente. Her gunshot wound was incompetently dressed, and her overall condition is dire and life-threatening. La herida de bala fue incompetente vestido, y su estado general es grave y potencialmente mortal.

This poor woman was savaged by a criminal state operating outside the law for political advantage. Esta pobre mujer fue por un penal savaged estado al margen de la ley de ventaja política. Her outrageous treatment continues. Su tratamiento continúa indignante. Her son, Ahmed (a US citizen), is being detained in Afghanistan, but the whereabouts of her other two children is unknown. Su hijo, Ahmed (un ciudadano de los EE.UU.), está detenido en Afganistán, pero el paradero de sus otros dos niños se desconoce.

A Final Comment Un comentario final

Post-9/11, the Bush administration: Post-9/11, la administración Bush:

– declared permanent war without cause; - Declaró la guerra permanente, sin causa;

– ravaged Iraq and Afghanistan; - Devastado Iraq y Afganistán;

– incited and/or engaged in other direct and proxy wars; - Incitó y / o que participan en directo y otras guerras;

– militarized the country; - Militarizado el país;

– enacted repressive police state laws; - Promulgado leyes estatales de represión policial;

– trashed the rule of law; - La papelera del Estado de Derecho;

– made human and civil rights a nonstarter; - Con los derechos humanos y civiles una nonstarter;

– defiled every human dignity imaginable; - Manchado la dignidad humana, todos los imaginables;

– institutionalized illegal spying and electoral theft; - Institucionalizado el espionaje ilegal y robo electoral;

– made torture official US policy; - Con la tortura oficial de la política de los EE.UU.;

– criminalized dissent; - Criminalizada la disidencia;

– waged war on working Americans; - La guerra americanos en el trabajo;

– engineered the largest ever wealth transfer to the rich; - Ingeniería de la mayor transferencia de riqueza a los ricos;

– turned government into a crime syndicate; - Convertido en un crimen de gobierno del sindicato;

– looted the national treasury; - Saquearon el tesoro nacional;

– bankrupted the nation; - La quiebra de la nación;

– criminally defrauded the public; and - Penalmente defraudado al público, y

– waged a global jihad against Islam. - Libró una jihad global contra el Islam.

Aafia is one of its most aggrieved. Aafia es uno de los más perjudicados. She’s been destroyed physically and emotionally. Ha sido destruidos físicamente y emocionalmente. Her former being no longer exists. Su ex se ha dejado de existir. Her survival is in jeopardy, yet she remains incarcerated, has been indicted, will be tried, likely convicted, and may spend the rest of her life in prison. Su supervivencia está en peligro, pero sigue encarcelado, ha sido acusado, será juzgado, condenado probable, y puede pasar el resto de su vida en prisión. And for what? ¿Y para qué? For her faith, devoutness, ethnicity, humble charity, all at the wrong time in America. Por su fe, devoción, la etnia, la humilde caridad, todos en el momento equivocado en los Estados Unidos. The message to everyone is clear. El mensaje está claro para todo el mundo. We’re all Aafia Siddiquis. Estamos todos Aafia Siddiquis.

Climate Change Action Acción contra el Cambio Climático

When the Camp for Climate Action rolled into Kingsnorth this year even veterans where suprised by the over the top policing. Cuando el campamento de Acción Climática para el laminado en Kingsnorth de este año, incluso los veteranos que sorprendido por la policía sobre la parte superior. Being searched–often illigally-two or three times before getting onto site was quite common. Objeto de la búsqueda-a menudo-illigally dos o tres veces antes de llegar al sitio era bastante común. This despite the history of the camp as a place of education, sustainable living which eschews physical violence…and our open meeting with our minutes online. Esto a pesar de la historia del campamento como un lugar de educación, un modo de vida sostenible, que evite la violencia física ... y nuestra reunión abierta con los minutos en línea. It was quite clear that political policing to clamp down on the energy of a growing social movement was what we where seeing. Es evidente que la policía política para poner freno a la energía de un creciente movimiento social es lo que estamos viendo.

Despite this many in the media had no problem with reporting police claims of a weapons stash–it turns out that at the end of the operation no weapons where recorded in the list of confiscatred materials. A pesar de ello muchos de los medios de comunicación no tiene problemas con la presentación de informes de policía reivindicaciones de un alijo de armas, resulta que al final de la operación sin armas, donde registró en la lista de confiscatred materiales.

Now it turns out that the Ahora resulta que el ‘70 injuries’ being reported by the police do not exist 70 heridos "registrados por la policía no existen , and those injuries that did occur where due to mosquito bites and toothache! You cant make this stuff up. The Lib Dems brought this to light using a freedom of information request.

The Home Office has now admitted that the protesters had not been responsible for any injuries. In a three-line written answer to a parliamentary question, the Home Office minister Vernon Coaker wrote to the Lib Dem justice spokesman, David Howarth, saying: “Kent police have informed the Home Office that there were no recorded injuries sustained as a result of direct contact with the protesters.”

Only four of the 12 reportable injuries involved any contact with protesters at all and all were at the lowest level of seriousness with no further action taken.

I am increasingly impressed by the Lib Dem line on climate change. It seems that if there is any climate change event the Lib Dems are likely to be representing and certainly seem to be making it a key priority for the party.

Norman Baker, the Lib Dem MP for Lewes, who had called previously for an investigation of police tactics, said: “I personally witnessed unnecessarily aggressive policing, unprovoked violence against peaceful protesters, an extraordinary number of police on site, and tactics such as confiscating toilet rolls, board games and clown costumes from what I saw to be peaceful demonstrators.”

Lib Dem justice spokesman made it clear why he thought the policing was so heavy:

Howarth said: “That the minister could defend as ‘proportionate’ a £5.9m policing operation in which there was not a single injury to police officers caused by the protesters beggars belief. The threat posed by environmental direct action is being systematically overblown by both the government and the police.

“I hope the government and the police will now stop trying to portray peaceful protesters as somehow equivalent to terrorists or violent extremists. In light of this new evidence, one has to ask, were climate campers so heavily policed because they posed any genuine threat of violence, or because they posed a challenge to government policy?”

Nick Thorpe, a spokesman for the climate camp, said: “Policing of peaceful protest has become increasingly heavy-handed. We saw thousands of officers swarming around a legal camp in a colossal waste of public money. The police and the government claimed there was a ‘violent minority’ of protesters but this Home Office admission reveals this as a complete fiction.”

Emad Erian, Translated By Mahitab Adham ( Edited by Sonia Mladin)

Bush repeated more than a thousand lies in order to invade Iraq. 10 December 2008

Two years ago according to the Muslim calendar, the ex-president of the US George Bush selected the morning of the Greater Bairam to execute the deceased Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, which was an outrageous insult to the Muslims and their feelings. In the same manner, Bush selected the Greater Bairam eve this year to inflame the Muslims’ rage and resentment through his irritating avowals of the war on Iraq and the invasion of its territories in 2003. These declarations indeed call for his trial as a war criminal and a direct apology to the betrayed president Saddam Hussein.

As these announcements are very important, we summarize them again as follows:
During the last week, Bush confirmed that the whole Iraq war was based on deceptive information from the FBI about having weapons of mass destruction. Since there is no proof that Sadam possessed this kind of weapons, Bush owes him an apology for the war!

Few days after those statements, Bush shocked the world again through announcements that had the same seriousness and led to the same irritation as the previous ones: he confirmed that Saddam Hussein had no relation with Al Qaeda organization and that the invasion of Iraq was not related to terrorism, but it happened because Iraq is considered dangerous for the neighbors and the international society!

In fact, Bush cannot escape those clear lies and serious declarations. If Saddam Hussein didn’t have any relations with terrorism nor with Al Qaeda and if Iraq did not possess weapons of mass destruction during his reign, how could we say that Saddam is considered dangerous for the neighbors and the international society?! Bush’s announcements and declarations are indeed a confirmation of previous accusations from American and universal foundations and organizations: he fell into a pack of lies when he propagated the Iraq war. The most important accusation was an American study affirming that Bush reiterated more than a thousand lies in order to invade Iraq.

Bush’s announcements add nothing new to previous facts, which were also stated by considerable European capitals that participated in the invasion of Iraq like London - the Iraq war was nothing but a big lie and those announcements are based on deceptive and biased information. Despite that, the declarations of the US president who is ready for night to come, are a clear evidence for his conviction according to the rule of law that says: “Confession is the Master of Evidences.” Thereby, we are now confronted with a clear and complete crime, a crime of fighting a war without any legal or ethical proofs, a crime of kindling fires in a region that is secure or is destined for stability, a crime of killing, destroying and dividing a country, plundering its wealth and eliminating its power, a crime of killing, disfiguring and dislodging millions of its people and driving them into an unknown future.

Since there is no crime without punishment, we are now confronted with a stage that requires George W. Bush’s trial for committing war crimes. Thus, all of the parties involved must move immediately towards this trend, especially the League of Arab States, the Islamic Convention Organization and the UN, combined with the organizations of civil society inside and outside the Arab nation. In fact, the UN has an integral file to convict that man for his crimes. And even if the interests, the political conditions and the US power hindered Bush’s conviction, the UN should make at least a serious step in order to fulfill its responsibilities and to have the honor for at least attempting to succeed!

Egypt - Al Ahram - Original Article (Arabic) ;
http://www.ahram.org.eg/archive/Index.asp?CurFN=amod2.htm&DI
D=9792

BAGHDAD (AFP) - US President George W. Bush said during a surprise visit to Baghdad on Sunday that the American intervention in Iraq had been difficult but “necessary.”

“The work hasn’t been easy but it’s been necessary for American security, Iraqi hope and world peace,” Bush said at a meeting with his Iraqi counterpart Jalal Talabani.

Bush, who is due to leave office next month, ordered the US-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 that toppled Saddam Hussein but triggered years of deadly insurgency and sectarian violence.

“I’m so grateful that I’ve had a chance to come back to Iraq before my presidency ends,” said Bush, on his fourth visit to Iraq since the ousting of Saddam.

Bush described the US-Iraq security accord that calls for the withdrawal of US troops by the end of 2011 a “reminder of our friendship and a way forward to help the Iraqis to realise the blessings of a free society”.

Talabani, a Kurd who fought Saddam’s regime, called Bush “a great friend for the Iraqi people, who helped us liberate our country”.

WHEN Peter Collins expressed his disgust in the Echo at the presence of armed police upon the streets of Cardiff, I suspect his views mirrored those of many readers following the inquest verdict upon the tragic killing of Jean Charles de Menezes, who was gunned down in London by the Metropolitan Police.

This unarmed and innocent man was making his way to work when officers fired no less than seven bullets into his head.

Naively, when it was announced that a jury inquest would take place to determine the reasons for his death, I thought that justice would prevail and mete out retribution to those who were responsible.

But this was not the case.

Instead, the coroner did not allow the jury freedom to record a verdict.

He directed that they could only return an open one or, quite amazingly, one of lawful killing.

When they returned the latter, it let the police so far off the hook that I would now fear being in the vicinity of an armed constable far more than being close to a tooled-up hoodlum.

On the basis of the de Menezes verdict, policemen would appear to be inviolate.

Further, why bother to appoint a jury in such cases if the coroner does not allow them freedom of choice when reaching a verdict?

This case demonstrates that the law is still the proverbial ass.

Bill Julian Llanishen, Cardiff

They could have given the loan on the condition that the automakers build cars that reduce global warming.

They could have given the loan on the condition that the automakers withdraw their many lawsuits against state governments in their attempts to not comply with our environmental laws.

They could have given the loan on the condition that the management team which drove these once-great manufacturers into the ground resign and be replaced with a team who understands the transportation needs of the 21st century.

Yes, they could have given the loan for any of these reasons because, in the end, to lose our manufacturing infrastructure and throw 3 million people out of work would be a catastrophe.

But instead, the Senate said, we’ll give you the loan only if the factory workers take a $20 an hour cut in wages, pension and health care. That’s right. After giving BILLIONS to Wall Street hucksters and criminal investment bankers — billions with no strings attached and, as we have since learned, no oversight whatsoever — the Senate decided it is more important to break a union, more important to throw middle class wage earners into the ranks of the working poor than to prevent the total collapse of industrial America.

We have a little more than a month to go of this madness. As I sit here in Michigan today, tens of thousands of hard working, honest, decent Americans do not believe they can make it to January 20th. The malaise here is astounding. Why must they suffer because of the mistakes of every CEO from Roger Smith to Rick Wagoner? Make management and the boards of directors and the shareholders pay for this.

Of course that is heresy to the 31 Republicans who decided to blame the poor, miserable autoworkers for this mess. And our wonderful media complied with their spin on the morning news shows: “UAW Refuses to Give Concessions Killing Auto Bailout Bill.” In fact the UAW has given concession after concession, reduced their benefits, agreed to get rid of the Jobs Bank and agreed to make it harder for their retirees to live from week to week. Yes! That’s what we need to do! It’s the Jobs Bank and the old people who have led the nation to economic ruin!

But even doing all that wasn’t enough to satisfy the bastard Republicans. These Senate vampires wanted blood. Blue collar blood. You see, they weren’t opposed to the bailout because they believed in the free market or capitalism. No, they were opposed to the bailout because they’re opposed to workers making a decent wage. In their rage, they were driven to destroy the backbone of this country, not because the UAW hadn’t given back enough, but because the UAW hadn’t given up.

It appears that the sitting President has been looking for a way to end his reign by one magnanimous act, just like a warlord on his feast day. He will put his finger in the dyke, and the fragile mess of an auto industry will eke through the next few months.

That will give the Senate enough time to demand that the bankers and investment sharks who’ve already swiped nearly half of the $700 billion gift a chance to make the offer of cutting their pay.

Fat chance.

Military prosecutors have withdrawn a government witness in an upcoming Guantanamo war-crimes trial to conceal evidence of “abuse and mistreatment” of the defendant, his Pentagon-appointed lawyer alleged Sunday.

The witness, a US agent whose identity is protected, was scheduled to testify that Canadian-born Omar Khadr — charged with killing a US soldier — made a self-incriminating statement during a December 2004 interrogation, said Navy Lt. Cmdr. William Kuebler, who represents Khadr.

The defense says the statement was extracted by coercion, an example of the kinds of abuse Khadr has endured since he became a prisoner in 2002.

Military officials did not immediately respond to calls and e-mails for comment.

Prosecutors dropped the witness and the incriminating statement to block any discussion of abuse, the attorney said.

“They will argue that since they are not relying on the December 2004 statement, we do not need to introduce evidence bearing Omar’s mistreatment between February 2003 and December 2004,” Kuebler said Sunday. “Some of the most brutal treatment of Omar stems from this time.”

Khadr’s defense team says he endured isolation, stress positions and sleep deprivation to soften him up for interrogators at Guantanamo Bay.

Khadr was 15 when he allegedly killed Delta Force soldier Chris Speer of Albuquerque, New Mexico, with a grenade during a firefight in Afghanistan 2002. The son of an al-Qaida figure, Khadr was seriously wounded in the battle.

A pretrial hearing is scheduled for Friday, and Khadr’s war-crimes trial is set for late January. He faces life in prison.

But President-elect Barack Obama has raised doubt about the future of the war-crimes tribunals at the remote naval station in Cuba. Obama has pledged to close the military prison, though he has not yet revealed how he will handle prosecuting the terror suspects housed there.

Critics say the tribunal system is too political and allows coerced statements and hearsay as evidence.

AP News

The social rebellion in Greece contains all the explosive potential for a revolution. But an insurrection alone is not a revolution. Now more than ever discipline is needed to keep the struggle going and intensifying — not the discipline of waiting but the discipline of acting, the discipline it takes to step up the struggle faster than the authorities are able to control.

By Kevin S

There is no denying the tragedy of the violence in Greece, especially the murders by the State’s police forces and their “citizen” allies, but also of all violence which is never pretty except in some illusions. But all the same, this is probably the best and most important news for us since May 1968. It is especially good news after our public discredit in the US during the convention protests. This insurrection makes anarchism an internationally important social and political movement again. Not to say that in itself it will lead to anarchism becoming a popular movement elsewhere, but at least it does not end in public humiliation whereas it does demonstrate the power of a popular anarchist movement to resist the bourgeois State. Still, it is worth making a few more critical notes.

The social rebellion in Greece contains all the explosive potential for a revolution. But an insurrection alone is not a revolution. Now more than ever discipline is needed to keep the struggle going and intensifying — not the discipline of waiting but the discipline of acting , the discipline it takes to step up the struggle faster than the authorities are able to control. More than that, it requires a more definite social content than fighting police and ransacking banks. Insurrections that fail to deepen and intensify inevitably become defensive, then either are defeated by the State or simply fade out. Without discipline and direction, this rebellion will fail to deepen and intensify. By deepening, I mean moving from only immediately fighting the police and State forces to seizing capitalist and State property, as well the need for social self-organizing of the people, more specifically of the rebellious workers and anti-authoritarian students. That is how this uprising can become a revolutionary struggle.

The anarchists and the rebellious people of Greece have shown they know how to fight, that they know how to agitate and organize well enough to effectively resist the State. It is unlikely that even their best efforts will lead to a complete revolution, but with disciplined, concerted effort they could make some real revolutionary conquests. Furthermore, the uprisings in Greece point the way to wider anarchist agitation and involvement in popular social struggles to resist the oppressive apparatus of the State. Anarchist groups and organizations should openly support the rebellion in Greece and make every effort to equal the achievements of our Greek comrades. At the same time, all must be wary of the old mistake of substituting riot for revolution, the past failure of our movement of letting confusion and disorganization prevent us from being at the front of social struggles and turning rebellion into social revolution.

By Por Sandra Laville | The moment the family of Jean Charles de Menezes attempted to force their way past a group of private security guards into the inquest courtroom marked the lowest point in a multi-million pound hearing into the fatal shooting of an innocent man by the Metropolitan police .

Any semblance of trust between the relatives and the establishment, in the person of the coroner and the court, dissolved into a volley of recriminations and accusations after Sir Michael Wright made a series of decisions that made the family question the openness and impartiality of proceedings.

The dramatic scenes, which can only now be reported after the lifting of a media gagging order imposed by Wright, came on December 5, one hour before jurors were sent out to begin their deliberations on a verdict.

After two IPCC investigations into the shooting of the innocent Brazilian man and a crown court trial, the hopes of the family were high that the inquest, held in the surroundings of the Oval cricket ground amid much publicity, would establish the facts of the fatal shooting and come to a verdict that accurately represented the events of the day.

What they wanted, the relatives said, was some sort of accountability. What they believe they were given was a slanted inquiry, held back by the restrictions on the verdict imposed by the coroner. They believe he forced the jury into a corner, withdrawing any freedom to return a critical narrative on the shooting or to find unlawful killing - either on the grounds that an individual or individuals had committed murder or manslaughter.

These decisions began a week of escalating tension that exploded into open hostility between the family and the court and resulted in the relatives withdrawing their legal team and their cooperation.

“It is increasingly clear in the last week that the coroner’s impartiality has simply disappeared,” said Jasmin Khan of the Justice4Jean campaign. “That is one of the reasons why the family felt they had no choice but to withdraw their cooperation.”

The relatives had hoped the jury would be told of their decision to withdraw before they retired to consider their verdicts, but the barristers for the police and the coroner agreed that only the blandest of statements about the absence of the family’s legal team could be given to the jury.

“The less said the better,” said Richard Horwell QC, representing the commissioner of the Met.

The coroner had earlier ordered the public and the media to leave the courtroom while he completed his summing up to the jury last week, giving no reason except to say he had reached a “sensitive” point in the hearing.

When the public refused amid repeated requests for clarification of his ruling, there was a standoff for an hour and 40 minutes. The public refused to leave and the coroner refused to return to court.

At one point the team of bouncers with walkie-talkie microphones on their shirt cuffs who had been hired to provide security at the inquest were seen huddling in a corner. “We can’t use violence, that’s clear,” one was overheard saying.

Eventually the coroner’s orders were upheld and the public, including supporters of the family, left the court.

The relatives were held back by security guards and kept out of the courtroom while barristers, police and the coroner filed in. Having lost all faith that those inside would honour the principle that “justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done”, they attempted to storm into the courtroom.

Today, although the hearing is over and the verdict delivered, the accusations, bitterness and recriminations continue from those who believe that the inquest was never an open, impartial examination of the facts.

By Stephen Lendman |

Irving Fisher (1867 - 1947) was perhaps the most noted economist of his day. The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics calls him “one of America’s greatest mathematical economists and one of” its clearest writers. He earned special acclaim for his work on monetary and statistical theory, policy, index numbers, econometrics, and the distinction between real and nominal interest rates.

He’s also remembered for having made one of the worst and most ill-timed ever stock market calls that cost him his reputation and millions in the subsequent crash - on October 17, 1929 (a week before Black Thursday) when he said “stock prices had reached what looks like a permanently high plateau.”

He made the call in a climate much like mid-2007 - one of economic growth and easy credit producing speculative excess, bubbles, and the belief that good times would continue unabated. They didn’t then and never do but only in hindsight are those lessons learned.

Investors forget what Keynes once taught when he said: “Speculators may do no harm as bubbles on a steady stream of enterprise. But the position is serious when enterprise become the bubble on a whirlwind of speculation. When the capital development of a country becomes a by-product of the activities of a casino, the job is likely to be ill-done.” So it was in the 1920s, in the 1990s, and post-2000, but even Keynes was wrong in 1927 when he said: “We will not have any more crashes in our time.”

After the 1929 crash and deepening downturn, Fisher analyzed what happened and in 1933 wrote his “Debt-Deflation Theory of Great Depressions.” It raised disturbing questions about the roles of the Fed, Wall Street and Washington, and, as a result, was largely ignored. Given the book’s relevance today, this article reviews the most significant of his “49 tentative conclusions.”

He believed two major factors cause depression - excess debt (based on easy credit and loose lending practices) and deflation, especially in combination. Others also affect business cycles, but they’re secondary to the main ones.

Financial expert and investor safety advocate Martin Weiss recalls what his father, Irving, taught. He lived through the 1920s, the 1929 crash, and Great Depression and tracked data as it was released “to figure out what might happen next. (He) was an analyst and that was (his) job.”

“Years later economists like Milton Friedman and (his) young friend Alan Greenspan (tried) to decipher what went wrong. They concluded that it was mostly the government’s fault, especially the Federal Reserve. They developed the theory that the next time we’re on the brink of depression, the government has got to step in and nip it in the bud. Bah! Those guys weren’t back there back then (like Irving was).”

He “saw exactly what the Fed was doing in the 1930s: They did everything in their power to stop the panic. They coddled the banks. They pumped in billions of dollars. But it was no use. They eventually figured out they were just throwing good money after bad. The real roots of the 1930s bust were in the 1920s boom. That’s when the Fed gave (loads of) cheap money to the banks.” They loaned it to brokers who loaned it to speculators, and a bubble was created and imploded.

“In 1929, our economy was a house of cards. It didn’t matter which cards we propped up or which ones we let fail. We obviously couldn’t save them all. So no matter what we did,” and the longer we denied reality, “the worse it was for everyone. The sooner we accepted it, the sooner” a real recovery was possible. Fisher understood it also and wrote about it in his book.

Besides the early years of the Great Depression (before its full impact or length could be known), he used the Panic of 1837 as an example. It was caused by heavy demand for loans to buy land, build businesses, and invest in the country’s development. Prices began rising, economic strains built up, and a speculative bubble developed that burst in New York on May 10 when every bank stopped payment in specie (gold or silver coinage). A five year depression followed. Many banks failed, and unemployment soared to record levels.

Andrew Jackson was blamed for requiring that gold and silver currency (not fiat paper) be used to pay for government land. Also for not renewing the Second Bank of the United States charter and withdrawing government funds from the bank. Most historians believe it but more recent scholarship cites other causes instead. What’s not disputed was the speculative excess that came to a painful end.

The Panic of 1857 ended the boom years following the 1846 - 1848 Mexican War. It gave America undisputed control of Texas, established the US - Mexican border at the Rio Grande River, seized the present-day states of California, Nevada, Utah, and parts of Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, and Wyoming, and opened this vast new area to speculation and development. Much of it was to expand railroads. It proved unsustainable and led to crisis.

The failure of the New York branch of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Co. was the proximate cause. It ignited panic as a result of massive embezzlement and heavy losses on depreciated railroad investments. Eroded public confidence took over, setting off a chain of events as follows:

– investment money dried up;

– British investors pulled out of American banks because of fears of their unsoundness;

– grain prices fell and heavily impacted rural areas;

– inventories piled up in warehouses;

– massive layoffs followed;

– railroads failed because of over-building;

– 5000 businesses failed within a year; and

– land prices collapsed ruining thousands of investors.

A further blow was losing 30,000 pounds of San Francisco Mint gold at sea intended for eastern banks. Confidence eroded further in the government’s ability to back paper currency with specie. In October, a bank holiday in New England and New York failed to avert runs in the states. Panic spread to Europe, South America and Asia and, while brief, didn’t fully abate until the 1861 War Between the States (the American Civil War).

The Panic of 1873 (near the onset of the Gilded Age) was called “the real Great Depression” by some. It began eight years after war ended and started a six-year depression until 1879. It was triggered by the Vienna Stock Exchange crash in May (the so-called Grunderkrach or “founders’ crash”), then spread to America in the fall.

The key event was the failure of Jay Cooke and Company, the nation’s preeminent investment bank, the principal backer of the Northern Pacific Railroad, and holder of most government wartime loans. It triggered a series of events that followed.

The New York Stock Exchange closed for 10 days. Credit dried up. Banks demanded payment of their loans. Investors rushed to sell stocks. Foreclosures increased, many banks failed and most major railroads. Factories then closed, unemployment soared, and many reasons were cited as the cause - post-war frenetic growth, unregulated speculative abuse, and the extreme overbuilding of the railroads causing panic and depression.

Another factor was also involved. Like today’s Wall Street banks, the railroads crafted complex financial instruments promising a fixed return. Few investors understood them or that in case of default they’d get nothing. Initially the bonds sold well, but fell after 1871 when investors doubted their value. As prices weakened, railroads assumed short-term bank loans to keep expanding. When rates skyrocketed in 1873, they were in trouble, and when Jay Cooke (in September) defaulted on his debt the stock market crashed. Hundreds of banks failed, the panic continued for five years and even longer in Europe.

What harmed the public, banks, and railroads created opportunity for well capitalized industrialists like Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Cyrus McCormick. It let them buy assets at fire-sale prices, began the so-called Gilded Age, and triggered the onset of powerful business concentration.

Small factories and businesses were out of luck. Many shut down. Tens of thousands of workers lost jobs. Unemployment in New York alone reached 25%. Workers demonstrated in Boston, New York, Chicago and elsewhere demanding work, and some of the most violent strikes in American history followed. One was a nationwide railroad action in 1877 in which mobs destroyed hubs in Pittsburgh, Chicago, and Cumberland, MD. Times were even harder in Central and Eastern Europe and lasted longer.

The panic of 1893 caused another depression until 1897 that according to some was as severe or worse than the 1873 crisis. Various factors were blamed - railroad overbuilding, shaky financing, the usual kinds of speculation, and a run on the gold supply among others.

In early May, the New York stock market fell sharply and crashed by late June. A severe credit crisis followed. About 15,000 businesses, 600 banks and 74 railroads failed, and unemployment tripled from one to three million by mid-1894.

Workers responded in the first ever march on Washington. Businessman populist Jason Coxey led his “Coxey’s Army” (numbering about 500) from Massilon, Ohio (beginning March 25, Easter Sunday) to the nation’s capital to demand jobs and present Congress with “a petition with boots on.” Local police intervened. The marchers were disbanded. Coxey was arrested, spent 20 days in jail for disturbing the peace and violating a local ordinance prohibiting walking on the grass, was never charged, and then released.

Other panics followed in 1903, 1907, and then the big one in 1929 - the Great Crash on three days - Black Thursday (October 24), Black Monday (October 28) and Black Tuesday (October 29) - triggering bank failures and the Great Depression throughout the 1930s until WW II ended it.

Fisher discussed its cause and attributed it to debt and deflation. He also explained “cycle theory” - the instability around equilibrium and the influence of “forced” (like seasons) and “free” (self-generating like waves) cycles. He stated:

“Exact equilibrium….is seldom reached and never long maintained. New disturbances are….sure to occur, so that….any variable is almost always above or below ideal equilibrium.”

“….at most times there must be over or under-production, over or under-consumption, over or under spending, over or under-saving, over or under investment, and over or under everything else.” Believing in perfect equilibrium is like assuming the Atlantic Ocean is without waves.

“In the great booms and depressions, each of the above-named factors has played a subordinate role as compared with two dominant factors, namely over-indebtedness to start with and deflation following soon after; also that where any of the other factors do become conspicuous, they are often merely effects or symptoms of these two.” This is key.

Fisher then discussed nine interacting factors under debt and deflation conditions that can lead to a Great Depression. Over-indebtedness leads to liquidation “through the alarm either of debtors or creditors or both.” The following “chain of consequences” follows:

(1) “Debt liquidation leads to distress selling and to

(2) Contraction of deposit currency, as bank loans are paid off, and to a slowing down of velocity of circulation.” Deposit and velocity contraction (from distress sales) cause

(3) “a fall in the level of prices, in other words, a swelling of the dollar.” If price declines aren’t “interfered with by reflation or otherwise, there must be

(4) A still greater fall in the net worths of business, precipitating bankruptcies and

(5) a like fall in profits.” That, in turn, causes

(6) “A reduction in output, in trade and in employment of labor. These losses, bankruptcies and unemployment, lead to

(7) Hoarding and slowing down still more the velocity of circulation.” Velocity refers to the rate at which money circulates, changes hands, or turns over. Greater velocity means greater demand and faster growth. It’s computed by dividing the output of goods and services (GDP) by the total money supply.

The above eight changes cause:

(9) “Complicated disturbances in the rates of interest, in particular, a fall in the nominal, or money, rates and a rise in the real, or commodity, rates of interest.

….debt and deflation go far toward explaining a great mass of phenomena in a very simple logical way.”

Fisher explained that loose monetary policy causes over-indebtedness fueling speculation and asset bubbles that aren’t sustainable. “Easy money is the great cause of over-borrowing. When an investor thinks he can make over 100 per cent per annum by borrowing at 6 per cent, he will be tempted to borrow, and to invest or speculate with the borrowed money. This was the prime cause leading to the over-indebtedness of 1929. Inventions and technological improvements (at the time) created wonderful investment opportunities, and so caused big debts.”

Fisher then described “distinct phases” driving public sentiment:

(a) the prospect of “big dividends or gains in income in the remote future;”

(b) selling at a profit for a capital gain “in the immediate future;”

(c) “the vogue of reckless promotions, taking advantage of the habituation of the public to great expectations” or the notion that good times are self-sustaining, and

(d) “the development of downright fraud, imposing on a public which had grown credulous and gullible.”

Fisher’s debt, deflation and instability theory is summarized as follows:

(1) “economic changes include steady trends and unsteady occasional disturbances (that result in various type) cyclical oscillations;”

(2) among the “disturbances” are new investment opportunities;

(3) these among others create over-indebtedness;

(4) this “leads to attempts to liquidate;”

(5) “unless counteracted by reflation,” these cause price declines “or a swelling dollar;”

(6) “the dollar may swell faster than the number of dollars owed shrinks;”

(7) as a result, liquidation doesn’t liquidate; it aggravates debts, “and the depression grows worse instead of better;”

(8) extricating from this is either by bankruptcy or reflation through monetary and/or fiscal policies.

Like Keynes, Fisher believed that reflation should be limited and temporary, not long, sustained or extreme like under Greenspan and Bernanke. Otherwise short-term solutions cause much greater problems, now playing out and may become more severe ahead. As a per cent of GDP, total credit market debt is now double its 1929 level at about 350%. It’s rising fast with continuing new new liquidity injections that show no signs of diminishing. Reportedly the Fed may now issue its own debt - an astonishing move if it happens as it will create unlimited debt amounts and leave the Fed unaccountable to no one for doing it.

As in 1873, 1929, and other financial panics, speculation has been rampant, much more extreme than earlier, and debt levels are unprecedented and growing. As a result, large banks are effectively insolvent, hoard cash, and won’t lend. Credit is scarce. Households are too over-indebted to borrow. Lenders won’t extend it anyway. Unemployment is skyrocketing, and the potentially greatest ever economic crisis is worsening - so much so that London-based GFC Economics predicts successive 2009 months of one million layoffs in the US.

And unprecedented-sized bailouts assure greater trouble ahead. Using inflation-adjusted numbers, Jim Bianco of Bianco Research said that bailout-related debt cost more than the following combined:

– the Marshall Plan - cost: $12.7 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $115.3 billion;

– the Louisiana Purchase - cost: $15 million; inflation-adjusted cost: $217 million;

– NASA’s Apollo human spaceflight program - cost: $36.4 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $237 billion;

– the S & L crisis - cost: $153 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $256 billion;

– the Korean War - cost: $54 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $454 billion;

– the New Deal - cost: an estimated $32 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: an estimated $500 billion;

– the invasion and early months of the Iraq War (not the total war cost to date that’s far higher) - cost: $551 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $597 billion;

– the Vietnam War - cost: $111 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $698 billion; and

– NASA since inception - cost: $416.7 billion; inflation-adjusted cost: $851.2 billion.

Total: $3.92 trillion compared to around $8.5 trillion in bailout funds allocated or pledged thus far with these numbers certain to go higher.

Will deflation and depression follow? Who can know, but Nouriel Roubini understands the seriousness of over-extended debt and explains the consequences of falling prices. It affects “the real value of nominal liabilities,” and makes them rise “as do real interest rates once the nominal interest rate hits” zero. Hoarding cash and saving “instead of investing is thus self-reinforcing as (a) deflationary spiral takes hold.”

He sees the threat of “stag-deflation (recession/ stagnation and deflation) and “debt deflation” that’s “already forced the Fed into a liquidity trap (with investors preferring to hold cash) as the Fed funds rate is effectively close to 0% and an informal policy of ‘quantitative easing’ has already….flooded financial markets with over $2 trillion of liquidity” - now even more than when he wrote this in late November and, for the first time (on December 9), the Treasury sold $30 billion of four-week bills at zero interest. On July 31, 2001, they were auctioned for the first time, to be continued weekly along with regular 13 and 26-week bills. Back then, they yielded around 3.5%.

Roubini sees lots of negatives from current policies, even depression, but he doesn’t predict it. He states: “Desperate times and desperate economic news require desperate policy actions.” However “partially necessary” they may be, they’ll “eventually lead to much higher real interest rates on the public debt and weaken the US dollar once this tsunami of implicit and explicit public liabilities and monetary debt (the result of rising twin fiscal and current account deficits) hits a world where the global supply of savings is shrinking. As most countries move to fiscal deficits (and reduce global savings), foreign investors (may) start to ponder the long-term sustainability of the US domestic and external liabilities.”

With the economy “in free fall,” debt obligations at unprecedented levels, and “stag-deflation” deepening, the worst of possibilities may unfold and spread contagion everywhere.

The Bank for International Settlements (the so-called central bank for central bankers) showed concern in its December Quarterly Review. It questions the soundness of near-zero interest rates that may disrupt money markets and “discourage banks from lending to other banks.” It’s also worried about the “scope and magnitude of the bank rescue packages (because) significant risks (from toxic debt have) been transferred onto government balance sheets” in amounts great enough to risk future default.

Only in time will we know, but the worst of possibilities are real, especially in America where debt levels are hugely unmanageable, yet they continue to be added to recklessly.

What will unfold and how it will end can’t be known. The human fallout already is huge. It may end up overwhelming but not as fast as in the 1930s. According to Department of Commerce Bureau of Economic Analysis figures, GDP fell 26.6% between 1929 and 1933, personal income declined 25.7%, and consumption expenditures dropped 18.2%.

Given a three-decade US standard of living decline to the present, exacerbated by the intensifying current crisis (very likely to be protracted and deep), it’s very possible those 1930s numbers may be matched or exceeded going forward. If so, it may just take longer before their full effects show up and are felt.

But look how big businesses are advantaged. Smaller ones will fail, and the giants will get even bigger through asset acquisitions at fire-sale prices. As they say, what goes around, comes around but much to the public’s detriment as it always is.

McClatchy Newspapers | DASHT-E LEILI, Afghanistan - Seven years ago, a convoy of container trucks rumbled across northern Afghanistan loaded with a human cargo of suspected Taliban and al Qaida members who’d surrendered to Gen. Abdul Rashid Dostum, an Afghan warlord and a key US ally in ousting the Taliban regime.

When the trucks arrived at a prison in the town of Sheberghan, near Dostum’s headquarters, they were filled with corpses.. Most of the prisoners had suffocated, and others had been killed by bullets that Dostum’s militiamen had fired into the metal containers.

Dostum’s men hauled the bodies into the nearby desert and buried them in mass graves, according to Afghan human rights officials. By some estimates, 2,000 men were buried there.

Earlier this year, bulldozers and backhoes returned to the scene, reportedly exhumed the bones of many of the dead men and removed evidence of the atrocity to sites unknown. In the area where the mass graves once were, there now are gaping pits in the sands of the Dasht-e-Leili desert.

A UN-sponsored team of experts first spotted two large excavations on a visit in June, one of them about 100 feet long and more than 9 feet deep in places. A McClatchy reporter visited the site last month and found three additional smaller pits, which apparently had been dug since June.

Faqir Mohammed Jowzjani, a former Dostum ally and the deputy governor of Jowzjan province, where the graves were located, told McClatchy that it’s common knowledge that Dostum sent in the bulldozers.

He speculated that Dostum wanted to destroy the evidence because of local political trouble that could have made him more prone to prosecution for the killings.

Last year, Dostum and the then-Jowzjan governor became embroiled in a feud that killed seven people and wounded more than 40. This year, Dostum and his men kidnapped and reportedly beat a rival Afghan leader.

“Maybe General Dostum did it because of a fear of prosecution in the future,” Jowzjani said.

Another local Afghan official said that Dostum had begun to worry that the 2001 killings could come back to haunt him. “Everyone in the city (Sheberghan) knows that the evidence has been removed,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of worries about being killed for talking about the subject.

“When the crime happened, (Dostum and his commanders) didn’t think they would ever be prosecuted,” the official said. “But later they began to worry . . . they have taken all the bones and thrown them into the river” that’s about half a mile from the graves.

NATO — which has command authority over a team of troops less than three miles from the grave site — the United Nations and the United States have been silent about the destruction of evidence of Dostum’s alleged war crimes.

“The truth is that General Dostum went out with bulldozers and dug up those graves,” Jowzjani charged. “I don’t know why UNAMA” — the UN mission in Afghanistan — “hasn’t said anything in this regard . . . maybe because of fears about his power, or maybe they made a deal.”

Gen. Ghulam Mujtaba Patang, the commander of Afghanistan’s national police in the north, said that he knew that the graves had been emptied. He noted that “the digging was done very professionally” and said that UN and NATO-led teams in the area were also aware. (While provincial reconstruction teams are led by individual nations, their military components are under NATO command.)

“I don’t understand why they didn’t secure the area,” Patang said in an interview. Perhaps, he said, Western officials “are nervous” about the power that Dostum has locally and don’t want to upset local security by pushing him on the matter.

Dostum was unavailable for comment, and one of his senior aides, Gen. Ghani Karim Zada, declined several interview requests.

The Bush administration, too, has remained silent. US officials claimed that they had no knowledge of the deaths of the prisoners in the convoy until the news media revealed them in 2002, and now the administration has remained silent about Dostum’s reported effort to destroy the evidence of them, which also would be a major violation of international law.

American officials say that Dostum’s alleged war crimes are a matter for the Afghan authorities. But the US-backed government of President Hamid Karzai is weak and depends on American and NATO troops to fight a growing Taliban insurgency that now operates in most of Afghanistan and all but surrounds Kabul, the capital.

However, the fact that US special forces and CIA operatives were working closely with Dostum in late 2001, when the killings took place, has fueled suspicions that the warlord got a free pass.

The US Defense Department has said that it found no evidence of American involvement or presence during the 2001 incident. If there was an investigation, however, its findings have never been made public.

“At the time, we had a handful of special forces and CIA, and there was no way we could have exercised any oversight” of the thousands of detainees under Afghan control, said Joseph Collins, who was then the deputy assistant secretary of defense for stability operations.

When he was asked about the detainees suffocating in metal shipping containers, Collins, who’s now a professor at the National War College, said that “I think most people just took for granted what he (Dostum) said: that it was a horrible accident.”

McClatchy interviewed eight Pakistani men last year who said that Dostum’s gunmen had stuffed them in the containers. The men, mostly low-level Taliban volunteers, said they’d had to climb over dozens of dead bodies to get out of the containers.

“We were all sitting on the dead bodies which were lying on the floor; they were lifeless,” said Abdul Haleem, who said that many of the approximately 200 men in his container died. “An arm was sticking up in the air here, a leg was sticking up in the air there.”

Another man who said he’d made the trip to Sheberghan in a container full of dead and dying men was Tariq Khan. He said that when Dostum’s men shot into the metal box, “some people were shot in the eye; some were shot in the neck.”

Dostum offered to take Pierre-Richard Prosper, who was then the US ambassador-at-large for war crimes issues, on a tour of the grave site in late 2002, but Prosper declined. He was pressing a reluctant Afghan government and the UN to take the lead in investigating the killings.

“We felt the Afghans needed to play a role,” Prosper said in a telephone interview. “If you’re a new government, and you want to move forward, you have to deal with the past.”

However, no investigation was likely without strong US backing, and Prosper said that he couldn’t recall whether Washington ever gave funding for a probe.

Farid Mutaqi, a senior investigator for the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission in the nearby city of Mazar-e-Sharif, said that it was almost impossible to visit the site because of Dostum’s power in northern Afghanistan.

Mutaqi said there’d been threats on his life and those of his staff members from Dostum. There are rumors that the site was mined and that Dostum’s men would torture or kill people if they were caught researching in the area. At least three Afghans who witnessed the original digging of the mass grave or who investigated it later reportedly were killed, and a handful of others were beaten.

Mutaqi said that he told officials at the United Nations and the local provincial reconstruction team that Dostum’s men had disturbed the mass graves this year. They did nothing, he said.

Now, Mutaqi said, “You can see only a hole. In the area around it you can find a few bones or some clothes. The site is gone . . . as for evidence, there is nothing.”

A spokesman for the United Nations in Afghanistan, Adrian Edwards, acknowledged in an e-mail statement that the UN had known that the graves had been dug up but had kept quiet.

“You’re right that we don’t always make public statements, but that’s because we’re in a conflict environment and have to weigh up whether doing so will stall chances of progress against impunity in other areas or put lives at risk,” the statement said. “It’sa judgment call we constantly strive to get right, and this is not the only instance where the choices we have to make can be extraordinarily tough ones.” Edwards noted that the UN is awaiting a report about the site by a forensic specialist.

The spokesman for the UN’s Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Rupert Colville, said that while he didn’t know the details of the digging at the site, “there cannot be impunity for war crimes of this nature and scale . . . it’sa real shame.”

Spokesmen for NATO and the US Embassy in Kabul denied knowing that the remains of hundreds of men had been removed from the site, and had no further comment.

“We have no information about bulldozers or digging at the site,” said Lt. Cmdr. James Gater, a spokesman for the NATO mission in Afghanistan. The US general who heads NATO forces in Afghanistan, Gen. David McKiernan, wouldn’t do an interview, Gater said.

US Embassy spokesman Mark Stroh said that he’d checked with several officials at the embassy and “nobody seemed to have any visibility on this.” Stroh added that “We don’t necessarily monitor all of Dostum’s behavior.”

A McClatchy reporter, traveling without official escort, took GPS readings of the open pits last month, and a forensic investigator with Physicians for Human Rights, a group contracted by the UN to examine the site, confirmed that they were in the same area where the grave site was found in early 2002.

In May 2002, the UN announced that a Physicians for Human Rights team had dug a test trench in the area and found 15 bodies, three of which had been exhumed and found to have died recently of asphyxiation

In November 2002, amid the Physicians for Human Rights findings and news reports, a top-secret cable from the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research said that the number of people killed during transport to Sheberghan “may approach 2,000.”

The cable also said that while there was no security at Dasht-e Leili, UN personnel from Mazar-e-Sharif were monitoring the grave ” ‘every few days’ for signs of tampering.” There’d been plans for a detailed forensic investigation of the site in spring 2003.

“The hope had been to do a full exhumation in 2003,” said Nathaniel Raymond, a senior investigator at Physicians for Human Rights. “It didn’t happen.”

The UN monitoring of the site stopped. Edwards, the UN spokesman, said that he was still trying to reach officials who’d been present to get an explanation. The UN, NATO, US forces and the Afghan government never took any formal responsibility for patrolling the grave site.

Physicians for Human Rights made several requests to top US officials to secure the mass graves, including an August 2002 letter to then-Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld asking that he “reconsider the position of the Defense Department and assure security at the grave site.” Four months later, the organization sent a letter to then-Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz saying that it was crucial to provide a small security detachment.

“From the time we discovered the site in January 2002, we had been advocating privately and publicly to the United Nations, the US and the Afghan government to ensure consistent site protection and protection of forensic evidence,” Frank Donaghue, the chief executive officer of Physicians for Human Rights, said in a statement to McClatchy. “And clearly that did not happen.”

Dostum has long experience with mass graves being used in the Afghan political arena. In 1997, he revealed the discovery of mass graves of Taliban members killed by a former ally turned rival, Gen. Abdul Malik Pahlawan, in the Dasht-e Leili desert. The grave sites, which Dostum’s men brought in international journalists to document, helped cement Pahlawan’s exile from the area at the time.

Afghanistan’s attorney general, its top law enforcement official, said that given the bad security conditions in the country it was hard to think about investigating possible war crimes.

“So for the time being, we have put these issues off for the future,” Mohammed Ishaq Aloko said in an interview at his Kabul office.

Aloko, who’s seen as being very close to President Karzai, didn’t respond directly to repeated questions about Dostum.

“I believe that those who committed crimes against humanity will be prosecuted one day,” Aloko said. Just not anytime soon, he said.

By Por Lewis Page | The latest Home Office poll on public attitudes to the planned National ID card indicates that support for the scheme has eroded slightly, with the proportion of those in favour down from 60 to 55 per cent.

The survey, carried out among 2,098 randomly selected Brits from 31 October to 4 November, showed opposition to the Card remaining steady. Seventeen per cent of respondents disagreed strongly with the plans and 9 per cent slightly, up from August by a single percentage point each.

The top reason given for disagreeing with the card stayed the same - that it would interfere with personal freedom. Other common objections were that the scheme was unnecessary, wouldn’t work, and would be a waste of money.

Twenty-three per cent of those disagreeing also said that the government could not be trusted to keep personal data secure, up from 19 per cent in August. Before August’s survey this concern wasn’t cited often enough to figure in the results, reflecting the rash of data-loss scandals suffered this year.

According to the survey report, “there is still confusion and uncertainty, particularly regarding the belief that individuals will be required to carry their identity cards with them at all times”. Some 69 per cent of respondents believed this to be true, but according to the Home Office pollsters “it is in fact false”.

Another interesting remark was made in the report: “There were also a number of people who believed public and private sector organisations will be able to access their information (56%), but again this is a false statement.”

One would have thought that some public-sector organisations - for instance the Immigration and Passport Service itself - would be able to access the information, but apparently not.

The Tories and the NO2ID anti-card group said the survey results showed the government was losing the argument.

“We are seeing the beginning of the end of ID cards,” NO2ID’s Phil Booth told the Telegraph .

The survey results can be read in full here (pdf). ®

The US Defense Department on Wednesday said it had approved the sale to Iraq of weapons valued at up to $6 billion, including 400 Stryker wheeled vehicles, military radios, training aircraft, 20 coastal patrol boats and 140 M1A1 Abrams tanks.

The Pentagon’s Defense Security Cooperation Agency, which oversees major foreign arms sales, said it had notified Congress this week about eight separate arms sales agreements with the Iraqi government.

Lawmakers now have 30 days to block the sales, although such action is rare since such large agreements are usually vetted well ahead of time.

The largest of the agreements, valued at up to $2.16 billion, is for 140 M1A1 Abrams tanks, 8 M88A2 tank recovery vehicles, 64 armored Humvees, shelter carriers and other military vehicles.

The prime contractors for the vehicle sales would be General Dynamics Corp (GD.N), Honeywell International (HON.N), and General Motors Corp (GM.N).

The Iraqi government also requested the sale of 400 M1126 Stryker infantry carrier vehicles and associated equipment valued at up to $1.11 billion, the agency said. General Dynamics is the main contractor for that deal as well.

Another big-ticket arms sale involves 20 30-35-meter coastal patrol boats and 3 55-60 meter offshore support vessels, a deal valued at up to $1.01 billion, if all options are exercised, the Pentagon agency said.

It said no principal contractor had been identified yet for the patrol boats and support vessels, but the acquisition would be subject to US defense sourcing requirements.

Iraq also asked to buy 26 Bell Armed 407 Helicopters with engines built by Rolls-Royce (RR.L). DSCA said the principal contractors also had not been identified. The helicopters are built by Bell Helicopter, a unit of Textron Inc (TXT.N).

The arms sales also include up to $148 million in rifles, carbines and grenade launchers; and up to $210 million in 20 T-6A Texan training aircraft built by privately held Hawker Beechcraft, but including other equipment built by Pratt & Whitney, a unit of United Technologies Corp (UTX.N) and a unit of L-3 Communications Holdings Inc (LLL.N).

Iraq had also requested the sale of 36 AT-6B Texan II aircraft and associated equipment, a deal valued at up to $520 million. Hawker Beechcraft, Pratt & Whitney and L-3 would be the prime contractors for that deal as well.

The Pentagon also said it had approved the 64 deployable rapid assembly shelters and a wide array of military radio equipment under an agreement valued at up to $485 million, and for which the primary contractors would be ITT Corp (ITT.N) and Harris Corp (HRS.N).

(Reporting by Andrea Shalal-Esa; Editing by Gary Hill)

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