French President Nicolas Sarkozy assured a joint session of the US Congress on Wednesday that his country would stand by Washington in the fight against nuclear proliferation in Iran and terrorism in Afghanistan.法國總統尼古拉薩爾科齊保證了聯合會議,美國國會對週三,他的國家將是由華盛頓的立場,在打擊核擴散在伊朗和恐怖主義在阿富汗。
“America can count on France,” Sarkozy said in a speech that underscored his desire for warmer ties with Washington and was filled with effusive praise for American values. “美國可以指望法國, ”薩爾科齊說,在一次講話中,強調他渴望溫暖的關係與華盛頓和充滿了熱情洋溢的讚美,為美國的價值觀念。
“Together we must fight to defend and promote the values and ideals of freedom and democracy that men such as Washington and Lafayette invented together,” he said, referring to the French military officer who fought along side George Washington in the American war of independence. “我們必須共同鬥爭中捍衛和促進的價值觀念和理想的自由和民主的男子,如華盛頓和拉法葉發明了一起, ”他說,指的是法國軍官誰打了旁邊的喬治華盛頓在美國獨立戰爭。
Sarko is Pavlov’s dog, salivating “freedom and democracy” when Bush rings the bell. sarko是帕夫洛夫的狗, salivating “民主自由”時,布什戒指鐘。
Hard times for the hard-nosed, hard-playing president of France, Nicolas Paul Stephane Sarkozy de Nagy-Bocsa, or more familiarly “Sarko” for both friends and foes.艱難的時刻為硬鼻子,難以發揮著法國總統,尼古拉斯保羅斯蒂芬薩爾科齊德納吉-博喬,或更familiarly “ sarko ”雙方的朋友和敵人。
Only five months into his term, the powerful French trade unions called out a nationwide general strike on October 18 against Sarkozy’s proposed pension reforms; his beloved wife, Cecilia, signed divorce papers on October 15; and the week before France lost out miserably in the world rugby championship hosted by Sarkozy and France.只有5個月,到其任期內,強大的法國工會呼籲全國總罷工於10月18日對薩爾科齊提出的養老金改革;他的愛妻,塞西莉亞,簽署了離婚文件, 10月15日;和一周前的法國輸給了收場在世界上橄欖球錦標賽所設的薩爾科齊和法國。
Sarko had a dream: to become president of France. sarko有一個夢想:成為法國總統。 His dream came true last May 16 when he was crowned Chief of State.他的夢想終於實現了去年5月16日,當他被冠以行政的國家。
Paving the way for the electoral victory of the 52-year old leader of the French Right were the simultaneous decomposition of the French Left and Sarkozy’s successful unification of the three streams of the Right — neoliberal, national and fascist.鋪平了道路,讓選舉的勝利, 52歲高齡的領導人,法國人的權利,同時分解,法國左,薩爾科齊的成功的統一,三個溪流的權利-新自由主義,國家和法西斯。
His hard language, without alienating the Center, attracted the necessary voters from the extreme Right, which however tended to consider him its ally, if not hostage.他的努力,語言,沒有疏遠中心,吸引了必要的選民從極右勢力,但往往要考慮他的盟友,如果沒有被扣為人質。 The combination of Right and Center guaranteed his victory.結合中心的權利和保障,他的勝利。
Though he heads the Gaulist UMP (Union Pour un Mouvement Populaire), his Gaulist roots are today less and less evident.雖然他負責gaulist ump (聯盟傾訴聯合國運動populaire ) ,他gaulist根今天越來越少,可見一斑。 Sarkozy and his cohorts appear more as populists concealed behind a market oriented conservative facade.薩爾科齊和他的人群,似乎更隱蔽的民粹主義的背後以市場為導向的保守的幌子。
When Sarkozy became “Monsieur le President de la Republique,” the 23rd French chief of state, the sixth since the new Constitution of 1958 that initiated the Fifth Republic of France, his true intentions for promised new directions were still ambiguous.當薩爾科齊成為“ monsieur樂總統德馬爾科香格里拉Republique共和國” , 23日法國行政的國家,第六以來的新憲法1958年發起的第五共和國的法國,他的真實意圖為承諾的新方向,仍然含糊不清。
Was he a neo-Gaulist, one speculated, or truly a hostage of the extreme Right that swept him into office?他是新保守主義的gaulist ,一推測,或一個真正的人質的極右勢力席捲他到辦公室?
In his first presidential speech Sarkozy emphasized the roles of his predecessors, beginning with Charles De Gaulle whose tradition he allegedly embodies, referring to the French as �a great people with a great history behind them.�在他的第一次總統講話中強調,薩爾科齊的角色,他的前任,開始與查理斯戴高樂將軍的傳統,據稱他體現,指的是法國作為一個偉大的人與一個偉大的歷史背景。
His electoral slogan of “work more, earn more” rang appealingly at first.他的選舉的口號是“工作,更賺取更多”讓appealingly在第一。 Now, though the love for money is strong in France, the slogan seems contradictory to his recognition of new exigences for national devlopment along social lines.現在,雖然愛錢是強大的法國,口號,似乎有矛盾,他承認新exigences為國家社會devlopment沿線。
In fact, no successful European leader can neglect the social system inherent in Europe�s DNA, which differs radically from the American spirit.事實上,沒有成功的歐洲領導人不能忽視的社會制度所固有的在歐洲的DNA ,這從根本上不同,來自美國的精神。
That is especially true in France, with its reputation of listening more to ideological voices than to entrepreneurial demands.這是尤其如此,在法國,其聲譽,聽取更多的聲音,比思想,以企業的需求。
Therefore, the scorn for the stupid words of one Minister of Economy �to work more and think less,� which reflects the US reality.因此,鄙薄為愚蠢的話,一經濟部長的工作越來越少認為,這反映了美國的現實。
On the other hand, Sarkozy’s underlining of great national objectives means distancing France from the spirit of liberal free trade.在另一方面,薩爾科齊的強調的偉大的民族目標,就是保持距離,從法國的精神,自由的自由貿易。
The French Left accuses Sarkozy of being authoritarian and of unstable character.法國的指責薩爾科齊被專制和不穩定的性質。
The Left’s electoral campaign early this year aimed at trying to rouse his ire and demonstrate his incapacity of leading la douce France.左邊的競選活動在今年年初,目的是企圖振奮他的憤怒,並顯示其喪失工作能力的領導香格里拉douce法國。
The crude reality is that while the French Left claims a monopoly on morality, the political Right dominates this largely conservative, extremely traditional nation.原油的現實是,儘管法國左索賠壟斷的道德,政治權利支配這在很大程度上保守,非常傳統的民族。
Patriotic voters of 2007 were in fact less interested in morality than in questions of the French image in Europe and France�s role on the international scene.愛國的選民2007人,其實不太關心,在道德,比的問題,法國的形象在歐洲和弗朗西斯的作用,在國際舞台上。
Many French people are still attached to the dream that France still plays a universal role, even though most at the same time realize it is a fiction.許多法國人仍然是重視的夢想,法國仍發揮著普遍的作用,儘管大多數在同一時間內實現,這是小說。 Though they killed their kings, they still miss them.雖然他們殺害他們的國王,他們仍然懷念他們。
Globalization has forced France to redefine its international role, which French people expect the political class to do.全球化已迫使法國重新界定其在國際上的作用,其中法國人期望的政治階級的事。
Sarkozy responds best to that demand; he has overcome right-wing moral hang-ups vis-a-vis the Left.薩爾科齊回應最好的需求;他已經克服了右翼的道德杭起伏,相對於左邊。
He has invaded Left territory, coupling nationalism with calls for fraternity and solidarity, those slogans the French love, a stand against inequality and abuses of capitalism and in favor of weaker classes.他已離開領土的入侵,耦合民族主義的呼籲,友愛和團結,這些口號,法國的愛,表明立場,反對不平等和被濫用的資本主義和有利於較弱的班級。
On the other hand, he immediately changed France’s position toward the USA that his predecessor Chirac had largely snubbed.在另一方面,他立即改變法國的立場對美國說,他的前任希拉克在很大程度上封殺。 He has made known his admiration for the American government model: a cabinet of only 15 ministers.他提出的著名的欽佩,美國政府的模型:一個內閣只有15名部長。
Also, he takes the time to take off his tie and join 1′ami George for a barbecue in Maine, so that he has gained another nickname, 1′Americain.另外,他考慮的時間起飛,他的配合和參加1'ami喬治一個燒烤在緬因州,讓他贏得了另一個綽號, 1'americain 。
At the same time, he has abandoned traditional French orientation toward the Arab world in favor of closer relations with Israel.在同一時間內,他已放棄傳統的法語面向阿拉伯世界的主張更密切的與以色列的關係。
This despite the Socialist charge that his choice is because he is Jewish and because of the strong pre-electoral preference for him by France�s 600,000 Jews, especially among intellectuals such as Alain Finkielkraut.這儘管社會主義負責,他的選擇是因為他是猶太人,並因強烈的選前優先為他弗朗西斯60.0萬猶太人,尤其是知識分子,如阿蘭finkielkraut 。
In fact, Sarkozy is Catholic, although his maternal grandfather was a converted Jew.事實上,在薩爾科齊是天主教徒,雖然他的外公是一部經改裝的猶太人。
The so-called “Europe skeptics” are strong in France, as in Italy.這個所謂的“歐洲懷疑論者”在強大的法國,作為在意大利。 The category is widely admired by the French who voted against the European Constitution last year.一類是廣泛的欽佩由法國誰反對歐洲憲法的去年。
Like many Europeans, they believe the dramatic rise in the cost of living is due to the euro currency and the stringent EU economic rules considered damaging to the national economy.像許多歐洲人來說,他們相信在急劇上升的生活費用是由於歐元的貨幣和嚴格的歐盟經濟的規則考慮損害國家經濟。
Sarkozy reacted by calling a halt to fiscal restrictions imposed by the EU in favor of the national economy which is now marking record deficits.薩爾科齊的反應是,要求停止財政所施加的限制,歐盟在有利於國民經濟的就是現在標記紀錄的赤字。
Sarkozy’s France is today more projected toward Europe than in recent years.薩爾科齊的法國更是今日預計對歐洲比在近年。
On the other hand, and again in response to his electors� expectations, although Sarkozy promises good relations with the USA, France is not about to be servile to Washington.在另一方面,又在回應他的選民的期望,雖然薩爾科齊的承諾,良好的關係,與美國,法國,是不是即將被奴役到華盛頓。
Who is Nicolas Sarkozy? 誰是薩爾科齊?
Sarkozy is an outsider; for some, not truly French.薩爾科齊是一個局外人;一些,而不是真正的法語。 The son of Hungarian political emigrants who fled Budapest after Soviet tanks crushed the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, as often happens with immigrants, he is more French than the French themselves.兒子匈牙利的政治,移民誰逃到布達佩斯後,蘇聯坦克鎮壓匈牙利革命, 1956年,由於經常發生的移民,他是更多的法國,比法國本身。
Sarkozy, who allegedly began dreaming of the presidency at age 20, is today the champion of the French “democratic” Right.薩爾科齊,誰據稱,開始夢寐以求的主席在20歲以下,是今天的冠軍法國的“民主派”的權利。
He is known as a tough man.他是被稱為強硬的男子。 I happened to be in Paris during the upheaval in the banlieues in November of 2005 when Interior Minister Sarkozy, already into his electoral campaign, was seen daily storming over the streets of the northern suburb of Seine Saint-Denis and at the same time speaking of the end of the French social model in order to justify the market economy model.我剛巧要在巴黎期間,動亂,在banlieues在11月到2005年時,內政部長薩爾科齊,已經成為他的競選活動,被視為每日攻堅以上的街道,北部郊區的塞納聖但尼和在同一時間,在談到年底,法國的社會模式在以證明市場經濟的模式。
In fact, he and his conservatives were accused of fanning the fires of revolt in order to justify refocusing the state based on police repression.事實上,在他和他的保守派人士被指控煽動叛亂之火在為了證明重新調整國家的基礎上警察的鎮壓。
True or not, Sarko is the archtype of the man of power, a man thirsty for victory. TRUE或沒有, sarko是原型,該名男子的權力,一名男子渴望勝利。 For Sarkozy, immigrants are a plague, second class citizens, and their children are the “bastards of the Republic.”為薩爾科齊,移民是一個鼠疫,二等公民和他們的子女是“混蛋的共和國” 。
During the uprising of the children of immigrants in the banlieues, Sarkozy over and over labeled them “the scum of society.”在起義的移民子女,在banlieues ,超過薩爾科齊和超過標示他們的“社會敗類” 。
The philosopher Michel Onfray, who interviewed him before the elections, labels him also “fragile and infantile, a lonely and unhappy child in search of love.”哲學家米歇爾onfray ,誰的採訪,他在選舉之前,標籤,他也“脆弱和嬰幼兒,孤獨和不愉快的兒童在搜索的愛情” 。
Sarkozy himself, who as the tough minister of the Interior was known as “the policeman of France,” confessed that he was in politics in order to be loved.薩爾科齊本人,誰作為強硬部長內部被稱為“警察的法國, ”坦白說,他在政治上,在為了被愛。
Onfray claims that Sarkozy “is projected toward the future, doesn’t know the present and rejects the past. onfray稱,薩爾科齊“預計,面向未來,不知道目前和拒絕過去。 He took his victory for granted.他帶著勝利是理所當然的事。 He seemed to me more like Nero than Napoleon.”他似乎對我更喜歡Nero的比拿破崙“ 。
This unflattering image of the new French president is underscored by the image of the French president depicted by the major Moroccan-French writer, Tahar Ben Jelloun.這unflattering的形象,新的法國總統所強調的是形象的法國總統所描述的主要摩洛哥-法國作家, tahar本jelloun 。
In the writer’s view, Sarkozy heads the part of France eager to break with the France long known as a haven for exiles and immigrants and the downtrodden of the world.在作者的看法,薩爾科齊元首的部分法國急於打破與法國早就知道作為一個避風港,為流亡者和移民和downtrodden的世界。
Sarkozy’s friends are magnates of media chains.薩爾科齊的朋友是富豪的媒體鏈。 Not at all embarrassed by egoism, and even betrayal, Sarkozy enters the club of the neo-fascist ex-president of Spain, Jose Maria Aznar, of Gianfranco Fini and Silvio Berlusconi in Italy.不是所有尷尬,利己主義,甚至背叛,薩爾科齊進入俱樂部的新法西斯前總統,西班牙阿斯納爾,菲尼和貝盧斯科尼在意大利。
He claims friendship with George Bush and Vladimir Putin, with whom he shares only the love for power.他聲稱友誼與布什和普京總統,與他的股份只有愛的權力。 His closest friends are France’s richest tycoons, the top managers of industrial and media conglomerates.他最親密的朋友是法國最富有的富豪,高層管理人員的工業和媒體集團。
Renewal 重建
From the start, President Sarkozy promised to change France, renew institutions, introduce more women into his cabinet, and crush extreme rightists by absorbing them.從一開始,主席薩爾科齊許諾要改變法國,更新機構,引入更多的婦女進入他的內閣,並粉碎極右勢力,吸收他們。
At the same time, he tends to back legislation to recognize the widely debated question of the benefits of French colonialization in Africa and Asia.在同一時間內,他往往回法例認識到廣泛討論的問題的好處,法國的殖民在非洲和亞洲。
Pro-Sarkozy intellectuals demand an end to �anti-white racism� and they support US wars in the Middle East.親薩爾科齊知識分子的需求,結束了反種族主義和白人,他們支持美國的戰爭是在中東。
Meanwhile unease and discontent are surfacing among opponents, in the corridors of government, as well as in his own UMP party.同時不安和不滿的是堆焊之間的對手,在走廊上的政府,以及在他自己的ump黨。
Both Left and Right are dissatisfied, perhaps perplexed about the precise direction France under HyperSarko is taking.無論左,右不滿,也許困惑約確切的方向,法國根據hypersarko是考慮。 Ugliness is emerging from the seams.醜是新興從接縫。
Neoliberalism, that is the role of unfettered market forces, is distasteful in France, as it is among the peoples in much of Western Europe.新自由主義,這是不受約束的作用,市場的力量,是distasteful在法國,因為它是人民之間在許多西歐。
Sarkozy’s problem is an old one: his attempt to satisfy everyone satisfies no one.薩爾科齊的問題是一個老一:他企圖以滿足每個人都滿意的任何人。 Elected by the Right, he has frequently appeared as a leftist reformer to his electors.由民選產生的權利,他頻繁出現,作為左派改革者,他的選民。
All in all, Sarko comes across as a neocon driven by the concept of a UN-led One World Order, still retaining however a resistant strain of European social mentality in his DNA.總括而言, sarko遇到作為一個新保守主義驅動的概念,聯合國主導的一個世界秩序,仍然保留,但一抗性株歐洲社會的心態,在他的DNA紋印。
In his recent address to the UN General Assembly filled with references to France’s past revolutionary ideals such as equitable distribution of wealth, he said also that the United Nations should be an instrument for a “new world order.”在他最近的施政報告向聯合國大會充滿參照法國過去的革命理想,如公平分配財富,他說還認為,聯合國應該是一個工具,一個“世界新秩序” 。
His direct association with the highly secretive, European-North American Bilderberg Group, one of the world’s most powerful political-economic organizations accused of wanting to determine the direction of the world behind closed doors, is unclear.在他的直接協會與高度秘密,歐洲和北美。 Bilderberg集團之一,世界上最強大的政治經濟組織的指控要確定的方向,世界上閉門造車,目前還不清楚。
He was invited to the annual hush-hush Bilderberger gathering held in Canada in 2006 while he was still Interior minister.他應邀每年hush - hush bilderberger聚集在加拿大召開的2006年,而他仍然是內政部長。
Sarkozy’s presence on the guest list was revealed prior to the meeting and the Bilderbergers tend to disinvite those whose names are made public beforehand.薩爾科齊的存在對嘉賓名單顯示,在會議之前和bilderbergers往往disinvite那些名稱是公開的事前。
His friend and a former French foreign minister, Michele Barnier, attended the meeting in Istanbul last June.他的朋友和一個法國前外長,米歇爾巴尼耶,出席了會議在伊斯坦布爾去年六月。
Over 130 powerful people were there, including American neocons led by Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz, queens and kings, multinational CEOs and chairmen and adminstrators.有超過130個強大的人有,包括美國的新保守派領導的理查德珀爾和保羅沃爾福威茨,皇后和國王,跨國公司的CEO和主席和管理員。
Also there were NATO representatives, who most likely spoke of an invasion of Iran.也有北約的代表,誰最有可能以一個入侵伊朗。
Since it was a top secret gathering, perhaps they were planning a massive false-flag, in-house terror attack somewhere in Europe, for which Iran could be blamed.由於這是一項絕密的聚會,也許他們規劃了大規模假國旗,在內務恐怖襲擊某處在歐洲,其中伊朗可以指責。
Searching the French web on Sarkozy�s relations with the fascist-like Bilderberg Group, I ran into an entry concerning his work tactics which in turn reflect his character.搜索法語在網上sarkozys關係與法西斯一樣。 Bilderberg組,我衝進一進入有關他的工作策略,這反過來又反映了他的性格。
On his arrival in the presidential palace, Sarkozy organized his own press service manned by journalism and political science students in order to keep an eye on what is happening in the country and to react immediately, showering the media with mulitple communique就在他抵達總統府,薩爾科齊組織自己的新聞服務載人由新聞和政治學的學生,以密切留意正在發生什麼事情在該國,並立即作出反應,淋浴媒體與mulitple公報
s.第 A unique press service dedicated to one subject: Nicoloas Sarkozy.一個獨特的新聞服務,專責一個主題:尼古拉阿布薩爾科齊。