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Tuesday, June 17th, 2008 周二， 2008年6月17日

By通过 Scott Ritter斯科特里特 | “I think the questions were asked. | “我认为，提出了一些问题。 I think we pushed.我认为我们推。 I think we prodded.我认为我们prodded 。 I think we challenged the president.我认为我们的挑战总统。 I think not only those of us in the White House press corps did that, but others in the rest of the landscape of the media did that.我认为不仅是对我们这些在白宫记者团这样做，但其他人在其余的景观，媒体这样做。 The right questions were asked.有权提出了一些问题。 I think there’sa lot of critics — and I guess we can count Scott McClellan as one — who think that, if we did not debate the president, debate the policy in our role as journalists, if we did not stand up and say, ‘This is bogus,’ and ‘You’re a liar,’ and ‘Why are you doing this?’ that we didn’t do our job.我认为有很多的批评者-我猜想我们能指望麦克莱伦之一-谁认为，如果我们没有辩论主席，辩论的政策，在我们的角色，作为新闻工作者，如果我们不站起来，说， '这是假的， '和'你是一个骗子， '和'为什么你这样做呢？ ' ，我们没有这样做，我们的工作。 And I respectfully disagree.我恭敬地同意。 It’s not our role.”这不是我们的角色“ 。

That was NBC correspondent David Gregory, appearing on MSNBC’s “Hardball With Chris Matthews.” He was responding to former White House press secretary Scott McClellan’s new book, “What Happened: Inside the Bush White House and Washington’s Culture of Deception.” McClellan has challenged the role of the US media in investigating and reporting US policy in times of conflict, especially when it comes to covering the government itself.这是全国广播公司记者戴维格雷戈里，出现在MSNBC的“强硬与克里斯马修斯。 ”他是在回应前白宫新闻秘书麦克莱伦的新著， “有什么事情发生了：里面白宫和华盛顿的文化欺骗“ 。麦克莱伦挑战的角色，美国媒体在调查和报告，美国的政策在冲突时期，特别是当它来包括政府本身。

As a critic of US foreign policy in the Middle East, especially when unsubstantiated allegations of weapons of mass destruction are used to sell a war, I am no stranger to the concept of questioning authority, especially in times of war.作为一个批评美国的外交政策，在中东，尤其是当毫无根据的指控大规模杀伤性武器是用来出售的战争，我并不陌生的概念提出质疑的权力，尤其是在战争时期。 I am from the Teddy Roosevelt school of American citizenship, adhering to the principle that “to announce that there must be no criticism of the president, or that we are to stand by the president right or wrong, is not only unpatriotic and servile, but it is morally treasonable to the American public.”我是来自玩具罗斯福学校的美国公民身份，坚持原则，即“地宣布，不能有任何批评总统，或我们是站在由总统正确或错误，不仅是爱国和奴役，但它是不道德的叛逆向美国公众“ 。

Some may point out that Roosevelt made that statement in criticism of Woodrow Wilson’s foot dragging when it came to getting America into World War I, and that it is odd for one opposed to American involvement in Iraq to quote a former president who so enthusiastically embraced military intervention.可能有人会指出，罗斯福总统提出的这一声明在批评伍德罗威尔逊的脚拖时，来获得美国成为世界战争，我和它是多为一，反对美国参与在伊拉克引述前总统谁踊跃拥抱军事干预。 But principle can cut both ways on any given issue.但原则上可以减少两种方式在任何特定问题。 The principle inherent in the concept of the moral responsibility of the American people to question their leadership at all times, but especially when matters of war are at stake, is as valid for the pro as it is the con.原则固有的概念，道义上的责任对美国人民质疑他们的领导在任何时候，但事宜，尤其是当战争的威胁，是为有效的为亲，因为这是结论。

The validity of this principle is not judged on the level of militancy of the presidential action in question, but rather its viability as judged by the values and ideals of the American people.的有效性，这个原则是不会作出判断的水平，好战的总统采取行动的问题，而是其可行性，作为衡量的价值观念和理想的美国人民。 While the diversity of the United States dictates that there will be a divergence of consensus when it comes to individual values and ideals, the collective ought to agree that the foundation upon which all American values and ideals should be judged is the US Constitution, setting forth as it does a framework of law which unites us all.而多样性的美国发号施令，会有分歧，达成共识，当谈到个人的价值观念和理想，集体应该同意的基础后，所有美国的价值观和理想，应该判断是美国宪法，提出了因为这是一个框架，法律，我们大家团结。 To hold the Constitution up as a basis upon which to criticize the actions of any given president is perhaps the most patriotic act an American can engage in. As Theodore Roosevelt himself noted, “No man is above the law and no man is below it; nor do we ask any man’s permission when we ask him to obey it.”举行宪法作为依据，其中批评的行动，任何特定的总统，也许是最爱国的行为，美国可以从事英寸作为罗斯福本人指出， “任何人都不是凌驾于法律之上，任何人都不是它下面;我们也不要求任何人的许可，当我们要求他必须服从它“ 。

Now David Gregory, and others who populate that curious slice of Americana known as “the media,” may hold that they, as journalists, operate on a different level than the average American citizen.现在大卫格雷戈里，和其他人谁填充认为，好奇的切片美洲称为“媒体” ，可能会认为，他们作为新闻工作者，经营，不同程度低于平均水平的美国公民。 As Mr. Gregory notes, it is not their “role” to question or debate policy set forth by the president.作为Gregory先生注意到，这是不是他们的“角色”问题或辩论的政策，提出了由总统。 This is curious, coming from a leading member of a news team that prides itself on the “investigative” quality of its reporting.这是好奇，未来从一个领导成员的新闻团队，标榜对“调查” ，它的高质量的报告。 If we take Gregory at face value, it seems his only job (or “role”) is to simply parrot the policy formulations put forward by administration officials, that the integrity of journalism precludes the reporter from taking sides, and that any aggressive questioning concerning the veracity, or morality, or legality of any given policy would, in its own right, constitute opposition to said policy, and as such would be “taking sides.”如果我们采取格雷戈里在面值，似乎他唯一的工作（或“角色” ）是简单鹦鹉政策的提法，提出了由政府官员，即完整的新闻排除记者从偏袒，并认为任何侵略性质疑有关的真实性，或道德，或合法性的任何特定的政策会，在其本国的权利，构成反对说，政策，和这样的将是“偏袒” 。

This, of course, is journalism in its most puritanical form, the ideal that the reporter simply reports, and keeps his or her personal opinion segregated from the “facts” as they are being presented.当然，这是新闻工作在其最清教徒的形式，理想，记者简单报告，并保持他或她个人的意见，分隔的“事实” ，因为他们现正。 While it would be a farcical stretch for David Gregory, or any other mainstream reporter or correspondent, to realistically claim ownership of such a noble mantle, it appears that is exactly what Gregory did when he set forth the parameters of what his “role” was, and is, in reporting on stories such as the issue of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and the Bush administration’s case for war.而这将是一个可笑的拉伸大卫格雷戈里，或任何其他的主流，记者或通讯员，要切实声称拥有这样一个崇高的地幔，看来这正是格雷戈里当年他提出的参数，他有什么“角色”是，是，在报告上的故事等问题，伊拉克大规模杀伤性武器和布什政府的情况下战争。 For this to be valid, however, the issue of journalistic integrity would need to apply not only to the individual reporter or correspondent, but also to the entire system to which the given reporter or correspondent belonged.为，这是有效的，但是，问题新闻的完整性将需要不仅适用于个别记者或通讯员，而且对整个系统，这给记者或通讯员属于。 In the case of Gregory, therefore, we must not only bring into the mix his own individual performance, but also that of NBC News and its parent organization, General Electric.在该案件格雷戈里，因此，我们不仅要带入混合他自己的个人表现，但也指出， NBC新闻和其母公司的组织，美国通用电气。

As a weapons inspector, I was very much driven by what the facts said, not what the rhetoric implied.作为一个武器检查员，我十分驱动什么事实说，没有什么修辞暗示。 I maintain this standard to this day in assessing and evaluating American policy in the Middle East.我坚持这个标准，这一天在评估和评价美国的政策，在中东。 It was the core approach which governed my own personal questioning of the Bush administration’s case for confronting Iraq in the lead-up to the war in 2002 and 2003.这是核心的做法，管治我个人的质疑，布什政府的情况下对抗伊拉克的带头行动，战争在2002年和2003年。 I am saddened at the vindication of my position in the aftermath of the invasion and occupation of Iraq, not because of what I did, but rather what the transcripts of every media interview I conducted at the time demonstrates: The media were not interested in reporting the facts, but rather furthering a fiction.我感到难过，在平反我的立场在后的入侵和占领伊拉克，这并不是因为我所做的，而是什么誊本，每接受媒体采访时本人在时间表明：媒体不感兴趣，报告事实，而是进一步虚构。 Time after time, I backed my opposition to the Bush administration’s “case” for war on Iraq with hard facts, citing evidence that could be readily checked by these erstwhile journalists had they been so inclined.时间后的时间，我支持我反对布什政府的“案件”对伊拉克的战争与铁一般的事实，引用的证据，可以随时检查这些昔日记者，他们已倾向。 Instead, my integrity and character were impugned by these simple recorders of “fact”, further enabling the fiction pushed by the administration into the mainstream, unchallenged and unquestioned, to be digested by the American public as truth.相反，我国的完整性和性格被指责的，由这些简单的录音机的“事实” ，进一步使小说的推动下，政府当局融入主流，挑战和质疑，消化，由美国公众的真相。

Scott McClellan is correct to point out the complicity of the media in facilitating the rush to war.麦克莱伦是正确的指出，共谋传媒在促进急于战争。 David Gregory is disingenuous in his denial that this was indeed the case.戴维格雷戈里是虚伪在他的拒绝，这是确实如此。 Jeff Cohen, a former producer at MSNBC, has written about the pressures placed on him and Phil Donahue leading to the cancellation of the latter’s top-rated television show just before the invasion of Iraq in March 2003.杰夫科恩，一位前生产者在MSNBC的，写了有关压力对他和菲尔多纳休导致取消后者的一流的电视节目之前，入侵伊拉克在2003年3月。 Katie Couric, the former co-host of NBC’s “Today Show” (and current news anchor for CBS News), has tacitly acknowledged “pressure” from above when it came to framing interviews in a manner that was detrimental to the Bush administration’s case for war.凯蒂库里克，前共同主办的美国全国广播公司“今日秀” （和当前的新闻主播， CBS新闻） ，已默许承认， “压力”从上面的时候来诬陷，在面试的方式，这是不利于布什政府奇摩案件战争。 Jessica Yellin, who before the war in Iraq worked for MSNBC, put it best: “I think the press corps dropped the ball at the beginning,” she told CNN’s Anderson Cooper.洁西卡yellin ，谁之前，在伊拉克战争MSNBC的工作，把它最好的： “我认为，记者团下降，球在开始时， ”她告诉有线电视新闻网的安德森库珀。 “When the lead-up to the war began, the press corps was under enormous pressure from corporate executives, frankly, to make sure that this was a war that was presented in a way that was consistent with the patriotic fever in the nation and the president’s high approval ratings.” “当带头的后续战争开始，记者团是巨大的压力下，从公司经理，坦白说，要确保这是一场战争，这是在陈述的方式是一致的爱国热在国家和总统的高支持率“ 。

Now, one would think that a journalist with the self-proclaimed integrity of Gregory would jump at the opportunity to take the bull by the horns, so to speak, and focus on this story line, if for no other reason than to prove it wrong and thereby clear his name (guilty by association, at the very least) and the name of the organization he represents.现在，一会认为，记者与自我宣布的完整性，格雷戈里将跳转在机会来的牛市是由牛角，所以发言，并着重就这个故事线，如果没有其他原因，比，以证明它是错误的从而明确自己的名字（由协会承认，至少）和组织的名称，他的自觉性。 The matter is simple, on the surface: NBC network executives either did, or didn’t, pressure their producers and reporters when it came to covering and framing stories.这个问题很简单，表面上：全国广播公司的网络主管要么没有，或没有，他们的压力，生产者和记者时，来涵盖和制定的故事。 Surely an investigative reporter of Gregory’s talent can get to the bottom of this one?当然，一名调查记者，对格雷戈里的人才可以进入底部的一？

While Gregory certainly does not need help from someone of such humble journalistic credentials as myself, perhaps my experience as a former weapons inspector in tracking down the lies and inconsistencies of the Iraqi government could be of some assistance.而格雷戈里当然并不需要帮助，有人从这种谦卑的新闻全权证书，作为我自己，也许我的经验，作为前武器检查员在追踪的谎言和不一致的，伊拉克政府可以对一些援助。 The first thing I would do is to frame the scope of the problem.第一件事，我会做的，就是框架问题的范围。 The issue of Iraq as a target worthy of war really didn’t hit the mainstream until the summer of 2002, so I would start there.在伊拉克问题上作为一个目标，值得战争真的没有击中的主流，直到2002年夏天，所以我将开始有。 I would be interested in defining the potential sources of “pressure” that could be placed on NBC as an organization when it came to reporting on Iraq.我会在确定有兴趣的潜在来源“压力” ，可放置在全国广播公司作为一个组织，当它来到的报告对伊拉克的。

We do know, courtesy of the Pentagon, that throughout the summer and fall of 2002, NBC News, via its Pentagon bureau chief and other contacts, worked closely with the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Public Affairs, on the issue of media access in any potential future conflict with Iraq.我们知道，礼貌的五角大楼，在整个夏季和秋季的2002年， NBC新闻，通过其五角大楼局行政和其他接触，密切配合，秘书办公室，国防部，公共事务，对这个问题的媒体访问在未来的任何潜在的冲突与伊拉克。 We also know that these meetings were an outgrowth of a meeting held on Sept. 28, 2001, when the Pentagon and bureau chiefs, including representatives from NBC News, discussed how to balance the needs of the media to do their job while protecting national security and the safety of military personnel.我们也知道，这些会议的产物举行的会议上， 2001年9月28日，当美国五角大楼和局主管，包括代表NBC新闻，讨论了如何平衡的需要，媒体做他们的工作的同时，维护国家安全和安全的军事人员。 The issue of embedding media personnel with the military was raised, with the Pentagon emphasizing that “security at the source” was the principle means for which to ensure no security breach occurred.问题嵌入媒体工作人员与军事有人提出，五角大楼强调， “安全在源头”的原则，手段，其中，以确保没有违反安全发生。 This meant that if journalists were so embedded, they would have to be responsible about what they reported.这意味着，如果记者们，使嵌入式，便要负责什么，他们的报告。

This concept of self-censorship is not a new one, nor is it particularly controversial.这个概念的自我检查是不是一个新的，也不是特别具争议性。 Ernie Pyle and Joe Rosenthal, two famous journalists from World War II, were able to establish stellar reputations while operating under the conditions of wartime censorship.恩尼派尔和乔罗森塔尔，两个著名的记者，从第二次世界大战后，能够建立起恒星的声誉，而经营的条件下，战时新闻检查。 So were thousands of other journalists, in several wars.因此，被其他数以千计的记者，在几次战争。 In this manner, journalists covering D-Day knew of the invasion long before the American public, or even members of Congress.以这种方式，记者采访的D -天知道入侵之前很久，美国民众，或什至美国国会议员。 Were they bad journalists for not reporting what they knew beforehand?他们是坏的记者不报什么，他们知道，事前？ Were their parent organizations corrupted by agreeing to censorship as a prerequisite for access?他们的上级组织的损坏，同意检查的一个先决条件准入？ The answer in both cases is clearly “no.”答案在这两种情况下，显然是“不” 。

However, in the interest of establishing a foundation of fact upon which to further any investigation into the possibility of pressure being exerted on NBC reporters and/or correspondents covering a war between the United States and Iraq, an intrepid investigator would want access to documents and records from those early meetings between the Pentagon and NBC News.然而，在利益建立的基础，事实上后，其中的任何进一步调查的可能性正在施加压力，对全国广播公司记者和/或通讯员涵盖之间的战争，美国和伊拉克，一个勇敢的调查将要访问的文件和记录从这些早期之间的会议，五角大楼和美国全国广播公司的新闻。 What were the specific terms spelled out in those meetings?有什么具体条件，阐述了在这些会议上呢？ What derivative internal documents were generated inside NBC News, and its corporate master, General Electric, based upon those meetings, and what did those documents discuss?什么衍生金融工具的内部文件所产生的内NBC新闻，和其企业主，通用电气，基于这些会议上，和什么这些文件的讨论呢？ Unlike the situation faced by journalists during World War II, America and Iraq were not yet at war, so did NBC News establish policies on how to balance the operational security needs of the military while reporting on a war which, in the summer and fall of 2002, the Bush administration said wasn’t being planned?的情况不同，所面对的记者，二战期间，美国和伊拉克尚未处于战争状态，所以没有NBC新闻制定政策，就如何平衡的运行安全的需要，军事的同时，报告对战争，在夏季和秋季的2002年，布什政府说的是不是正计划？

Formal planning for “Operation Iraqi Liberation” (only later renamed “Operation Iraqi Freedom”) commenced early on in 2002.正式规划为“解放伊拉克行动” （后来才改名为“自由伊拉克行动” ）展开，早在2002年。 The US Army began working on a public affairs plan early in 2002 and, in June of that year, briefed US Central Command on a concept for large-scale media embedding for ground forces.美陆军开始工作，对公共事务计划在2002年初，并在6月的这一年，并向客人介绍了美国中央司令部对一个概念，大型媒体嵌入地面的力量。 US Central Command expanded the Army’s plan to include the other services, and by September 2002 had prepared a draft public affairs annex to the overall war plan.美国中央司令部，扩大了我军的计划，包括其他服务，并在2002年9月编写了一份草案，公共事务的附件，以整体的战争计划。 Formal public affairs planning for US Central Command was initiated in October 2002, when a planning cell was established.正式的公共事务的规划，美国中央司令部发起于2002年10月，当一个规划细胞成立。 In its first meeting, from Oct. 2-7, the Pentagon reviewed past media operations in time of war, and recommended a break with the past practice of a media pool, and instead suggested a formal embedded media program.在其第一次会议上，从10月2日至7日，五角大楼检讨过去媒体的运作，在时间的战争，并建议与过去决裂的做法，媒体池，而是提出一个正式的嵌入式媒体计划。 These and other media-related issues were consolidated into Annex F (Public Affairs) of the formal “Operation Iraqi Liberation” war plan.这些和其它相关媒体的问题被合并为附件F （公共事务）的正式行动“伊拉克解放”的战争计划。 It is curious that the Pentagon acknowledges a formal war plan in existence at a time when senior Bush administration officials were telling members of Congress that there were no plans to attack Iraq and that the Bush administration was focusing its efforts on diplomacy.这是好奇的说，五角大楼承认，正式的战争计划中存在的时候，布什政府高级官员告诉国会议员，有没有计划攻打伊拉克，并说，布什政府把重点放在其外交的努力。

The embedded media program was formally endorsed by the Pentagon in November 2002.嵌入式媒体计划正式获得通过，五角大楼在2002年11月。 On Nov. 14, 2002, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, together with the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, sent a message to all military commanders discussing public affairs, and in particular the embedded media program.关于2002年11月14日，国务卿，国防部长拉姆斯菲尔德，连同主席参谋长联席会议，发出了一个信息的所有军事指挥官讨论公共事务，特别是嵌入式媒体计划。 In it, Rumsfeld addressed how potential future operations [ie, war with Iraq] could shape public perception of the national security environment, and recognized the need to facilitate access to national and international media to “tell the factual story — good or bad — before others seed the media with disinformation and distortions as they most certainly will continue to do.在资讯科技，拉姆斯菲尔德如何处理未来可能的行动[即，战争与伊拉克]可以形成公众的看法，国家安全环境，并承认有必要，以方便向国家和国际媒体以“告诉事实的故事-好的或坏的-前其他种子的媒体造谣和扭曲，因为他们大多数肯定会继续这样做。 Our people in the field need to tell the story.”我们的人民在该领域需要告诉的故事“ 。

When did NBC News become aware of this Rumsfeld memo?什么时候成为NBC新闻意识到这一点，拉姆斯菲尔德备忘录？ Were there any reactions to the concept of embedded journalists being targeted by the military as being facilitators for disseminating a pro-Pentagon point of view?有任何反应的概念，嵌入式记者的目标，军事作为调解人的传播亲五角大楼的角度来看呢？ The Pentagon states that while no formal meetings about draft public affairs annex content were conducted with bureau chiefs, “informal discussions were held with some key individuals in the media, who provided input for consideration.” The Pentagon also acknowledges that changes to the public affairs annex were made “based on a bureau chief’s recommendation.” Was NBC News part of the “informal discussions” with the Pentagon?五角大楼的国家，虽然没有正式会议关于草案的公共事务的附件内容进行了局长， “举行了非正式讨论，与一些关键的个人在媒体上，谁提供了投入，以供审议。 ”五角大楼也承认，改变公共事务附件发了言“的基础上，局行政的建议”是NBC新闻的一部分“非正式讨论”与五角大楼？ Did NBC News provide any recommendations to the Pentagon’s public affairs office based on such meetings?当时NBC新闻提供任何建议，五角大楼的公共事务办公室基于这样的会议？ If so, what were the recommendations, who made them, and how was this staffed within the NBC/GE corporate structure?如果是的话，有什么建议，是谁，以及如何这是工作人员与全国广播公司/通用电气公司的结构？

These are important questions, since balancing the need to maintain secrecy of potential military operations would appear to conflict with any effort undertaken by NBC News to probe Bush administration claims on not only the justification for confronting Iraq, but whether or not there was any plan to attack Iraq to begin with.这些都是重要的问题，因为平衡的需要，以维持保密，潜在的军事行动会出现冲突的任何努力，由NBC新闻试探布什政府的债权，不仅理由对抗伊拉克，但无论是否有任何计划攻打伊拉克开始。 How did NBC News compartmentalize its knowledge of the Bush administration’s plans to attack Iraq?如何NBC新闻compartmentalize的知识，布什政府的计划攻打伊拉克呢？ Was there any crossover in terms of management?有任何交叉在条款的管理呢？ Did the same personnel who managed Pentagon relations also manage the reporters whose task it was to press the Bush administration on the veracity of its case for war against Iraq?没有相同的人员，谁管理，五角大楼的关系，也可管理的记者，其任务是迫使布什政府的真实性，其案件为对伊拉克的战争？ Did such crossover ever manifest itself in a case of conflict of interest?这样交叉以往任何时候都显现在一宗案件中的利益冲突？ What is the documentary record of internal discussions within NBC in this regard?什么是纪录片，记录内部讨论全国广播公司在这方面呢？ Were any policies established on the control of information that touched upon sensitive military activities?任何政策建立在对控制信息的触及敏感的军事活动呢？

It might appear as if I am on a fishing expedition, so to speak, probing for documents for which there is no evidence that they even exist.它可能出现的作为，如果我对实行捕捞远征，可以这么说，探索的文件，其中没有任何证据表明，他们甚至存在。 Again, I’ll do my best to help focus David Gregory on his investigation.再次，我会尽我所能，帮助重点大卫格雷戈里对他的调查。 Much has been made of the fact that parent company GE makes a great deal of money from the machinery of war.许多已取得的事实是，公司的母公司通用电气作出了大量的金钱从机械的战争。 It is useful, however, to examine a specific case, an instance where the news operation, the corporate parent and the military were all too intertwined.它是有用的，但是，研究具体案件中，一个实例的地方新闻的运作，该公司的母公司和军队都太交织在一起。

In November 2002, the Pentagon established formal rules that specifically forbade any journalist to “self-embed” with a given military unit, noting that all requests for embedding would be handled via the Pentagon’s public affairs office.在2002年11月，五角大楼建立了正式的规则，特别是不准任何记者“自我嵌入”与某一军事单位，注意到所有要求嵌入将处理通过五角大楼的公共事务办公室。 At the same time, in Kuwait, the US Army’s 3rd Infantry Division brigade and battalion commanders were experimenting with embedding journalists during short (three to five days) training exercises.在同一时间内，在科威特，美国陆军的第三步兵师旅和营级指挥官被试验的嵌入记者在短期（ 3至5天）的训练演习。 The 2nd Brigade Combat Team in particular pushed the embedding concept, getting journalists embedded at the battalion level.第2旅战斗队，尤其是推嵌入的概念，越来越嵌入式记者在营一级。 From this experience, the 2nd Brigade was able to establish embedding tactics, techniques and procedures that worked for both the media and the commanders.从这个经验，第二旅是能够建立的嵌入战术，技术和程序工作都传媒和指挥官。 According to the US Army, “The embeds realized they needed to work with their equipment and develop procedures for filing reports.据美国军队， “嵌入实现他们所需要的工作与他们的设备和制定程序，提交报告。 They identified problems with the durability of their equipment and its ability to withstand the elements and a need for power sources for extended periods.”他们发现的问题与耐久性他们的设备和能力，能够顶住要素和需要电源延长期“ 。

One of these embeds was NBC News correspondent David Bloom.一，这些嵌入是NBC新闻通讯员朱开。 It should be noted that Bloom tragically died while covering the Iraq war.应该指出的是，布鲁姆不幸死亡，而包括伊拉克战争。 Bloom was a rising star at NBC, with an eye for a developing story.布鲁姆是一个新星在全国广播公司，与眼一个发展中的故事。 “Early on,” NBC News President Neal Shapiro said shortly after Bloom’s death, “he said, ‘I want a piece of this war.’ ” Shapiro isn’t specific about the date Bloom made that statement, but since Bloom was dispatched to Kuwait in November 2002, we can assume it was on or about that time. “在初期， ” NBC新闻主席尼尔夏皮罗说，不久后盛开的死， “他说， '我要一块这场战争” 。夏皮罗是没有具体的日期盛开作出这一声明，但由于是盛开派遣到科威特在2002年11月，我们可以假设这是对或约，当时。 Bloom was one of the embeds who worked closely with the US Army during that time, developing the “tactics, techniques and procedures” for embedded media.布鲁姆是其中的嵌入谁密切合作，与美国军队在这段时间，发展“的战术，技术和程序” ，为嵌入式媒体。 In December 2002, Bloom called NBC News from Kuwait, where he had just covered the largest US military live-fire exercise since the first Gulf War.在2002年12月，开花所谓NBC新闻从科威特，在那里他刚刚涵盖了美国最大的军事实弹射击演习以来，第一次海湾战争。 Bloom told his NBC News bosses that he had been given permission to embed with the 3rd Infantry Division, even though official Pentagon policy in place at the time specifically forbade any such action.布鲁姆告诉他的NBC新闻的老板说，他已获准以嵌入与第三步兵师，即使官方的五角大楼政策到位，在当时的具体禁止任何此类行动。 Bloom already exhibited a familiarity with the war plans of the 3rd Infantry Division, bragging that they were the “tip of the spear.” Not only would Bloom and his cameraman be able to ride with the 3rd Infantry Division, they would be able to broadcast live while doing so.布鲁姆已经展示了熟悉的战争计划的第三步兵师，吹牛，他们的“秘诀的矛” ，不仅会开花和他的摄影师能够饶有兴致地乘坐了第3步兵师，他们将能够播出活，而这样做。 Clearly, Bloom and his 3rd Infantry Division colleagues had perfected their embed “tactics, techniques and procedures.”显然，布鲁姆和他的第三步兵师的同事，完善其嵌入“战术，技术和程序” 。

The 2nd Brigade Combat Team had offered Bloom the use of a large M-88A1 tank recovery vehicle.第2旅战斗队提供了布鲁姆使用一个大的M - 88a1坦克回收车。 Bloom had worked with the Army to mount a camera and a mobile satellite transmission unit on the M-88.布鲁姆曾与军队展开相机和移动卫星传输单元上的M - 88 。 The images taken from the camera would be sent back, while the M-88 was traveling at speeds of up to 50 miles per hour, to a radically modified Ford F-450 SuperDuty truck that carried specialized satellite communication equipment built by Maritime Telecommunications Network, and a gyro-stabilizing transmission dish mounted underneath a protective dome on the rear body.图像从相机将被送回，而米- 88是行驶速度可达50英里每小时，一个根本性的修改福特F - 450 superduty卡车进行了专门的卫星通信设备建造的海上通信网络，和陀螺稳定传输碟装下一个保护圆顶对后方的机构。 This truck would trail the leading elements of the 3rd Infantry’s spearhead at distances of up to two miles.这卡车将径领导的要素第三步兵的矛头距离长达两英里。 The M-88 carrying Bloom broadcast microwave signals back to the Ford F-450 truck, which in turn transmitted these signals via satellite uplink back to NBC News headquarters.的M - 88进行盛开广播微波信号回到福特F - 450卡车，这反过来又转发了这些信号通过卫星上行回NBC新闻总部。

Bloom was able to provide the specifications of his idea to his NBC bosses, and in just 40 days, engineers from Maritime Telecommunications Network and NBC were able to modify a Ford F-450 to not only withstand the rigors of the Iraqi desert, but also to accommodate the electronics and satellite dish.布鲁姆是能够提供的规格，自己的想法，以他的全国广播公司的老板，并在短短的40天内，工程师从海上电讯网络和美国全国广播公司能够修改福特F - 450 ，不仅经受住苛刻的伊拉克沙漠，但也以容纳电子和卫星天线。 Four weeks before the start of the war, the vehicle was tested, only to have the signal drop every time the vehicle turned.四周前，战争开始时，车辆测试中，只有有信号下降，每一次的车辆转。 The engineers worked frantically to fix the problem, and the modified F-450, nicknamed the “Bloommobile,” was airlifted to Kuwait, arriving just days before the start of the invasion.工程师的工作，疯狂地解决这一问题，和改进的F - 450 ，绰号“ bloommobile ， ”是空运到科威特，抵达前几天开始入侵。

The cost of the Bloommobile has not been formally revealed, but is thought to run into seven figures.成本的bloommobile尚未正式透露，但被认为是运行到7的数字。 This vehicle would never have been made without the support of GE, which underwrote the cost of its construction.这个车可能永远都没有作出支持葛， underwrote的成本，其建设。 GE also fronted for NBC in negotiating special clearances with the Pentagon and State Department on exceptions to policy and import-export control.通用电气公司也门前，为全国广播公司在谈判特别清拆行动与美国五角大楼和国务院对例外情况的政策和进出口贸易的控制。 The Pentagon’s official policy while the Bloommobile was being built was for embeds to ride in vehicles provided by their respective unit, and that the media were not to provide their own transportation.五角大楼的官方政策，而bloommobile是正在兴建的，是为嵌入乘坐的车辆在所提供的各自的单位，以及媒体不提供自己的运输。 Clearly, the Bloommobile represented a stark exception to that rule.显然， bloommobile代表一个鲜明的例外。

Keep in mind that the entire time GE/NBC was investing millions of dollars into building the Bloommobile so they could get crystal-clear live video transmitted from the “tip of the spear,” the Bush administration was playing coy on the subject of war with Iraq.请记住，整个时间葛/全国广播公司是投资数百万美元到建设bloommobile ，使他们可以得到水晶般清晰的电视直播传送从“尖端的Spear ， ”布什政府正在发挥青年事务委员会关于这一主题的战争伊拉克。 With GE/NBC News so heavily invested in exploiting a war, was there any pressure placed on NBC reporters/correspondents concerning how they dealt with the Bush administration’s case for war?与GE / NBC新闻，使大量投资于开发一场战争，是有任何的压力，放置在全国广播公司记者/记者关于如何处理与布什政府的案件为战争？ It is a fair question, and one that could best be dealt with through an examination of the internal GE/NBC documents concerning the Bloommobile.这是一个公平问题，一最能加以处理，通过考试的内部葛/全国广播公司的文件有关bloommobile 。 Who in GE/NBC served as the project manager for the Bloommobile?谁在葛/全国广播公司担任项目经理为bloommobile ？ Certainly Bloom, the brain trust, was away in Kuwait.当然，开花，智囊，离开在科威特。 Who oversaw the project back in the United States?谁主持该项目早在美国？ What did the Bloommobile cost?什么没有bloommobile费用是多少？ What was the internal debate within GE/NBC concerning the merits/faults of the Bloommobile?什么是内部辩论，葛/全国广播公司有关的优点/缺点的bloommobile ？ An organization like GE/NBC does not allocate millions of dollars on a whim.一个组织如GE /全国广播公司并不拨出数百万美元的一种突发奇想。 There had to be some sort of oversight that was documented.必须有某种形式的监督，这是记录在案。 Who in GE/NBC fronted for the Bloommobile with the US government?谁在葛/全国广播公司门前，为bloommobile与美国政府呢？ What is the record of communication between GE/NBC and the US government concerning the vehicle?什么是记录之间的沟通，葛/ NBC和美国政府有关的汽车吗？ Did GE/NBC have to provide the US government with any guarantees concerning the use of the Bloommobile?当时葛/全国广播公司已提供美国政府与任何保证使用该bloommobile ？

In investing in the vehicle, GE/NBC News was investing in the war.在投资于汽车，通用电气/ NBC新闻是投资在战争中。 There are quid pro quo arrangements made every day, and the link between the US government granting NBC News so many exceptions in the creation and fielding of the Bloommobile, and the crackdown within the GE-controlled NBC/MSNBC family on anti-war and anti-administration sentiment, cannot be dismissed as simply circumstantial.有是指在无报偿作出的安排，每天和之间的联系，美国政府给予NBC新闻这么多的例外，在建立和菲尔丁的bloommobile ，打击内部葛控制全国广播公司/ MSNBC的家庭对反战和反-政府当局的情绪，不能被视为单纯的环境。 But a review of the available documents would clarify this issue.不过，检讨现有的文件将澄清这个问题。

David Gregory has vociferously defended the role he and NBC News played in the lead-up to the Iraq war.戴维格雷戈里已vociferously辩护的角色，他和NBC新闻所发挥的带头行动，伊拉克战争。 Scott McClellan’s new book, combined with testimony from other sources, including those from within the NBC News family, has called into question the integrity of the operation Gregory serves.麦克莱伦的新著，再加上作证时从其他来源，包括那些来自内部的NBC新闻的家庭，已成为问题的完整性运作格雷戈里服务。 An allegation from a credible source has been made, and any denial must therefore be backed with verifiable, documented information.一指控，从一个可靠的消息来源已取得，以及任何否认，因此，必须支持与核查，记录信息。 To paraphrase former Secretary of State Colin Powell when talking about Iraq before the invasion, the burden is on NBC to prove that it wasn’t complicit with the Bush administration concerning its reporting on Iraq and administration policies, and not on NBC’s critics to prove that it was.以段前，美国国务卿鲍威尔在谈到伊拉克入侵之前，负担的方法，是对全国广播公司，以证明它不是共犯与布什政府关于它的报告对伊拉克政府的政策，而不是在美国全国广播公司的批评证明它。

The old proverb notes that “a fish stinks from its head,” something that aptly describes the GE/NBC News team when discussing the issue of Iraq.旧的谚语指出， “一条鱼stinks从它的头， ”这正好说明了葛/ NBC新闻组时，讨论伊拉克问题。 I challenge David Gregory to demonstrate otherwise.我挑战大卫格雷戈里证明，否则。

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