언론의 자유를 파괴하는 CIA the

Tuesday, February 12th, 2008 2008년 2월 12일 (화)

“You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month.” - CIA operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. "당신보다 더 싼 가격을받을 수도 언론인 좋은 콜걸, 한 달에 몇 백 달러를합니다."-하는 CIA 요원이 논의와 필립 그레이엄, 편집기를 워싱턴 포스트 신문 인에 기꺼이 행상하는 CIA의 상태와 가격 선전과 커버 스토리합니다. “Katherine The Great,” by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991) "캐서린 위대한,"을 데보라 데이비스 (뉴욕 : 셰리던 광장 프레스, 1991)

As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be controlled by the government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. 무서운로로 한 나라에 사는 것은 언론 보도를 어디에 의해 통제 것으로 알려져 정부, 최소한 하나의 장점을 알고는 편견이 존재, 그리고 그것을 조정을합니다. In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free from such government meddling. 미국에서, 우리는 우리의 언론은 무료로 가르쳐에서 이러한 정부의 탄생을 방해합니다. This is an insideous lie about the very nature of the news institution in this country. 이것은 거짓말을 한 insideous이 뉴스의 본질은이 나라의 교육 기관. One that allows the government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie itself. 하나는 우리에게 거짓말을하도록 허용하는 동안 정부는 매우 사실을 부인하고 있다고 거짓말하고 그 자체.

The Alex Constantine Article the 알렉스 콘스탄틴 기술 자료
Tales from the Crypt 크립트에서 이야기

The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA’s Operation MOCKINGBIRD the moguls의 타락하는 CIA의 작전에 간첩과 모킹버드

by Alex Constantine 알렉 스로 콘스탄틴

Who Controls the Media? 누구를 제어합니다 매체?

Soulless corporations do, of course. 영혼이 기업 그렇습니다, 물론합니다. Corporations with grinning, 기업과 싱긋,
double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles 더블 - 브레스트의 임원, 연동 사무소, 노동 squabbles
and flying capital. 그리고 비행 자본합니다. Dow. 다우합니다. General Electric. 제너럴 일렉트릭합니다. Coca-Cola. 코카 - 콜라합니다. Disney. 디즈니합니다.
Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world: The 거울 세계를해야하는 신문 mastheads :
Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser . 웨스팅 하우스 밤 시미터, 대서양 - 리치 intelligentser합니다.
It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that 새벽에 시작하는 것이 옴부즈맨 늘고있다는 의자
the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that has 평행 우주에서 공공 도서 검색 리포트 소식 - 하나는
never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking 정치적으로 들어본 적이 없다 - 의욕 암살,하는 CIA - 마피아 뱅킹
thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with 절도, 마음 제어, 암살단도 연방 정부 기관과
secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone 비밀 예산이 비육 코카인 판매 - 오버런으로 고독한 장소
gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. 무장 세력, 어디로하는 CIA와 마피아는 보통의 최고의 행동합니다. In 안에
this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit 이 목가적인 토지, 가장 심각한 위반의 공식을 커밋
__is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no 국내 하인 a __is의 고용을위한 (전율) 아니오
residency status. 상주 상태합니다.

This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD. 이 낮은 토지의 매력은 모킹버드 작성합니다.

It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold 그것은 1940 년대 후반에 임신의 가장 찬 서리가 내린 기간
war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate 전쟁을 때, 침투하는 CIA의 시작 기업의 체계적
media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news 미디어를 포함하는 하나의 과정입니다 종종 직접적인 인수의 주요 뉴스
outlets. 아울렛합니다.

In this period, the American intelligence services competed with 이 기간, 경쟁과 미국의 인텔리 전스 서비스
communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. 유럽의 노조의 영향력을 해외로 공산주의 운동가. With or 함께 또는
without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an 지방 자치 단체의 협조하지 않고, 프랭크 wisner,
undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, 지붕에 할당되는 국무부의 공식적인 해외 서비스,
rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert 반올림 학생을 해외로 지하 비밀 냉전 시대를 입력합니다
operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. 그의 사무실에의 정책을 대신해 작업을 조정합니다. Philip 필립
Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, 그레이엄, 미 육군 정보 학교에서 졸업 __a 해리스 버그,
PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner’s 파, 그리고 워싱턴 포스트의 발행인., wisner의 밑에 찍은
wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD. - 이름이 작업이 프로그램 코드를 직접 날개 모킹버드합니다.

“By the early 1950s,” writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah "1950 년대 초반,"쓰기 음성 기자 데보라 formervillage
Davis in Katharine the Great, “Wisner ‘owned’ respected members of the 데이비스의 캐서린 위대한, "wisner '중고'존경의 구성원
New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus 뉴욕 타임스, 뉴스위크, cbs 및 기타 커뮤니케이션 차량, 플러스
stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA 통신원, 4-600으로, 이전하는 CIA에 따르면
analyst.” The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for 애널리스트합니다. "네트워크가 알렌 감독을 덜레스에 대한 템플
German and American corporations who wanted their points of view 독일과 미국의 기업을 그들의 관점 원한
represented in the public print. 공공 도서 검색에 표시합니다. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 영향을 25 초 모킹버드
newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA 신문이나 기관의 역할에 동의하는 CIA 와이어 기관
propaganda. 선전합니다. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary 많은 이들은 이미 남성과 반동에 의해 실행
views, among them William Paley (CBS), CD Jackson (Fortune), Henry 보기, 그중 윌리엄 팔레 (콜럼븀), cd 잭슨 (행운), 헨리
Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (NY Times). 루스 (시간)와 아서 건초를 만들 n 다 sulzberger (뉴욕 타임스).

Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been 앵무새가 그 후 활동에 활동가가에 대해 궁금해
appalled to f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA foia 문서는 대리인을 자랑하는 상사를하는 CIA의 f__ind
office memos of their pride in having placed “important assets” inside 메모의 사무실 배치를 둔 자부심 "중요한 자산"내부
every major news publication in the country. 이 나라의 모든 주요 뉴스 게시합니다. It was not until 1982 1982까지는 아니었
that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have 기자는 정부 기관에서 인정하는 CIA 임금을 공공연히
acted as case officers to agents in the field. 임원이 대리인으로 사건 현장에서 행동을합니다.

“World War III has begun,” Henry’s Luce’s Life declared in March, "차 대전이 시작됐다"헨리의 루스의 생명을 선언 년 3 월
1947. “It is in the opening skirmish stage already.” The issue "우리가 무대에서 개막 접전이 이미있습니다."이 문제
featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the 추천 도서를 발췌 본의 제임스 번햄, 누구에게 온 전화를
creation of an “American Empire,” “world-dominating in political 작성을 "미국의 제국", "세계 - 지배하는 정치적인
power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including 전원, 설정을 통해 최소한의 일부 강제적인 (아마도 포함한
war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people 전쟁, 확실히 전쟁의 위협)과 어느 그룹의 사람
… would hold more than its equal share of power.” 동등 이상의 점유율을…의 전력이 보류합니다. "

George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce 조지 seldes, 유명한 방지 - 파시스트 미디어 비평, 드류 루스 아래에서
in 1947, explaining tha__t “although avoiding typical Hitlerian 1947 년 설명할 tha__t "비록 피하는 전형적인 hitlerian
phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world 문구, 동일한 교리의 우수한 사람들이 세계를 인계
and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of 그리고 여권,이 신문에 게재되기 시작했다 반면 기관
Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably 월스트리트가 훨씬 더 정직 교리를 피할 수없는 마음에 드는
leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the 상업적인 시장에 큰 경우가 전쟁을 선도 아래에 데려
American flag.” 미국의 국기합니다. "

On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the 국내 앞면에의 준수, 삼진 사이의 관계는
CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. 하는 CIA와 윌리엄 팔레, 대령과 설립자 cbs 전시합니다. A a
firm believer in “all forms of propaganda” to foster loyalty to the 회사 신자, "모든 형태의 선전 선동"을 충성을 육성
Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of 미 국방부, 팔레 에이전트를 고용하는 CIA의 요청을 받고 비밀리에 작업
his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation’s media, Allen 그의 절친한 친구, 바쁜 회색 민족의 예하 미디어, 알렌
Dulles. 덜레스합니다. Paley’s designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was 팔레의 지정된 - 사이에 이동하는 CIA는 그의와의 거래
Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961. 통신 미켈슨 사장은 cbs 뉴스 1954-1961합니다.

The CIA’s assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the the하는 CIA의 오래된 경비대의 신진 대사는 감독의 파시스트
Operations Coordination Board, directed by CD Jackson, formerly an 작업을 조정 보드, cd 잭슨 감독은 기존
executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower’s Special Assistant for Cold 경영진의 시간과 아이 젠하워의 특별 보조를 잡지 감기
War Strategy. 전쟁 전략을합니다. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit 에 성공하여 1954 년에 그는 넬슨 록펠러, 누구를 종료
a year later, disgusted at the administration’s political infighting. 1 년 후, 정부의 정치적인 내분에 혐오합니다.
Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war 부통령 닉슨 냉전 시대에 성공의 열쇠로 록펠러
strategist. 전략가.

“Nixon,” writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice "닉슨,"기록 존 loftus을 지낸 변호사를 법무
Department’s Office of Special Investigations, took “a small boy’s 부서의 사무실의 특수 수사 나서, "작은 소년의
delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden 인텔리 전스 공예의 기쁨을하기 어려운 도구 - 그 숨겨진
microphones, the ‘black’ propaganda.” Nixon especially enjoyed his 마이크, '검은색'선전합니다. "닉슨을 즐겼다 특히
visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the “special 버지니아 주 훈련 캠프를 방문을 관찰 나치의 "특수
forces” drilling at covert operations. 미군 "굴착에 은밀하게 작업을합니다.

One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence 미국의 인텔리 전스를 모집 중 하나를 도망자
underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Blücher, the son of A 허버트 폰 blücher 지하는 헤로인 밀매업자의 아들의
German ambassador. 독일어 대사합니다. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by 허버트 종종 그는 그 훈련을 자랑스러워
the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a the abwehr, 독일의 군사 정보 부문 반면 여전히
civilian in his twenties. 그의 20 대 민간인합니다. He served in a recon unit of the German Army 독일의 정찰 단위에서 근무 육군
until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime 1944 년에 건강상의 이유로 강제로 아웃하기 전까지에 의하면, 그의 전시
records. 레코드를합니다. He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on 간략하게 조수로 일한 베를린 - 영화를 위해 감독
a movie entitled One Day …, and finished out the war flying with the 영화 제목 어느 날…, 그리고 전쟁을 밖으로 비행을 완료
Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling 사령부지만 적군을 상대할 - 그의 임무는 밀수
of Nazi loot out of the country. 나치의 약탈의 나라를 빠져 나갈합니다. His exploits were, in part, the 그의 공격은, 부분,
subject of Sayer and Botting’s Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover botting의 나치의 주제와 sayer 골드, knockover있는 계정의
of the Reichsbank at the end of the war. 전쟁의 제국의 끝에합니다.

In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. 1948 년에 그는 생협을 날아 아르헨티나합니다. Posing as a photographer named 포즈를 취하고있는 사진가로서 이름을
Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron, huberto 폰 bleucher corell, 그는 법원에 즉시 지불 에바 페론,
presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from 그녀의 발표를 헤아릴 수 gobelin 태피스 트리 (원정 선택
the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe’s Jews?). 나치 친위대에서 유물을 소유하는 등 유럽의 유대인을 압수하여?).
Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver 허버트 다음 호텔에서 만났다 플라자를 제공 마틴 bormann
German marks worth $80 million. 독일 마르크 상당 8천만달러합니다. The loot financed the birth of the 자금의 탄생을 손에 넣자
National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi 민족 사회주의 파티에 아르헨티나, 캐나다, 나치의 다른 형태의 사이
revival. 부활합니다.

In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color 1951 년, 허버트 및 취직을 북쪽으로 마이 그 레이션의 색상
Corporation of America in Hollywood. 주식 회사의 미국 할리우드합니다. He eked out a living writing 그는 살아있는 서면 eked 아웃
scripts for the booming movie industry. 영화 산업 호황에 대한 스크립트를합니다. His voice can be heard on a 그의 목소리를 듣고 수있습니다
film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. 영화의 무대는 아마존, 생산하여 월트 디즈니합니다. Nine years later he 9 년 후에 그는
returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West Germany, and 다시 부에노스 아이레스, 다음 뒤셀도르프, 서독, 그리고
established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical 영화 스크립트를 개발하는 기업이 설립 없다,하지만 방지 - 화학
warfare agents for the government. 전쟁이 정부를 위해 대리인합니다. At the Industrie Club in Düsseldorf 공업 클럽에 뒤셀도르프에서
in 1982, von Blücher boasted to journalists, “I am chief shareholder 1982 년 폰을 자랑 blücher 신문인, "나는 수석 주주
of Pan American Airways. 아메리칸 항공의 팬합니다. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. 나는 친구의 최고의 하워드 휴즈. The 그
Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. 비치 호텔에 오신것을 환영합니다 의해 융자가 45 % 나. I am thus the 그러므로 나는
biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed 아라비안 나이트 최대의 금융 적 이야기를 꿈에 나타납니다
up by these people over their second bottle of brandy.” 이러한 사람들이 그들의 두 번째 병에 의해 브랜디합니다. "

Not really. 아니합니다. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken 취한 상태에서 두 개의 큰 금융을 비틀 거림
dreams of world-moving affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg, 꿈의 세계 - 이동 풍요로움은, 자신의 시간, 모세 annenberg,
publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the 출판사의 필라델피아 inquirer, 그리고 그의 아들 월터,
CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide. 하는 CIA / 군중 - 고정 출판사의 텔레비젼 안내합니다. Like most American 대부분의 미국의
high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. 하이 - 롤러, 이중 생활 annenberg가 살고 있었다. Moses, his father, was a 모세는, 그의 아버지는
scion of the Capone mob. 카포 군중의 scion합니다. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939 둘 다 모세와 월터는 1939 년 기소
for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest case 많은 수백만 달러에 대한 세금 신고 누락 합계 - 수있는 가장 큰 사건
in the history of the Justice Department. 법무부의 역사에서합니다. Moses pled guilty and agreed 모세와 합의 유죄
to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax 8,000,000달러과 정착을 지불 정부는 각종 세금을 9,000,000달러
claims, penalties and interest debts. 청구, 벌금과이자 부채합니다. Moses received a three-year 모세가받은 3 개 - 년
sentence. 문장을합니다. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary. 그는 교도소 lewisburg 사망했다.

Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. 월터 annenbeg, 텔레비젼 안내서 유력, 공화당은 고귀한합니다. On the 에
campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to 선거 유세 년 4 월, 1988 년 로스 앤젤레스에 나서는 조지 부시
woo Reagan’s kitchen cabinet. 우 레이건의 부엌 캐비넷합니다. “This is the topping on the cake,” "이것은 토핑에 케이크를,"
Bush’s regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. 부시 대통령의 로스 앤젤레스 타임스 지역 캠페인을 감독 얘기를합니다. The Bush 부시
team met at Annenberg’s plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, 란초 미라지에서 만났다 annenberg의 부동산 팀에서 봉제 sunnylands,
California. 캘리포니아합니다. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon’s cabinet was 그것은 그 닉슨 내각이 맨션에서 annenberg
chosen, and the state’s social and contributor registers built over a 선택, 그리고 레지스터 구축을 통해 국가의 사회와 기고자
quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose - 세기의 상황을 정치적인 우세 분기 로널드 레이건, 누구
acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD. 연기 경력을 출범하여 운영 모킹버드합니다.

The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan’s 상업의 텔레비전, 일치와 레이건의
recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the 십자군 전쟁의 자유를 위해 채용을하는 CIA 전선 내놓았다
intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda 잠재적인 선전에 대한 전례가없는 세계를 인텔리 전스 파종
and even prying in the age of Big Brother. 큰 형님의 시대에 엿보는도합니다. George Orwell glimpsed the 조지 오웰 영상 the
possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance 그는 전지를 설치하면 영상 감시 가능성
technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition 기술을 1948 년 초판에 소설을 rechristened 1984
published in the US by Harcourt, Brace. 미국에 의해 게시 하 커트, 지탱합니다. Operation Octopus, according 작업 낙지 의하면,
to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program 연방 법원으로 파일,이 본격화하여 1948 년 모니터링 프로그램을
that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast 어떤 텔레비전 세트를 설정으로 튜브가 브로드 캐스트
transmitter. 트랜스 미터합니다. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images 낙지의 대리인이 픽업 오디오 및 영상
with the equipment as far as 25 miles away. 25 마일 멀리까지가 장비를 갖고있습니다.

Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his 조사 작업은 boggs 해일 당시의 문어
disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe. 워터 게이트의 와중에 실종 프로브합니다.

In 1952, at MCA, Actors’ Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol 1952 년, mca, 배우 '길드의 로널드 레이건 대통령 - 화면 아이돌
recruited by MOCKINGBIRD’s Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the 앵무새의 자유를 위해 십자군을 모집하여 자금을 조달
resettlement of Nazis in the US, according to Loftus - signed a 이전에 미국에서 나치에 의하면, loftus - 서명
secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled 비밀의 갈등의 포기를 의미하는 -의 - 관심을 통제 규칙을 군중 -
studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early television 스튜디오, 노동 전매 권을 조기에 영향을 부여 텔레비전
programming. 프로그래밍합니다. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. 그 대신에, mca는 레이건의 일부 소유자합니다. Furthermore, 게다가,
historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, c. '밴'우드워드의 역사, 작문의 뉴욕 타임즈, 1987 년,
reported that Reagan had “fed the names of suspect people in his 레이건은 전했다는 "연방 준비 은행의 이름은 그 사람들이 용의자
organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 미 연방 수사국과 정기적으로 조직을 비밀리에 할당할 수있을 정도로
‘an informer’s code number, T-10.’ His FBI file indicates intense '밀고의 코드 번호, t - 10.'그 강렬한 미 연방 수사국 파일을 나타냅니다
collaboration with producers to ‘purge’ the industry of subversives.” 생산자와 공동 작업을 '비우기'산업의 subversives합니다. "

No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former 월터 고비를 눈으로 의심되는 사람은 아무도 없으니까 아무것 전
intelligence officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI’s Moscow 즉각적인 전후 시대의 정보 장교와 UPI 통신은 모스크바
correspondent. 특파원합니다. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD’s 아무것은 앵무새의 유인 작전에 의해 cbs
Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis. 필 그레이엄, 데보라에 따르면 데이비스합니다.

Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film 또 다른 텔레비전 대기업, 카프 도시, 장미처럼 공포 - 영화
simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. 원숭이에서 작업을하는 CIA와 마피아의 헤로인을합니다. Among other 등
organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell 조직 - 범죄 공화당 원, 토마스 듀이와 그의 이웃 사람 로웰
Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the 토마스 공짜로 리조트를 시작합니다 악명높은 국제,
corporate front for Lansky’s branch of the federally-sponsored mob 연방 정부의 전면에 대한 기업의 lansky - 스폰서 군중의 지점
family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. 가정과 기업의 전조로 카프 도시합니다. Another of the 또 다른의
investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated 투자가 제임스 크로스비, 카프 도시 행정 누구 기증
$100,000 to Nixon’s 1968 presidential campaign. $ 100,000을 1968 년 닉슨 대통령의 캠페인을합니다. This was the year that 이것은 그 년
Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. 애틀랜틱 시티 카지노 리조트 관심을 샀다. Police in New 경찰에 새
jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling 유니폼을 시도하지 않고 성공, 도박을 발급 스파이크
license to the company, citing Mafia ties. 사용권을 회사, 인용 마피아의 탄생합니다.

In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the 1954 년,이 동일한 서클의 투자자, 모든 카톨릭, 설립
broadcasting company notorious for overt propagandizing and general 중독과 일반적인 방송사 많기로 유명합니다
spookiness. spookiness합니다. The company’s chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, 이 회사의 수석 변호인이 oss의 베테랑 윌리엄 케이시,
who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after who 쓰며 그의 주식 백지 신탁 후에도에서 그들을 숨기
he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981. 그는 1981 년 로널드 레이건 의해 장관이 임명되었다.

“Black radio” was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The "블랙 라디오"이라는 문구가 유행하는 CIA의 현명한 평론가 데이비드
Invisible Government to describe the agency’s intertwining interests 보이지 않는 정부 기관의 상호 관심 방법에 대한 설명을
in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who 트랜지스터 라디오의 탄생에서 사람과 기업가
took to the airwaves. 방송을 데려합니다. “Daily, East and West beam hundreds of "매일, 수백명의 동쪽과 서쪽 빔
propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of 서로의 방송을 선전의 확고 부 동한 나부랭이
competition for the minds of their listeners. 청취자의 마음의 경쟁을합니다. The low-price transistor 낮은 - 가격 트랜지스터
has given the hidden war a new importance,” enthused one foreign 주어진의 숨겨진 전쟁은 새로운 중요성을, "하나의 조선 조선의 enthused
correspondent. 특파원합니다.

A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda a 하이 드레이팅 재정에 대한 선전을 신속히 민간 재단
push. 푸시합니다. One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), 그들 중 한명, 운영 및 정책 연구, (주 opr),
received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private 수백에서 수천 달러를 수신하는 CIA를 통해 민간
foundations and trusts. 기초 및 트러스트를합니다. OPR research was the basis of a television opr 연구는 텔레비전을 기준으로
series that aired in New York and Washington, DC in 1964, Of People 시리즈를 방영 뉴욕과 워싱턴은 1964 년, 사람들은
and Politics, a “study” of the American political system in 21 weekly 과 정치, "공부"를 미국의 정치 시스템에 21 주간
installments. 분할합니다.

In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia 할리우드, 시각 피질의 짐승, 동일한하는 CIA / 마피아
combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film 클로에의 조합을 형성하는이 영화 카프 도시 침몰
studios and labor unions. 스튜디오와 노동 조합합니다. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army 미 육군에서 끌려나와 자니 rosselli
during the war by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the 시카고 범죄 수사에 의해 전쟁을하는 동안에 mobsters
film industry. 영화 산업합니다. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA, rosselli에 의해 암살하는 CIA 자산 아마이 주장
played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited 경기 조수로 해리 옥수수, 콜롬비아 사진을 방문한 거물 누구
Italy’s Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood 1933 년 이탈리아의 베니토 무솔리니, 그리고 할리우드에 귀국시
remodeled his office after the dictator’s. 독재의 이후에 그의 사무실에 개장합니다. The only honest job 유일하게 정직한 직업
Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret rosselli 길잡이가 구입을 한 적이 있습니까 에이전트 (및 비밀
investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former 투자자)에 독수리 사자 프로덕션에 의해 실행 브라이언 foy 전
producer for 20th Century Fox. 20 세기 폭스에 대한 생산합니다. Rosselli, Capone’s representative on rosselli, 카포 네의 대표
the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. 서부 해안, 옥수수 투자를 통과 마피아의 작은 행운을합니다.
Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson, 빌리 seigel 투자를 도박 wilkerson 벅시 수영장,
publisher of the Hollywood Reporter. 할리우드 리포터의 발행인.

In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of 1950 년대에 전체 지출의 3 분의 1을 글로벌 선전 기어
the CIA’s covert operations budget. the하는 CIA의 비밀 작전을 예산을합니다. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract 일부 3, 000의 봉급과 계약을
CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. 결국 선전에 종사하는 CIA 직원이 노력을합니다. The cost 의 비용
of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 미국 납세자의 세계를 disinforming으로 추정되는 비용을 265달러
million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures 만 일년에 의해 1978 년 이상의 예산 지출을 합한
of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates. 로이터, UPI 통신과 아태지역 뉴스 신디케이트.

In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with 1977 년, copely 뉴스 서비스와 밀접하게 효과가 인정
the intelligence services - in fact, 23 employees were full-time 의 정보 서비스 - 사실, 23 종업원은 완전한 - 타임
employees of the Agency. 정부 기관의 직원합니다.

Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the 대부분의 소비자를 기업의 언론이 - 그리고은 -을 인식하지 못하고
effect that the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. 효과가들이 자신의 믿음에 소금 여론이있습니다. A a
network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of 네트워크에 앵커의 국가적 위기는 악기의 시간을
psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. 모킹버드 미디어의 심리전합니다. He is a creature from 그는로부터 생물
the national security sector’s chamber of horrors. 안보 분야의 공포의 방. For this reason 이러한 이유로
consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic 소비자의 기업의 언론은 그들의 기본적인 이유를 검토
beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these 신앙 생활에 대해 정부와 평행 우주는 이러한
United States. 미국합니다.

How the Washington Post Censors the News 워싱턴 포스트는 뉴스를 검열하는 방법
[Note the highlighted paragraph] [참고 : 강조 단락]

How the Washington Post Censors the News 워싱턴 포스트는 뉴스를 검열하는 방법

A Letter to the Washington Post 워싱턴 포스트에 편지를
by Julian C. Holmes 율리우스 의해 홈즈 c.
_________________________________________________________________

April 25, 1992 1992년 4월 25일
Richard Harwood, Ombudsman 리처드 harwood, 옴부즈맨
The Washington Post 워싱턴 포스트
1150 15th Street NW 1150 월 15 스트리트 nw
Washington, DC 20071 워싱턴 20071

Dear Mr. Harwood, 친애하는 미스터 harwood,

Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit 워싱턴 포스트는 비록 이상 - 연장 그 자체를 추구하지 않습니다
of hard news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government 의 하드 뉴스, 그냥 내버려 드롭 소문의 흔적이 정부의
“conspiracy”, and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. "음모", 및 경적 룸이 뉴스에 경적이 터진다. Aroused 흥분
from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various 일상 생활에서 보고서의 무관심과 각종 assignations
other political and social sports events, editors and reporters 기타 정치와 사회 스포츠 이벤트, 편집자와 기자
scramble to the phones. 휴대 전화를 스크램블합니다. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest the 경적 비명을 경고 : 최고의
single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government 단일 위협을 무리 - 저널리즘, 기업의 이익을, 그리고 정부의
stability — the dreaded “CONSPIRACY THEORY”!! 안정성 - 그 무서운 "음모론"!

It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted 그것은 아무도 알 수 없다는 사실 여부를 accosted가 귀찮은 또는
by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to 이들 중 하나를 서로 대치하고 있었던 spectres, 그러나 그들의 존재가 발표
Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs 일제의 경고를 작성해 독자를 피하려면 교활하고, 스티커 웹을
spun by the wacko “CONSPIRACY THEORISTS”. 경간을 미친 것 "음모 이론가"합니다.

Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra. 에서 우리를 저장한 후 회수하는 방법에 관한 진실이란 - 콘트라합니다.

Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule 프로 음모를 hosenball은 고용을 조롱 마크 엑소시스트
the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had 올리버는 생각은 북한과 그의하는 CIA - 관련 갱의
conspired to do wrong (*1). 공모 이렇게 틀린 (* 1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack 그리고, 그들 신디케이트 칼럼, 잭
Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the 앤더슨과 데일 밴 아타 논의의 일부 conspirators,
Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring 게시물의 독자를 보호하기 신속히, 그리고 conspirators을 검열
the Anderson column before printing it (*2). 인쇄하기 전에 열을 앤더슨이 (* 2).

But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra 그러나 뚜껑이오고 밖으로 약간의 시간이란 - 콘트라
conspiracy. 공모합니다. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for 1986 년, christic 연구소의 종교간 대화 센터
law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a US 법률 및 공공 정책, 미국의 주장은 소송
arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the - 마약 거래에 대한 무기 - 무기 흐름을 유지시키는 데 도움이되었던
CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to US markets 니카라과하는 CIA - 콘트라 군, 그리고 코카인을 미국 시장 흐름
(*3). (* 3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work 1988 년 출판 cockburn 레슬리 통제 불능이되고, 정액 작업
on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). 우리 엽기, 불법적인 전쟁을 니카라과 (* 4). The Post 포스트
contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of 이 발견 과정을 기여를 명예 훼손 혐의도
conspiracy and by publishing false information about the 음모와 거짓에 대한 정보를 게시하여
drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on 마약 - 밀수 증거를 제시 소위원회의 집
Narcotics Abuse and Control. 마약 남용 및 제어합니다. When accused by Committee Chairman 고발을하면위원회 위원장
Charles Rangel (D-NY). 찰스 rangel (라 - 뉴욕). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only 오해를보고, 인쇄 전용 포스트
a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from 정정 및 거부의 부분에서 불만 사항을 인쇄하는 편지를
Rangel (*5). rangel (* 5).

Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry’s Subcommittee on Terrorism, 존 케리 상원 의원 선서 증언을하기 전에 소위원회의 테러,
Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed US Government 마약, 그리고 미국 정부의 국제 업무를 확인
complicity in the drug trade (*6). 마약 거래에서 공범 (* 6). With its coverup of the arms/drug 과 그 은폐의 무기 / 마약
conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and 음모를 증발, 기어 및 전환 적 - 수용 인원 게시물
retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat 우리의 마음을 새롭게 유지를 쫒아 hosenball 신흥 위협
to domestic tranquility, the “October Surprise” conspiracy (*7). 국내 평온, "10 월 서프라이즈"음모 (* 7). But 그러나
close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and 닫습니다 게시물이 사건에 한 획을 hosenball와 바바라와 honegger
then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with 다음 게리 아픈 who 작성 독립적으로, 2 년 간격으로 도서를
the same title, “October Surprise” (*8). 같은 제목, "10 월 서프라이즈"(* 8). Honegger was a member of the 의 구성원은 honegger
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. 레이건 / 부시 대통령 1980 년 팀 캠페인 및 마이 그 레이션합니다. Gary Sick, 게리 아프고,
professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the 컬럼비아 대학에서 교수, 중동 지역의 정치가를
staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, 국가 안전 보장회의 아래 직원의 대통령 포드, 카터,
and Reagan. 그리고 레이건합니다. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published 1989 년 및 1991 각각 출판 honegger와 아프
their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to 그들의 증거를 제공하는 방법 무기를 거래를 한 공화당
Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages 이란은이란 지연 릴리스의 경우 미국의 52 인질로
until after the November 1980 election. 1980년 11월 선거 이후에까지합니다. The purpose of this deal was 이 거래가의 목적은
to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October - 선거에서 진압의 가능성을 미리 릴리스 (10 월
surprise). 서프라이즈). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for 재선을 동기 부여를주고있는가에 대한 전망
President Carter. 카터 대통령이있습니다.

Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. 레이건 - 부시 대통령이 주장하는 다른 사람에 대한 자세한 음모를 게시합니다. In 안에
October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose “An Election Held 1988년 10월, 플레이보이 검사를 폭로 "는 선거 개최
Hostage”; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). 인질 "; 전선의 또 다른 년 4 월 한 1991 년 (* 9). In June, 1991 a 6 월, 1991 년
conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former 회의의 고유 신문인, 입사하여 8 개 전
hostages, challenged the Congress to “make a full, impartial 인질로, 장애인 의회를 "을 전체, 공정한
investigation” of the election/hostage allegations. 조사 "의 선거 / 인질을 주장합니다. The Post reported 포스트 보도
the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself 성명의 인질로,하지만 자신이 회의를 한 마디도
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). 상원 의원의 사무실 건물에서 열린 dirksen 강당 (* 10).
On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives 2 월 5 일 총 1992 - 수줍음, 평범 중의원
begrudgingly authorized an “October Surprise” investigation by a task begrudgingly 승인을 "10월 서프라이즈"조사 작업
force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). 13 하원 의원이 이끄는 힘 리 해밀턴 (라 - 인). who had chaired 누구는 위원장
the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. 이란 - 콘트라위원회 중의원합니다. Hamilton has named 해밀턴이 이름을
as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI 래리 수석 팀으로 통보 barcella, bcci 대표 변호사
when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11). 이 은행은 1988 년에 기소 (* 11).

Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing 워싱턴 포스트는처럼, 해밀턴을 추구에 관심을가 표시되지 않습니다
the US arms-for-drugs operation (*12). -에 대한 무기는 미국 - 약물 작업 (* 12). He had accepted Oliver 그는 허용 올리버
North’s lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he 북한의 거짓말, 그리고 정보위원회의 의장으로서 그는 집
derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to 탈선 하우스 해상도 485했던 레이건 대통령에 질문
answer questions about Contra support activities of government 정부의 콘트라 지원 활동에 대한 질문의 답변
officials and others (*13). 공무원 및 기타 (* 13). After CIA operative John 후에하는 CIA 요원이 존

Hull (from Hamilton’s home state). 선체 (해밀턴의 홈 상태). was charged in Costa Rica with 코스타리카와 살해 혐의
“international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation’s "국제 마약 밀매와 반대하는 미국의 적대적인 행위
security”, Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to 보안 ", 해밀턴, 18 동료 의원하려
intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling 오스카 아리아스 산체스 코스타리카 대통령을 위협하고 처리
Hull’s case “in a manner that will not complicate US-Costa Rican 선체의 경우 "를 복잡하게하지 않는 방식으로 우리 - 코스타리카
relations” (*14). 관계 "(* 14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the 해밀턴 편지를보고하는 게시물이나 않았
Costa Rican response that declared Hull’s case to be “in as good hands 코스타리카 응답이 선언의 경우 선체가 "로 좋은 손
as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all 백년이 우리 민주주의를 중단없이 이전의 모든 제공할 수있습니다
citizens” (*15). 시민 "(* 15).

Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy 비록 포스트는 우리의 생각을 떨어져 그 음모에 최선을 안내
theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves 이론을 피하기는 어렵다는 사실에는 너무 많은 비리
government or corporate conspiracies: 정부 또는 기업의 음모 :

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, cointelpro 작업에, 미 연방 수사국 사용 틀린, 위조,
surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass 감시, 허위 체포, 그리고 폭력을 불법적으로 괴롭히는
UScitizens in the 60’s (*16). uscitizens 60 년대 (* 16).

The CIA’s Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by “destroying 쿠바를 파괴하는 CIA의 작전에 의해 불법으로 몽구스 the "파괴
crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and 작물, brutalizing 시민, 불안 정한 사회, 그리고
conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other 피델 카스트로를 암살 음모의 영광과 및 기타
leaders” (*17). 지도자 "(* 17).

“Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of "표준 기름은 독점 금지법을 발견 부 뉴저지 주
the Department of Justice to be conspiring with IGFarben…of 법무부는이와 음모의 igfarben…
Germany. 독일합니다. …By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the 그… 카르텔 협정을 체결하여 표준 석유,
United States was effectively prevented from developing or 미국은 개발을 효과적으로 방해하거나
producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of 생산 [rworld 전쟁 - Ⅱ] 어떤 상당한 양의
synthetic rubber,” said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin 합성 고무, "라고 위스콘신 주 상원 의원 로버트의 lafollette
(*18). (* 18).

US Government agencies knowingly withheld information about 미국 정부 기관에 대한 정보를 고의로 원천 징수
dosages of radiation “almost certain to produce thyroid 복용량의 방사선 "거의 확실하다 갑상선
abnormalities or cancer” that contaminated people residing near 이상 또는 암 "그것 오염된 사람들이 거주하는 인근
the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19). 공장의 핵 무기를 hanford, 워싱턴 주 (* 19).

Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in 정부의 여러 지점에 그들의 다리를 고의적으로 드래그
getting around to cleaning up the Nation’s dangerous nuclear 점점 주위를 청소하는 데 나라의 위험한 핵
weapons sites (*20). 무기를 사이트에 (* 20). State and local governments back the 주 정부 및 지방 자치 단체 뒤로
nuclear industry’s secret public relations strategy (*21). 원자력 산업의 비밀을 홍보 전략을 (* 21).

“The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some "국립 암 연구소, 미국 암 협회 및 일부
twenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused 20 포괄적인 암 센터,도하고 혼란을 오해하게 만들었
the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning 국민과 의회를 반복적으로 주장하고 우리가 승리
the war against cancer. 암 전쟁을 반대합니다. In fact, the cancer establishment has 사실, 암 설립은
continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates 암 요금에 대한 증거를 최소화 지속적으로 확대
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, 흡연과식이 요법이 발생하는 대부분의 지방,
while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable 할인 또는 무시하고 역할을하는 동안 피할 수 인과
eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and 산업 eposures 발암 물질에 공기, 음식, 물, 그리고
the workplace.” (*22). 직장합니다. "(* 22).

The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq 부시 행정부는 이전의 은폐 - 걸프 - 이라크 전쟁을 지원하는
“is yet another example of the President’s people conspiring to "는 또 하나의 예 공모가에 대한 대통령의 사람들은
keep both Congress and the American people in the dark” (*23). 의회와 미국 국민의 상태로 유지 어둠 "(* 23).

If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of 생각해 보면, 공모가의 근본적인 측면
doing business in this country. 이 나라에서 사업합니다.

Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf 체계적이고 협동 조합의 검열에 타고 페르시아 만
War by the Pentagon and much of the news media (*24). 전쟁으로 미 국방부 및 대부분의 뉴스 미디어 (* 24).

Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend 또는 광범위한 비즈니스 및 정부의 그룹으로 지출 계획을
$100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated 1 억 달러의 세금을 추진하고 잘린다 변형된
history of Columbus in America (*25). 콜럼버스의 아메리카의 역사 (* 25). along the lines of the 라인을 따라
Smithsonian Institution’s “fusion of the two worlds”, (*26). 스미소니언 박물관의 "핵융합의 두 세계", (* 26).
rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish 검토 더 많은 현실적인 측면보다는 스페인어
invasion, like “anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death” (*27). 침략 같은 "분노, 잔인, 금, 테러, 그리고 죽음"(* 27).

Or circumstances surrounding the US Justice Department theft from 또는 주변 환경을 둘러싼 미국 법무부로부터 절도
the INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer the inslaw 회사 정교하지만, 법 - 집행 기관 컴퓨터에
software which “now point to a widespread conspiracy 소프트웨어는 "이제 포괄적인 음모에 포인트를
implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of 작은 정부 관계자의 연루의 절도
INSLAW’s technology”, says former US Attorney General Elliot inslaw의 기술 ", 말한다 전 미 법무 장관 엘리엇
Richardson (*28). 리처드슨 (* 28).

Or Watergate. 또는 워터합니다.

Or the “largest bank fraud in world financial history” (*29), where 또는 "최대의 은행 사기 세계 금융의 역사"(* 29), 어디
the White House knew of the criminal activities at “the Bank of 의 형사 활동을 알고 백악관에서 "한국 은행은
Crooks and Criminals International” (BCCI) (*30), where US 사기꾼과 범죄자 국제 "(bcci) (* 30), 어디 미국
intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where 그들의 비밀 정보 기관 한 은행 (* 31), 그리고 어디
bribery of prominent American public officials “was a way of 저명한 미국의 공무원의 뇌물 수수 "는 하나의 방법
doing business” (*32). 사업 "(* 32) 10.

Or the 1949 conviction of “GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of 1949 년 유죄 판결을하거나 "유전자 조작 [제너럴 모터스], 표준 석유의
California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for 캘리포니아 주, 파이어, 그리고 로이 피츠제럴드 e. 중에서 다른 사람에 대한
criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with 전기 교통 수단을 대체할 범죄를 공모
gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of 기체 - 그리고 디젤 엔진 - 전원 버스의 판매를 독점하고
buses and related products to transportation companies 버스 정류장 및 관련 제품을 운송 업체
throughout the country” [in, among others, the cities of New 전국 "[에서, 특히 도시의 새로운
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake 뉴욕, 필라델피아, 볼티모어, 세인트 루이스, 오클랜드, 솔트 레이크 시티
City, and Los Angeles] (*33). 도시, 그리고 로스 앤젤레스] (* 33) 2.

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). 상원 의원은 1973 년에 에이 브 라함 사이에 또는 담합 ribicoff (라 - 중부 표준시).
and the US Department of Transportation to overlook safety 안전을 간과과 미국 교통부
defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by 자동차의 결함을 제조한 120 만 corvair
General Motors in the early 60’s (*34). 제너럴 모터스 70 년대 초반 1960 년대 (* 34).

Or the AH Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield 이나 아 나이트 회사, 어느 제조하고 방패 dalkon
intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings 자궁 피임, 그리고 반복적으로 경고를 무시
of the Shield’s hazards and which “stonewalled, deceived, 방패의 위험을하고 있고, 어느 "고집이 속지,
covered up, and 은폐, 그리고

covered up the coverups…[thus inflicting] on women a 커버를 coverups… [그러므로 inflicting], 여성 a
worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections.” (*35). 전세계 전염병의 골반 감염합니다. "(* 35) 2.

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and 맥도넬 더글러스 항공기 회사와 협력 관계 또는
the FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding 결과를 버리라는 명령에 관한 규정을 적용하는 오류
the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 문의 안전하지 않은 직류 - 10화물 항공편을 모두 죽이고에 실패
364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 터키 항공 항공편 981에서 364 여객 1974년 3월 3일
(*36). (* 36).

Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug 아니면 지금 - 금지, 암 - 생산 임신을 약
Diethylstilbestrol (DES). diethylstilbestrol (엇). that was sold by manufacturers who 제조 업체는 사람을 통해 판매되는
ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who 실험을 보여주 엇을 무시 발암, 그리고 사람
acted “in concert with each other in the testing and marketing 행동 "의 콘서트에 서로의 시험 및 마케팅
of DES for miscarriage purposes” (*37). 엇의 유산을 목적으로 "(* 37).

Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the 또는 은행과 합작 음모 사이로
cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of 협력이 손상 의회의 예금을 완화
their savings. 그들의 저축합니다. This “arrogant disregard from the White House, 이 "백악관에서 오만을 무시,
Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of 의회와 기업의 이익과 권리를 세계에있는
the American people” will cost US tapayers many hundreds of 미국 사람 "는 수백명의 많은 비용 미국 tapayers
billions of dollars (*38). 수십억 달러 (* 38) 2.

Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General 이나 웨스팅 하우스, allis 챔 머스, 연방 태평양, 및 일반
Electric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to 전기 경영진의 호텔 객실에 몰래 만난 사람
fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial 수정 프로그램을 제거 가격과 경쟁에 중공업
equipment (*39). 장비 (* 39).

Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). 또는 범죄에 대해 유죄 판결 산업 biotest 연구소 (• TOEFL 시험).
officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs 처방전이 필요한 의약품에 대한 테스트를 조작 안전을 위해 경찰관
(*40). (* 40).

Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of 또는 석면 업계의 음모에 대한 지식을 억제
medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41). 의료 problemsrelating에 석면 (* 41).

Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies “agreed 1928 achnacarry이 석유 회사를 통해 계약 또는 "동의
not to engage in any effective price competition” (*42). 어떤 효과적인 가격 경쟁을 관여 "(* 42).

Or the conspiracy among US Government agencies and the Congress to 또는 미국 정부의 기관과 의회 사이에 공모
cover up the nature of our decades-old war against the people 우리의 본질을 은폐 - 오래된 전쟁을 반대하는 사람들을 수십 년
of Nicaragua 니카라과의

a covert war that continues in 1992 with the US Government 비밀리에 미국 정부는 1992 년 전쟁을 계속
applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into 니카라과에 대한 압박으로 경찰을 재구 성할
a more repressive force (*43). 좀 더 억압적인 힘 (* 43) 5.

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the US Government to interfere in 또는 음모를 방해하는 CIA와 미국 정부가
the Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions, 칠레 선거 과정과 군사 원조, 은밀한 행동,
and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of 경제 보이콧을하고있는 전복의 culminated
the legitimately elected government and the assassination of the 합법적으로 선출된 정부와 암살
President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44). 1973 년 살바도르 아옌데 대통령 (* 44).

Or the conspiracy among US officials including Secretary of State 또는 국무 장관 등 미 당국자 간의 음모
Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance 윌리엄 콜비를 재무 장관 헨리 키신저와
terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola’s 테러에 방해를 목적으로 앙골라의 앙골라
plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about 10 월에 평화적인 선거를위한 계획은 1975 년, 그리고 거짓말
these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). 이러한 작업을 의회와 언론 (* 45). And CIA 그리고하는 CIA
Director George Bush’s subsequent cover up of this 감독이 조지 부시 대통령의 후속 은폐
US-sponsored terrorism (*46). 우리 - 공포 정치 (* 46).

Or President George Bush’s consorting with the Pentagon to invade 아니면 조지 부시 대통령은 미 국방부가 침략과 consorting
Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the 파나마는 1989 년 헌법을 위반하는 방법으로
United States, the UN Charter, the OAS Charter, and the 미국, 유엔 헌장, oas 헌장, 그리고
Panama Canal Treaties (*47). 파나마 운하 조약 (* 47).

Or the “gross antitrust violations” (*48) and the conspiracy of 또는 "총 독점 금지법 위반"(* 48)와 음모
American oil companies and the British and US governments to 미국의 석유 회사와 영국 및 미국 정부에
strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the 이란 경제적으로 질식 국유 the 후이란
British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. 영국 - 중고 영국 -이란 석유 회사는 1951 년. And the 와
subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime 1953 년 이후에하는 CIA의 전복이란 프라임
Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49). 모하메드 장관은 mossadegh (* 49).

Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice 콩고 또는 머리를 암살하는 CIA - 계획 -은 - 주 patrice
Lumumba (*50). lumumba (* 50 개).

Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, 또는 고의적인 노력을 심의하고 조지 부시 대통령,
Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various US 로버트 돌 상원 의원, 상원 의원 조지 미첼, 각종 미국
Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress 정부 기관, 의회와 구성원 모두의 집
to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the 니카라과는 1990 년 전국 선거를 구매
presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51). 부시 대통령이 지원하는 대통령 후보 (* 51).

Or the collective approval by 64 US Senators of Robert Gates to 미국 상원 의원의 승인을 64이나 집단에 로버트 게이츠
head the CIA, in the face of “unmistakable evidence that Gates 머리를이 주장의 얼굴에 "명백한 증거가없는 한 게이츠
lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal” (*52). 거짓말에 대한 그의 역할이이란 - 콘트라 스캔들 "(* 52) 10.

Or “How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland’s Solidarity 또는 "어떻게 레이건과 교황은 폴란드의 연대를 지원 공모
Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism” (*53). 운동과 공산주의의 붕괴 하여금 "(* 53).

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban 아니면 묵인하는 방법으로, 로널드 레이건 행정부를 금지하는 바티칸
the use of USAID funds by any country “for the promotion of 기금의 사용을 usaid 어떤 나라 "를 홍보하는
birth control or abortion” (*54). 산아 제한이나 낙태를 "(* 54).

Or “the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common 또는 "바티칸과 워싱턴의 결탁을 달성하는 방법 일반적인
purpose in Central America” (*55). 목적이 중앙 아메리카 "(* 55).

Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer 과테말라 또는 강한 - 남자와 대량 살인자 협업
Hector Gramajo with the US Army to design “programs to build 헥토르의 미 육군을 위해 디자인 gramajo "프로그램을 빌드
civilian-military cooperation” at the US Army School of the 민간 - 군사 협력 "를 미군이 학교,
Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine 아메리카 (soa)에 포트 베닝, 조지아, 5의 9 개
soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are 대량 학살 혐의에 군인 엘살바도르는 1989 년 예수회
graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel 어느 열차 soa 졸업생 라틴어 / 미국의 군사 요원
(*56). (* 56).

Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration 또는 comanche 첨단 원자력 발전소 정권의 음모
to harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter 언어 폭력의 원인이 신체적인 피해를 고발 포터 린다
who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility who 적발 위험 시설에 근무 조건
(*57). (* 57).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of 또는 대통령의 음모와 정부의 리처드 nxion
South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 남베트남를 지연 이후에까지, 파리 평화 회담
1968 US presidential election (*58). 1968 미국 대통령 선거 (* 58) 1.

Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59). 또는 유행성 coverups의 경찰 폭력 (* 59).

Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60). 아니면 항상 안전하게 -이 - 인용 전세계 공산주의 음모에 (* 60).

Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The 아니면 사회적 책임이있다면, 컨소시엄을 게시하는 비결
Satanic Verses in paperback (*61). 사탄의 구절을 페이퍼백 (* 61) 4.

Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post 음모론은 확실히하는 방법을 처리하는덴, 그리고 워싱턴 포스트
offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a 위험에 작은 코멘트를 제공하지 않는 한 음모를 드러낸다 첸
really important conspiracy that, let’s say, benefits big business or big 정말 중요한 음모가, 보자, 혜택은 큰 사업이나 큰
government. 정부합니다.

Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA’s 1953 overthrow of 그러한 음모를 전복은 우리의 선의를하는 CIA의 1953
the Iranian government to help out US oil companies; or like our 이란 정부에 도움을 미국 석유 회사, 또는 우리의
illegal war against Panama to tighten US control over Panama and the 파나마와의 전쟁을 강화하게 제어할 불법적인 미국과 파나마
Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates 운하, 또는 같은 독점 통제를 용이하게 방송
corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the
camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in
the conspiring officials can erode — depending on how seriously the
citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to
see as a real threat to its corporate security.

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on
Oliver Stone’s movie “JFK”, which reexamines the US Government’s
official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story
of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s unsuccessful
prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection
with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not
be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us
from our war against Vietnam.

The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along
lines suggested by “JFK”. Senior Post journalists like Charles
Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael
Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public
sentiment which has never supported the government’s
non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that
the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that “both
the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission” (*63)
and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on
Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed “as a
result of a conspiracy” (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
stories have been used as vehicles to discredit “JFK” as just another
conspiracy (*65).

Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen
Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George
Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that
there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L.
Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have
each authored defense of the “JFK” thesis that Kennedy was not
enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just
continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level
assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
arguments.

An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable
behavior is George Lardner Jr’s contribution to the Post’s campaign
against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months
before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft
of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the
Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile
statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner
does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a
US Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted
under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television
reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the US Government’s case
against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post’s 1973 account of the
Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently
asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered
it (*71).

Two weeks after his first “JFK” article, Lardner blustered his way
through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early
draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing
Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer “of gothic fiction”.

When the movie was released in December, Lardner “reviewed” it (*73).
He again ridiculed the film’s thesis that following the Kennedy
assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy’s plans to
de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was
written before the assassination, and that it “was a continuation of
Kennedy’s policy”. In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before
the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy’s Assistant for National
Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version
provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) — facts that
Lardner avoided.

The Post’s crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:

The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for
the most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post
(*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
discussion of the Warren Commission’s secret doubts about both the FBI
and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing
co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the “new wave of books
and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission’s findings…[and]
conspiracy theories …[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our
organization” and to “discuss the publicity problem with liaison and
friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors “and to
“employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
critics. …Book reviews and feature articles are particularly
appropriate for this purpose. …The aim of this dispatch is to
provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
conspiracy theorists…” (*77).

In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great,
the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper’s close ties
with Washington’s powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.

Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim
that Bradlee had “produced CIA material” (*78). Understandably
sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis’ publisher
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,”Miss Davis is lying …I never produced
CIA material …what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to
put your company in that special little group of publishers who don’t
give a shit for the truth”. The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the
book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated
Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA
propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his
association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently
taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by
Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80).

And it’s not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work.

Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham “believing that the function of the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice: the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA” (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, “It was widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from” (*82). More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by “refusing to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictment was announced …for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica” (*83).

Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the
availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA
man recalls, “You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month” (*84). One may wish to
consider Philip Graham’s philosophy along with a more recent statement
from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the
Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs.
Graham said: “A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. … The
point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and
we’ve learned better how and where to draw the line, though the
decisions are often difficult” (*85).

Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified
that our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as
conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in
that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its
business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs — a conspiracy
“to act or work together toward the same result or goal” (*86). But
where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it
pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government
are “coincidence”. Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration
inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver
Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post’s
opposition to Stone’s movie is a “conspiracy”. Lardner assures us that
Stone’s complaints are “groundless and paranoid and smack of
McCarthyism” (*87).

So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who
investigate conspiracies?

The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because
they need something “neat and tidy” (*88) that “plugs a gap no other
generally accepted theory fills’, (*89. and “coincidence …is always
the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
circumstances …” (*90).

And what does this response mean? It means that “coincidence theory”
is what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a
conspiracy. In other words, some things just “happen”. And, besides,
conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; “coincidence” is a
safer bet.

Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as
Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence
Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential
candidates “who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy”.
Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as “symptoms of
the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American
political class” (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers;
they used the “C” word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
off-the-cuff comment into an entire column — ending it with:”We are
the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing
waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain’t”.

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran
of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative
Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote “A
Reporter Looks Back in Anger — Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
Crime”. Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to
accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own
experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as “the biggest
pain in the ass in the office” (*93).

Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors
is a matter of random coincidence?

And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by
editors without influence from fellow editors or from management?
Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office “meetings”
in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of
which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That
there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no
cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media “grayout” of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a
Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran
equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let’s face it:
these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining
guests at a soup kitchen.

Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post
Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account
of wire-service control over news: “The largely anonymous men who
control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see
and hear. …there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches
untouched out the front door as ‘news’” (*95).

When he sat on the US District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge
Clarence Thomas violated US law when he failed to remove himself
from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas’ mentor, Senator
John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance
to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would
Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
matter by the major news media and the US Senate was a matter of
coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston
Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?

Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader’s
Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President’s Men, it documents “How
the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
Safety, and Environmental Programs”. Three months later, Post
journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published “The President’s
Understudy”, a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although
this series does address Quayle’s role with the Competitiveness
Council, its handling of the Council’s disastrous impact on America is
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle
memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political
aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government
associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth — revealing
little about Quayle’s abilities, his understanding of society’s
problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never
mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle’s record in the
Bush Administration (*98).

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did
both of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to
mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever
discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to
publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their
reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were
dedicated to this twaddle without people “acting or working together
toward the same result or goal”? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?

On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New
York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:

TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON’S PATH

TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN
WITH BUSH

TSONGAS CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON

TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON

This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions
of whether the news media collective mindset is really different from
that of any other cartel — like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or
manufacturing cartels, a cartel being “a combination of independent
commercial enterprises designed to limit competition” (*101).

The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading:

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post
“conspire” to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far
from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the
question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post’s telephone
conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite
must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes
a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are “safe”,
and that experienced reporters don’t have to ask.

What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post
communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members
of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in
public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.

Sincerely,

Julian C. Holmes

Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news
media, And - maybe a few others.

Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:

1. Mark Hosenball, “The Ultimate Conspiracy”, Washington Post,
September 11, 1988, p.C1

2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard
Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the
Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to
Robert Gates.

2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “Iran-Contra Figure Dodges
Extradition”, Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May
26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..

2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “The Man Washington Doesn’t Want
to Extradite”, Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note
2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..

3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy,
etc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony
Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.

3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, “Reports: Contras Send Drugs
to US”, Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.

3c. Neal Matthews, “I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam” (based on interviews
with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April
5, 1990.

4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press,
1987.

5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics,
University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.

5b. David S. Hilzenrath, “Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras
to Drug Smuggling”, Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.

5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington
Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.

5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman
Rangel’s Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the
Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.

6a. Michael Kranish, “Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug
Trail”, Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.

6b. Mary McGrory, “The Contra-Drug Stink”, Washington Post, April 10,
1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, “Guns for Drugs?
Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush’s
Office”, Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.

6d. Dennis Bernstein, “Iran-Contra — The Coverup Continues”, The
Progressive, November 1988, p.24.

6e. “Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy”, A Report Prepared by
the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations
of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
1988.

7a. Mark Hosenball, “If It’s October … Then It’s Time for an Iranian
Conspiracy Theory”, Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.

7b. Mark Hosenball, “October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of
the 1980 ‘Hostage- Deal’ Story Is Still Full of Holes”, Washington
Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.

8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989.

8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House,
1991.

9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, “An Election Held Hostage”,
Playboy, October 1988, p.73.

9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, “The Election Held Hostage”,
FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.

10a. Reuter, “Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress”, Washington Post,
June 14,1991,p.A4.

10b. “An Election Held Hostage?”, Conference, Dirksen Senate Office
Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The
Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY,
10016.

11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, “House Approves Inquiry Into
‘OctoberSurprise’”, Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.

11b. Jack Colhoun, “Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise”, The
Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7.

11c. Jack Colhoun, “October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer”, The
Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3.

12. See note 5a, p.180-1.

13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.

13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the
Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No.
100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.

14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the
Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the US Congress David
Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim
Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates,
Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike
Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob
McEwen; January 26, 1989.

14b. Peter Brennan, “Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in
US — Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in
Nicaragua”, WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.

14c. “Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer”, Scripps-Howard
News Service,April 25, 1991.

15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the
Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull”, February
6, 1989.

16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989.

17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard– The US Role in the New
World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121.

18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate,
77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin,
The Crime and Punishment of IG Farben, New York: The Free Press,
Macmillan, 1978, p.93.

19. R. Jeffrey Smith, “Study of A-Plant Neighbors’ Health Urged”,
Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6.

20. Tom Horton, “A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend — Price Tag
Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites”, Baltimore Sun, February 23,
1992, p.1K.

21. “The Nuclear Industry’s Secret PR Strategy”, EXTRA!, March 1992,
p.15.

22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need
for PublicPolicy Reform”, Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,
p.E947-9.

22b. Samuel S. Epstein, “The Cancer Establishment”, Washington Post,
March 10, 1992.

23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, “Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the
BNL Scandal”, Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.

23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War
Iraq Policy”, Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.

23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal
Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, “Meeting on
congressional requests for information and documents”, April 8, 1991;
Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.

24a. Michio Kaku, “Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses”, The

Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4.

24b. J. Max Robins, “NBC’s Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White
Case”, Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.

25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991
Letter to”Friends”, p.1.

26. Jean Dimeo, “Selling Hispanics on Columbus — Luis Vasquez-Ajmac
Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project”, Washington Post, November
18, 1991, p.Bus.8.

27. Hans Koning, “Teach the Truth About Columbus”, Washington Post,
September 3,1991, p.A19.

28a. James Kilpatrick, “Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench”, St.
Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, “A
High-Tech Watergate”, New York Times, October 21,1991.

29. “BCCI — NBC Sunday Today”, February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript
prepared by Burrelle’s Information Services. The quote is from New
York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own
independent investigation of BCCI.

30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;
from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.

31. Jack Colhoun, “BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush’s Closet”, The
Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.

32. Robert Morgenthau. See note 29, p.10.

33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco:
Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.

34. See note 33, p.136-7.

35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon
Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33,
p.157.

36. See note 33, p.164-171.

37. See note 33, p.172-180.

38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House,
1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader’s Introduction, p.iii.

39. See note 33, p.217.

40. See note 33, p.235.

41. See note 33, p.277-288.

42. See note 33, p.323.

43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund
Newsletter, March1992, p.1.

44. William Blum, The CIA — A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books
Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.

45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978.

45b. See note 44, p.284-291.

46. See note 17, p.18.

47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for
Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The
Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.

47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992,
p.145-7.

48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam
Books, 1977,p.521.

48b. “The International Oil Cartel”, Federal Trade Commission,
December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.

49a. See note 44, p.67-76.

49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.

50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
Publications, 1983,p.60.

51. HR-3385, “An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
in Nicaragua”. Passed the US House of Representatives on October 4,
1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of
64 to 35.

52. Jack Colhoun, “Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post”, The
Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.

53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35.

54. “The US and the Vatican on Birth Control”, Time, February 24,
1992, p.35.

55. “Time’s Missing Link: Poland to Latin America”, National Catholic
Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.

56a. Jim Lynn, “School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission”,
Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12.

56b. Vicky Imerman, “US Army School of the Americas Plans
Expansion”, News Release from SOA Watch, PO Bo 3330, Columbus,
Georgia 31903.

57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992.

58. Jack Colhoun, “Tricky Dick’s Quick Election Fix”, The Guardian,
January 29,1992, p.18.

59a. Sean P. Murphy, “Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against
Police”, Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.

59b. Christopher B. Daly, “Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston
Case”, Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.

59c. Associated Press, “Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest
Video”, WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.

59d. Gabriel Escobar, “Deaf Man’s Death In Police Scuffle Called
Homicide”, Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1.

59e. Jay Mathews, “LA Police Laughed at Beating”, Washington Post,
March 19, 1991, p.A1.

59f. David Maraniss, “One Cop’s View of Police Violence”, Washington
Post, April 12,1991, p.A1.

59g. From News Services, “Police Abuse Detailed”, Washington Post,
February 8, 1992,p.A8.

60. Michael Dobbs, “Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got
Millions”, Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.

61. David Streitfeld, “Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In
Paperback”, Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.

62a. See notes 48 and 49.

62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.

62c. “Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987″, US Senate Bill S742.

62d. “Now Let That ‘Fairness’ Bill Die”, Editorial, Washington Post,

June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.

63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America — The Mafia Murder of
President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988,
p.viii.

64. See note 63, p.28.

65a. Chuck Conconi, “Out and About”, Washington Post, February 26,
1991, p.B3.

65b. George Lardner Jr., “On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland”,
Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.

65c. George Lardner, “…Or Just a Sloppy Mess”, Washington Post, June
2, 1991,p.D3.

65d. Charles Krauthammer, “A Rash of Conspiracy Theories — When Do We
Dig Up BillCasey?”, Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.

65e. Eric Brace, “Personalities”, Washington Post, October 31, 1991,
p.C3.

65f. Associated Press, “‘JFK’ Director Condemned — Warren Commission
Attorney Calls Stone Film ‘A Big Lie’”, Washington Post, December 16,
1991, p.D14.

65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, “Kennedy Assassination: How
About the Truth?”, Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.

65h. Rita Kemply, “‘JFK’: History Through A Prism”, Washington Post,
December 20,1991, p.D1.

65i. George Lardner Jr., “The Way it Wasn’t — In ‘JFK’, Stone
Assassinates the Truth”, Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.

65j. Desson Howe, “Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?”, Washington Post,
December 20,1991, p.55.

65k. Phil McCombs, “Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire — In Defending
His ‘JFK’ Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and
Reasoning”, Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.

65l. George F. Will, “‘JFK’: Paranoid History”, Washington Post,
December 26, 1991,p.A23.

65m. “On Screen”, ‘JFK’ movie review, Washington Post, Weekend,
December 27, 1991.

65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, “Shadow Play”, Washington Post, December
27, 1991, p.A21.

65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “The Paranoid Style”, Washington Post,
December 29,1991, p.C7.

65p. Michael Isikoff, “Heeeere’s Conspiracy! — Why Did Oliver
Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?”, Washington
Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.

65q. Robert O’Harrow Jr., “Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts –
Moviegoers Say ‘JFK’ Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone”,
Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.

65r. Michael R. Beschloss, “Assassination and Obsession”, Washington
Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1.

65s. Charles Krauthammer, “‘JFK’: A Lie, But Harmless”, Washington
Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.

65t. Art Buchwald, “Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy”, Washington Post,
January 14, 1992,p.E1.

65u. Ken Ringle, “The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories — Good on Film,
But the Motivation Is All Wrong”, Washington Post, January 19, 1992,
p.G1.

65v. Charles Paul Freund, “If History Is a Lie — America’s Resort to
Conspiracy Thinking”, Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.

65w. Richard Cohen, “Oliver’s Twist”, Washington Post Magazine,
January 19, 1992, p.5.

65. Michael Isikoff, “Seeking JFK’s Missing Brain”, Washington Post,
January 21,1992, p.A17.

65y. Don Oldenburg, “The Plots Thicken — Conspiracy Theorists Are
Everywhere”, Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.

65z. Joel Achenbach, “JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts”, Washington
Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5.

65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the
Assassins is characterized as “conspiracy plot theories”, Washington
Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12

66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i.

67a. Peter Dale Scott, “Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon
Papers”. Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon
Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.

67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy — The Secret Road to the
Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p.
215-224.

67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New
printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990,
p.402-416.

67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.

67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992.

67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9,
1992, p.290.

68a. See note 65b.

68b. Oliver Stone, “The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the
JFK Assassination”, Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.

69. See note 65b.

70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner
Books, 1988, 315/318.

71. Associated Press, “Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery
Charge”, Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.

72. See note 65c.

73. See note 65i.

74. See note 67e, p.438-450.

75. John G. Leyden, “Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots”, Washington
Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.

76a. Tad Szulc, “New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe”,
Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.

76b. Tad Szulc, “Warren Commission’s Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day –
‘This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused’”, Washington Star, September

20, 1975, p.A1.

76c. Tad Szulc, “Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission –
Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed”, Washington Star,
September 21, 1975,p.A1.

77. “Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report”, New York
Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37.

78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2.

79a. Eve Pell, “Private Censorship — Killing ‘Katharine The Great’”,
The Nation, November 12, 1983.

79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press,
1987. Davis says, “…corporate documents that became available during
my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman,
William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great]
had been “processed and converted into waste paper”".

79c. Daniel Brandt, “All the Publisher’s Men — A Suppressed Book
About Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again”
National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.

79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square
Press, 1991. “…publishers who don’t give a shit”, p.iv-v; bullying
HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..

80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See
note 79d, p.304.

81. See note 79d, p.119-132.

82. Carl Bernstein, “The CIA and the Media — How America’s Most
Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence
Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up”, Rolling Stone,
October 20, 1977, p.63.

83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington
Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post’s rationale for
its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this
policy is still in effect.

83b. Daniel Brandt, “Little Magazines May Come and Go”, The National
Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post’s protection of the identity
of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, “America needs to
confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of
its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime
covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of
Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike
forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists.”

83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988.
Harwood’s two- sentence letter reads, “We have a long-standing policy
of not naming covert agents of the CIA, except in unusual
circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez.”

84. See note 79d, p.131.

85. Katharine Graham, “Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist
Acts”, Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.

86. “conspire”, ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language,
Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.

87. Howard Kurtz, “Media Notes”, Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1.

88. See note 65y.

89. See note 65n.

90. See note 65d.

91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992.

Richard Harwood, “What Conspiracy?”, Washington Post, March 1, 1992,
p.C6.

93. p. 29-32.

94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services
Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared
in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials;
“Jerry” Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In
those 28, Agran’s name appeared 76 times, Clinton’s 151, and Brown
105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran’s name appear in a headline.

94b. Colman McCarthy, “What’s ‘Minor’ About This Candidate?”,
Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy
tells how television and party officials have kept presidential
candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post’s own daily news-blackout
of Agran is not discussed.

94c. Scot Lehigh, “Larry Agran: ‘Winner’ in Debate With Little Chance
For the Big Prize”, Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.

94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, “The Press Rejects a Candidate”, Columbia
Journalism Review,March/April, 1992.

95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The
Press, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.

96a. 28 USC Section 455. “Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the
United States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his
impartiality might reasonably be questioned.” [emphasis added]

96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC
1990)..

96c. Monroe Freedman, “Thomas’ Ethics and the Court — Nominee ‘Unfit
to Sit’ For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case”, Legal Times,
August 26, 1991.

96d. Paul D. Wilcher, “Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge
Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the US Supreme Court on the
grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT”, Letter to US Senator Joseph R.
Biden, October 15, 1991.

97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, “‘A Distressing Turn’, Activists

Decry What Process Has Become”, Washington Post, October 12, 1991,
p.A1.

98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.

99. See note 86.

100. Thomas W. Lippman, “Energy Lobby Fights Unseen ‘Killers’”,
Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that
“representatives of the US Chamber of Commerce, the National
Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore
drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be
offered by key House members”.

101. “cartel”, Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, 1977.

——————————————————————————–

NOTES
A good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham’s attempt to suppress the Davis book,”Katherine The Great,”, which was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal’s, “Power and Privilege at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story.”

For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg, an excellent source is “All American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story,” by Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.

An additional good short reference is “The CIA’s Greatest Hits” by Mark Zepezauer. There you will find the reference to Carl Bernstein’s classic “The CIA and the Media” which appeared in Rolling Stone on Oct. 20, 1977.

Still another recent example of the CIA’s control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton’s & Roger Morris’ story,”THE CRIMES OF MENA” by Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even though the story had been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the story, which details the CIA’s involvement in drug trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was killed withouty explanation.

An example of media lies can be found in this example of a faked newspaper photograph.

See More: CIA Propaganda

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