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«Συνταγματικό χτύπημα» του Καναδά και τα εταιρικά μέσα

Κυριακή, 7η Δεκεμβρίου 2008

Από Keith Jones |

Τα εταιρικά μέσα του Καναδά είναι «συνταγματικό χτύπημα» καθεμίας φωνητικώς ενισχυτικό Πέμπτης - η συντηρητική κυβέρνηση μειονότητας και ο unelected κυβερνήτης-στρατηγός διακόπτουν το Κοινοβούλιο ώστε να αποτραπούν τα κόμματα της αντιπολίτευσης από να αντικαταστήσουν την κυβέρνηση σε μια ψηφοφορία μη-εμπιστοσύνης; ή κρατώντας μια ένοχη σιωπή.

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Δεν έχει ποτέ πριν στον Καναδά ή οποιαδήποτε άλληδήποτε χώρα που ακολουθεί το βρετανικό κοινοβουλευτικό σχέδιο μια κυβέρνηση το Κοινοβούλιο για να αποφύγει την ήττα σε μια επικείμενη ψηφοφορία μη-εμπιστοσύνης.

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Εκείνη η Stephen Harper's συντηρητική κυβέρνηση είχε χάσει την υποστήριξη του Κοινοβουλίου και αντιμετώπιζε την ήττα είναι αναμφισβήτητη. Τα τρία κόμματα της αντιπολίτευσης, ποιοι μαζί μια κοινοβουλευτική πλειοψηφία και ένα ψηφισμένο ουσιαστικά περισσότερο από δεύτερο των ψηφοφοριών σε μια εκλογή λιγότερο από οκτώ εβδομάδες πριν, είχαν επίσημα ενημερωμένο κυβερνήτης Micha; lle Jean ότι θα νικούσαν την κυβέρνηση με την πρώτη ευκαιρία. Επίσης τυπικά την είχαν ειδοποιήσει για την πρόθεσή τους να διαμορφώσουν μια εναλλάσσομαι κυβέρνηση, ένας συνασπισμός φιλελεύθερος-NDP που υποστηρίχθηκε από την ομάδα Qu; β; cois.

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Δεδομένου ότι ο πρωθυπουργός Harper προφανώς δεν είχε την υποστήριξη του Κοινοβουλίου, ο κυβερνήτης-στρατηγός, σύμφωνα με όλο το συνταγματικό προηγούμενο, δεν είχε καμία επιλογή αλλά για να απορρίψει το αίτημά του ότι το Κοινοβούλιο διακόπτεται μέχρι το τέλος Ιανουαρίου.

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Η αντιδημοκρατική φύση των συντηρητικών» προσπαθεί να προσκολληθεί στη δύναμη στην περιφρόνηση του Κοινοβουλίου υπογραμμίστηκε περαιτέρω από τη σπλαγχνική, αντιδημοκρατική εκστρατεία που τοποθέτησαν την παραμονή της διακοπής της Πέμπτης του Κοινοβουλίου. Τα συντηρητικά και οι υποστηρικτές τους στα εταιρικά μέσα υποκίνησαν ανοιχτά το σοβινισμό αντι-Κεμπέκ και ονόμασαν την προσπάθεια της αντίθεσης να διαμορφώσουν μια εναλλάσσομαι κυβέρνηση «παράνομη,» ακόμα και treasonous.

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Αλλά παρά να πει Harper ότι η ψηφοφορία κανένας-εμπιστοσύνης που σχεδιάστηκε για αυτήν την ερχόμενη Δευτέρα έπρεπε να προχωρήσει, κυβερνήτης Jean, που υποκύπτει στις επιθυμίες της κατηγορίας απόφασης του Καναδά, διέταξε το κλείσιμο των Κοινοβουλίων, με αυτόν τον τρόπο εξασφαλίζοντας την επιβίωση μιας κυβέρνησης χωρίς υποστήριξη του Κοινοβουλίου.

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Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη την εισαγωγή και το πρωτοφανή χαρακτήρα των ενεργειών Jean, κάποιος θα είχε αναμείνει σημαντικές εφημερίδες όλης της χώρας για να έχει δημοσιεύσει την Παρασκευή κύριων άρθρων που αναλύει και που τους. Στην πραγματικότητα υπεάρξε πενιχρό εκδοτικό σχόλιο.

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Προβλέψιμα, ο νεω-συντηρητικός Εθνική θέση και διάφορα άλλα δεξιά επιστόμια χαιρέτησαν τον κυβερνήτης-στρατηγό για να κάνουν το «σωστό πράγμα.»

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Αλλά ο μεγαλύτερος μέρος του Τύπου ήταν σιωπηλός. Κανένας Σφαίρα και ταχυδρομείο ούτε Λα presse, αντίστοιχα οι επιδρύτεροι Άγγλοι και η γαλλικός-γλώσσα dailies, σχολίασαν editorially τη δράση του κυβερνήτης-στρατηγού.

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Αστέρι του Τορόντου, a newspaper closely allied with the Liberal Party, stated in passing, in an editorial devoted to urging Harper to pursue a less “adversarial” course, that Jean “probably had no choice but to grant” the prime minister his request for parliament to be prorogued “lest her office be accused of partisanship.”

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The opposition parties, it needs by emphasized, have acted in a like fashion. They have failed to vigorously condemn the shutting down of parliament as a major attack on democratic rights, let alone called on the public to oppose it. As of Friday evening, the web site of the New Democratic Party, Canada’s social-democratic party, carried no statement of any kind on the shutting down of parliament. But it did feature party leader Jack Layton’s tribute to three Canadian Armed Forces soldiers killed Friday in Afghanistan fighting to uphold the US-installed government of Hamid Karzai.

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The media silence has a double-purpose.

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First, to stifle public debate of what has taken place and why.

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Second, to protect the office of the governor-general and the fictions and fabrications that surround it. The representative of the monarch, the governor-general is a supposedly non-partisan and almost exclusively ceremonial institution. In fact, as the events of the past week have demonstrated, the governor-general has vast “reserve” powers, powers that are subject to no legal check. Jean has not, nor will she provide any explanation for her actions.

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The bourgeoisie has maintained this feudal relic precisely so as to arm itself with a means of short-circuiting parliamentary democracy in a time of crisis. And all sections of the bourgeoisie, especially now under conditions of mounting economic crisis and social conflict, are determined to preserve this institution, armed with unlimited constitutional power and utterly insulated from the will of the people.

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Given the general lack of editorial comment on Thursday’s suspension of parliament, the position adopted by editorial board of the Ottawa Citizen is especially revealing. In an editorial titled “The wounded body politic,” the Citizen, conceded that “Canadian democracy” had “sustained long-term damage” as a result of this week’s event, but ultimately argued this damage was the necessary price of preventing the coming to power of a Liberal-NDP government.

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“A fundamental principle of our democracy,” propounded the Citizen, “is that the executive branch cannot govern without the consent and participation of the legislative branch. For the next month and a half, Mr. Harper proposes to govern without a parliament.” The Citizen went on to warn that future governments “can now try to escape” parliament’s judgment by appealing to the governor-general.

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These concerns were raised, however, only to be smartly dismissed: “Practically speaking proroguing parliament will probably make for a better few months for the country, and for the economy, than the alternative that the Liberals and NDP had planned.”

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In truth, the Liberals and NDP were planning to form a right-wing government committed to Canada continuing to play a leading role in the Afghan war till the end of 2011 and to implementing the Conservatives’ plan to slash corporate taxes by more than $50 billion over five years.

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But the most powerful sections of the bourgeoisie preferred a government of unabashed reaction and toward that end were quite ready to run roughshod over parliamentary norms and democratic rights.

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Whilst the editorial pages largely avoided commenting on the shutting down of parliament, the dailies did publish many copy-inches of reportage. The common refrain of this reportage was that the governor-general had called a “time out.”

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The “time out” metaphor has a very definite political significance. It is meant to lull the population to sleep, to foster the notion that little, if anything, of significance has taken place and everything will, in any event, soon go back to normal because parliament has merely been “suspended.”

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The truth is otherwise. The suspension of parliament and of MPs’ right to defeat and replace the sitting government strikes at the most fundamental democratic principle?the right of the people to choose their own government.

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If not overturned by a movement from below, Canada’s constitution, through the power of precedent, will have been rewritten and the powers of the executive, of both the sitting government and of the governor-general, to ignore parliament and rule by decree will have been significantly increased.

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As for the question of “suspension,” this is precisely how democratic rights are taken away. Governments moving in an authoritarian direction don’t generally outright abolish democratic rights; they “suspend” them, claiming that they need to be temporarily withdrawn so as to confront a purported crisis or emergency.

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Working people must take heed: The corporate media’s support for the constitutional coup engineered by the Conservatives and the governor-general attests to the fact there is no significant constituency within the ruling class committed to the defence of constitutional principles and democratic rights.


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