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Tuesday, August 19th, 2008 火曜日、 2008年8月19日

By 〜によって Kevin Careyケビンケアリー | On November 16, 2005, Willie “Bo” Mitchell and three co-defendants — Shelton “Little Rock” Harris, Shelly “Wayne” Martin, and Shawn Earl Gardner — appeared for a hearing in the modern federal courthouse in downtown Baltimore, Maryland. | 2005年11月16日、ウィリー"ボー"ミッチェルと3つの共同被告-のS helton"リトルロック"とハリス、シェリー"ウェイン"マーティン、およびショーンアールガードナー-登場は、現代の連邦裁判所での聴聞会でボルチモアのダウンタウン、メリーランド州です。 The four African American men were facing federal charges of racketeering, weapons possession, drug dealing, and five counts of first-degree murder.アフリカ系アメリカ人男性が見開きの4つの罪で連邦政府のたかり、武器所持、麻薬取引、および5つのカウントの第1級殺人のです。 For nearly two years the prosecutors had been methodically building their case, with the aim of putting the defendants to death. 2年近くを念入りに検察の建物にいた場合は、被告の目的はパットして死亡。 In Baltimore, which has a murder rate eight times higher than that of New York City, such cases are depressingly commonplace.ボルチモア、これには、殺人率に比べて8倍高いニューヨーク市は、このようなケースが憂うつになって当たり前です。

A few minutes after 10 am, United States District Court Judge Andre M. Davis took his seat and began his introductory remarks.数分後、午前10時、合衆国地方裁判所裁判官アンドレデービスは彼の座席の男性と前置きを始めた。 Suddenly, the leader of the defendants, Willie Mitchell, a short, unremarkable looking twenty-eight-yearold with close-cropped hair, leapt from his chair, grabbed a microphone, and launched into a bizarre soliloquy.突然、被告の指導者、ウィリーミッチェル、短い、人の注意を引かないlooking 28 - yearold坊主のままで、違う彼の椅子、つかんでは、マイクを、と奇妙な独り言を開始します。

“I am not a defendant,” Mitchell declared. "英語I am not a被告は、 "ミッチェル宣言している。 “I do not have attorneys.” The court “lacks territorial jurisdiction over me,” he argued, to the amazement of his lawyers. "私の弁護士はありません。 "裁判所"領土裁判管轄権がない私、 "彼は、彼の弁護士は、驚きです。 To support these contentions, he cited decades-old acts of Congress involving the abandonment of the gold standard and the creation of the Federal Reserve.これらの主張をサポートする、彼は議会の引用数十年前の行為にかかわる金本位制を放棄するとの創出に、米連邦準備します。 Judge Davis, a Baltimore-born African American in his late fifties, tried to interrupt.裁判官デイヴィスは、彼のボルティモア生まれのアフリカ系アメリカ人で50代後半、割り込みしようとします。 “I object,” Mitchell repeated robotically. "私のオブジェクト、 "ミッチェル繰り返されるロボットです。 Shelly Martin and Shelton Harris followed Mitchell to the microphone, giving the same speech verbatim.シェリーマーティンとのSheltonミッチェルハリスの後、マイクを、逐語的演説を与えていると同じです。 Their attorneys tried to intervene, but when Harris’s lawyer leaned over to speak to him, Harris shoved him away.その弁護士への介入しようとしたが、ハリスを話す以上の弁護士が寄り掛かりをしてしまったら、ハリスshoved彼です。

Judge Davis ordered the three defendants to be removed from the court, and turned to Gardner, who had, until then, remained quiet.デービス被告裁判官の3つの命令を裁判所から削除される、とし、背きをガードナー、 whoは、それまでは、引き続き静かです。 But Gardner, too, intoned the same strange speech.しかし、ガードナーは、あまりにも、奇妙な演説intonedと同じです。 “I am Shawn Earl Gardner, live man, flesh and blood,” he proclaimed. "私はショーンアールガードナー、ライブ男は、生身の人間"と宣言します。 Every time the judge referred to him as “the defendant” or “Mr.言及を判断するたびに、彼は"被告人"または"ミスター Gardner,” Gardner automatically interrupted: “My name is Shawn Earl Gardner , sir.” Davis tried to explain to Gardner that his behavior was putting his chances of acquittal or leniency at risk.ガードナー、 "ガードナーを自動的に中断： "私の名前はショーンアールガードナー 、だんな。 "とデイビスガードナーをしようとした彼の行動を説明するのは、彼のチャンスのパット寛大な措置を無罪放免または危険にさらされています。 “Don’t throw your life away,” Davis pleaded. "命を奪うスローさせないようにして、 "デービス申し立てない。 But Gardner wouldn’t stop.しかし、ガードナーはない停止します。 Judge Davis concluded the hearing, determined to find out what was going on.デービスの聴聞会で結論を判断、決定を確認するに何が起こっています。

As it turned out, he wasn’t alone.後で分かったことだが、彼だけではない。 In the previous year, nearly twenty defendants in other Baltimore cases had begun adopting what lawyers in the federal courthouse came to call “the flesh-and-blood defense.” The defense, such as it is, boils down to this: As officers of the court, all defense lawyers are really on the government’s side, having sworn an oath to uphold a vast, century-old conspiracy to conceal the fact that most aspects of the federal government are illegitimate, including the courts, which have no constitutional authority to bring people to trial.は、前の年、約20の被告の場合、他のボルチモア始めたの採用は、連邦裁判所がどのような弁護士を呼ぶ"生身の防衛です。 "米国防総省の国防のようなことは、突き詰めれば、この：として役員の裁判所は、すべての弁護団が実際には、政府の側では、宣誓書を維持することを宣誓する広大な、世紀の歴史が共謀して事実を隠してはほとんどの側面を、連邦政府は違法である、などのコート、憲法ではない人々を裁判する権限を持っています。 The defendants also believed that a legal distinction could be drawn between their name as written on their indictment and their true identity as a “flesh and blood man.”被告と信じても法的な区別の間に自分の名前が描かとして起訴して書かれたとその真のアイデンティティーとして"肉と血男です。 "

Judge Davis and his law clerk pored over the case files, which led them to a series of strange Web sites.裁判官デイビスと彼の法律事務員の場合はファイルをいつ、どの主導して、一連の奇妙なウェブサイトです。 The fleshand- blood defense, they discovered, came from a place far from Baltimore, from people as different from Willie Mitchell as people could possibly be.血中のfleshand防衛、彼らを発見、場所まで来たよりBaltimore 、ウィリーミッチェルから人々の人々と異なる恐れがあります。 Its antecedents stretched back decades, involving religious zealots, gun nuts, tax protestors, and violent separatists driven by theories that had fueled delusions of Aryan supremacy and race war in gun-loaded compounds in the wilds of Montana and Idaho.その素性延伸逆戻り巻き込まれている、宗教的なzealots 、銃ナッツ、税抗議し、暴力的な分離独立駆動さアーリア人の理論ていた燃料の覇権を握ると妄想の戦争で銃を読み込まれる化合物のレースは、モンタナとアイダホ州の未開地です。 Although Mitchell and his peers didn’t know it, they were inheriting the intellectual legacy of white supremacists who believe that America was irrevocably broken when the 14th Amendment provided equal rights to former slaves.このミッチェルと彼の同僚は知らなかったし、彼らは知的遺産を継承するのホワイトsupremacists who取消不能と思われる壊れたときにアメリカは14日に改正案の元奴隷同等の権利を提供します。 It was the ideology that inspired the Oklahoma City bombing, the biggest act of domestic terrorism in the nation’s history, and now, a decade later, it had somehow sprouted in the crime-ridden ghettos of Baltimore.それは、イデオロギーを動かされたオクラホマシティー爆破事件は、国内でのテロ行為の最大の行為は、国の歴史、そして今、 10年後に、何らかの発芽していたghettosボルチモアの犯罪が多発する。

The series of events that led to the prosecution of Willie Mitchell et al are as convoluted, tragic and intermittently absurd as an episode of HBO’s acclaimed Baltimore crime drama, The Wire .このシリーズのイベントを主導して検察のウィリーミッチェルらには、複雑な、悲劇的とのエピソードを断続的不合理なhboとして高く評価さボルチモアの犯罪ドラマは、ワイヤーです。 Mitchell and company came of age on the streets of West Baltimore, a few miles and a world away from the rejuvenated inner harbor and the tourist attractions near the federal courthouse.ミッチェルと企業の年齢が上の通りを西ボルチモアは、世界から数マイルとインナーハーバーの活性化と観光名所近くの連邦裁判所です。 According to prosecutors, the group began selling drugs together as teenagers in the mid-1990s, driving up I-95 to New York City, buying half kilos of cocaine in upper Manhattan and cooking it into crack to sell back home.検察によると、同グループを一緒に麻薬販売を開始、 1990年代半ばに10代で、運転するI - 95から、ニューヨーク市は、半分キロのコカインを買い、マンハッタンや調理上の亀裂を販売することを家に帰る。 They added heroin to their repertoire a few years later, as well as robbing and killing other drug dealers.レパートリーに追加されましたヘロインして数年後、強盗や殺人だけでなく他の麻薬の売人です。 By 2002, they were firmly established in what passes as normal enterprise in a hollowed-out economy like Baltimore, where the drug trade often provides more opportunity than legitimate work and the bedrock institutions of family and school have crumbled. 2002年までに、彼らはしっかりと正常な企業として設立され、どのようなパスをくりぬいたような経済ボルティモア、ここではしばしば、麻薬取引の合法的な仕事とするよりも他の機会岩盤機関のご家族や学校が砕いた。 They had children out of wedlock with multiple women.非嫡出ていた子供たちに複数の女性です。 They were occasionally arrested, although they never served much time.逮捕された彼らは時折、彼らは多くの時間を提供します。 It was an insular culture where a ruthless prohibition against “snitching” to the police was often more powerful than any law.それは、偏狭な文化で冷酷な禁止" snitching "のことを警察には、多くの場合よりもより強力な法です。 Even as cities like New York saw the murder rate decline dramatically, drug killings in Baltimore continued at a steady clip.ニューヨークの都市さえも見たような劇的な殺人率の低下、薬の殺害を継続的に着実にボルティモアクリップです。

According to the indictment, the end began on February 18, 2002, in a downtown Baltimore nightclub called Hammerjacks, where Mitchell got into a dispute and stabbed a fellow drug dealer in the back, seriously wounding him.起訴状によると、上の最後に始まった2002年2月18日、ナイトクラブで、ボルチモアのダウンタウンと呼ばれるhammerjacks 、ここでミッチェルに乗り込むとするかで論争が男に刺され、麻薬の売人の後ろに、彼を真剣に負傷した。 If Mitchell had hoped to get away with this attempted murder, he was swiftly and brutally set straight by the drug dealer’s associates.ミッチェル期待していた場合、この殺人未遂罪を償わずに、彼は迅速かつ残酷な設定された麻薬の売人のアソシエイツストレートです。 When police on patrol found Mitchell later that evening, he was on a sidewalk with several men jumping on his head.ミッチェルへ警察にパトロールが見つかりましたときにその日の夕方に、彼はいくつかの男性は、歩道に彼の頭にジャンプします。 Mitchell survived the assault, but he remained in serious trouble.ミッチェルの攻撃を生き延びたが、彼の容体は深刻な問題です。 The police had issued a warrant for his arrest; more ominously, his enemies had placed a $10,000 contract on his head.警察は彼の逮捕令状を発行する;他のominously 、彼の敵は契約上に配置する彼の頭一〇 〇 〇 〇ドルです。

Mitchell probably didn’t know exactly what his enemies had in mind, but he was seasoned enough to realize that they wanted him killed.ミッチェル、おそらく彼の敵は知らなかった正確には何を念頭に置いていたが、彼は、年季の入ったことを望んでいることを実現するに十分な死亡しています。 Ten days after the club incident, prosecutors allege, he made a phone call to an associate of the men who had beaten him up.クラブの事件の後に10日間、検察主張で、彼は電話をかけて、准whoに勝った彼の男性です。 The associate was a drug dealer named Oliver “Woody” McCaffity.准は、麻薬の売人の名前のオリバーの" Woody " mccaffityです。 Mitchell proposed that the two men meet that evening for a drug deal.ミッチェルと提案してその日の夕方に、二人の男は、麻薬取引を満たしています。

Neither man came to the meeting alone.どちらの男が来て会議室だけです。 Mitchell brought a friend, Shelton Harris.ミッチェル友達に来れば、シェルトンハリスです。 McCaffity brought his sometime girlfriend, Lisa Brown.いつかmccaffity彼のガールフレンド、リサブラウンです。 Brown was a pastor’s daughter, a computer systems analyst and mother of three.ブラウンは、牧師の娘は、コンピュータのシステムアナリストと母親の3つのです。 Her parents told reporters that she had broken up with McCaffity after learning of his involvement with drugs.彼女の両親は記者団に対し、彼女は壊れて学習した後に彼の関与をmccaffity薬です。 But when he called and invited her to the movies, she decided to go along.しかし、彼は彼女に招待して映画と呼ばれると、彼女に沿っに行くことを決めた。

The two parties drove to the Park Heights section of Northwest Baltimore.運転して、両党の朴ハイツボルティモア北西部のセクションです。 It was a quick meeting.それは簡単な会議室です。 Mitchell and Harris climbed into the backseat of McCaffity’s Infiniti Q-45.ミッチェルハリス上昇すると後部座席のmccaffityインフィニティ問- 45 。 Then they shot McCaffity through the head and fired through Brown’s raised right hand into her left temple, where police later found a .357 caliber bullet.ショットmccaffityを通じて入力し、彼らの頭と首を右手に茶色の引き上げを彼女の左の寺、どこの警察への357口径銃弾が見つかりました。 The bodies of McCaffity and Brown were left in the car, which rolled downhill and rammed into a nearby tree at the dead-end of the street. mccaffityと茶色の遺体が残されて車に追突さを圧延滑降と近所のカテゴリは、デッドエンドの通りです。 Police found it two hours later. 2時間後に警察が見つかりました。 A palm print on the car window was later matched to Harris, and McCaffity’s cell phone records revealed calls that night to Mitchell’s phone.車の窓に手のひらを印刷するには、ハリスへのマッチングが、 mccaffityの携帯電話の記録によると、その夜にミッチェルの電話の呼び出しです。 Mitchell, suspecting that McCaffity’s associates were going to try to kill him, had apparently decided to kill first.ミッチェル、疑いmccaffityの事務所に行くことを殺害しようとする彼を殺すことを決めたが最初に明らかにします。 The murder would probably not have attracted much attention, except for the fact that McCaffity’s Infiniti was owned by Hasim Rahman, the recently dethroned heavyweight boxing champion of the world.殺人事件の多大な注目を集めましたおそらくない、という事実を除いては、所有されmccaffityのインフィニティhasimラーマン、 dethroned 、最近の世界ボクシング世界ヘビー級チャンピオンのです。 McCaffity was a friend and business associate of Rahman, causing the ex-champ to quickly call a press conference denying any involvement in the crimes. mccaffityする友人に送るとビジネスに関連付けるのは、ラーマンし、その結果、元チャンプを迅速にコールの記者会見で、犯罪の関与を否定する。 (Police have never alleged otherwise.) （警察は決して他の疑惑です。 ）

If the killing of McCaffity and Brown had been a successful preemptive strike, Mitchell was also prepared to kill for more mundane reasons. mccaffityと茶色の場合は、殺害の先制攻撃に成功ていた、ミッチェルは、準備を殺すためにも他の日常的な理由が考えられます。 On March 24, a few weeks after the Mc- Caffity murder, Mitchell allegedly called a former high school classmate named Darryl Wyche and offered to buy some heroin and cocaine from him. 3月24日、数週間後、 MCの- caffity殺人、ミッチェル容疑者と呼ばれるダリルwyche元高等学校の同級生の名前や提供を購入するいくつかのヘロインやコカインからだ。 Darryl, excited by the prospect of a big sale, agreed.ダリル、励起される見通しで大売出し、合意した。 The two made plans to meet in a nearby industrial park around midnight. 2つの会合を開き作らを計画して真夜中近くの工業団地です。

Again, neither party came alone.繰り返しますが、どちらの党来ただけです。 Wyche brought his younger brother Tony, who had reluctantly agreed to drive. wyche彼の弟のトニー、 whoはしぶしぶ合意してドライブに挿入します。 Mitchell brought Harris again, as well as two more friends: Shelly Martin and Shawn Gardner.ミッチェルハリス再びbroughtだけでなく、 2つの他の友達と：シェリーマーティンガードナーとショーンです。

The Wyche brothers opened the back door of their Honda to let Mitchell and his men into the back seat. wyche兄弟のバックドアを開いて、ホンダのミッチェルと彼の男性をさせては後ろに座っている。 Then each received a bullet in the side of the head.弾丸を入力し、各受信側の頭です。 The next morning the police found the bodies, seat belts still on.次の朝、警察の遺体が見つかりました、座席ベルトに残っています。 (Mitchell appears to have seen Wyche as an easy source of drugs and cash.) （ミッチェルが表示されたら、簡単には見られるwycheソースとしての薬物および現金です。 ）

But Mitchell’s luck was about to end.しかし、ミッチェルの幸運は約を終了します。 When Baltimore homicide detectives found the bodies of the Wyche brothers, they assumed they had come across another hard-to-solve drug killing.殺人事件のときにボルティモアwyche探偵は、兄弟の遺体が見つかりました、彼らに出くわすと仮定ていた別のハード解決するために薬物を殺害。 Then they received an unexpected phone call.予期せぬ電話からの電話を受けています。 It was from Darryl Wyche’s mother-in-law, who reported finding a strange message on her phone.それは、よりダリルwycheの義母さんのように、奇妙なメッセージが表示されるwho報告を見つける彼女の電話番号です。 Recorded at 12:43 am, the message was four and a half minutes of a group of men with names like “Wayne” and “Shorty” saying things like “Bup-bup-bup-bup-bup, yo, they both fucked.” The call had come from the cellphone of Darryl Wyche.記録さ12:43アム、とのメッセージが表示さは、 4つのグループの男性の半分分の名前のように"ウェイン"と"丈の短い"と言っ物事のような" bup - bup - bup - bup - bup 、ヨ、 2人ともカンカンに怒っています。 "携帯電話からの呼び出しが来たのダリルwycheです。

Wyche’s family and the police soon figured out what had happened: One of the murderers had stolen Darryl Wyche’s phone and forgotten to turn it off. wycheのご家族や警察にすぐに何が起こったか考え出した：殺人者のいずれかのダリルwycheの電話が盗まれたのを忘れて電源を切っています。 While the killers were driving away, one of them had accidentally pressed the phone’s speed dial button, calling Darryl’s mother-in-law and producing a most unusual piece of evidence: a voicemail confession.運転中の殺人者たちはaway 、誤って製作していたの1つの携帯電話のスピードダイヤルボタンを押すと、通話ダリルの母親- in - lawや生産に非常に異例の一つの証拠：てボイスメールを告白します。 With considerable understatement, a lieutenant in the city homicide unit reflected on his good fortune to the Baltimore Sun .かなり控えめな表現では、中尉を検索するシティ殺人単位彼の幸運にも反映され、 ボルティモアサンです。 “We got lucky,” he said. "我々はラッキーだ"と述べた。 Willie Mitchell and Shelly Martin were soon rounded up and put in jail.ウィリーミッチェルとシェリーマーティンはすぐに捕らわれの身に切り上げとします。

What would become the fifth and final murder charge in the case of Willie Mitchell and his cohorts took place two months later.どのようになると最終的殺人罪で5番目の例cohortsウィリーミッチェルと彼の2ヵ月後に行われた。 This time, only Mitchell’s friend Shawn Gardner was directly involved.このとき、ミッチェルの友人ショーンのみガードナーさんは直接は関与しています。 It began with a man named Darius Spence, who had found out that his wife, Tanya, was cheating on him with a local drug dealer everyone called “Momma.”ダライアスことから始まったという名前の男性をスペンス、 whoが判明した彼の妻、ターニャ、彼は浮気をし、地元のみんなと呼ばれる麻薬の売人"ママ。 "

Spence decided to have Momma beaten up severely.殴らスペンスママには深刻なことを決めた。 To accomplish this, he negotiated with another drug dealer named Willie Montgomery.これを達成するため、彼は麻薬の売人交渉を別の名前のウィリーモンゴメリーです。 Would Montgomery be willing to beat up Momma in exchange for money?モンゴメリは喜んでたたきのめすママと引き換えにお金ですか？ But Montgomery had another proposition altogether.しかし、モンゴメリは完全に別の命題です。 Beating Momma up didn’t make sense, Montgomery argued, because then Momma would undoubtedly try to kill Montgomery.ママを殴るていないことを意味では、モンゴメリ主張したため、殺害しようと入力し、ママはモンゴメリは間違いない。 It was better just to kill Momma outright, and for five thousand dollars, Montgomery would be glad to do the job.ママだけを殺すことは、より良い国債、および5000ドルで、モンゴメリの仕事これを行うにはうれしいです。 Spence said he’d think it over.スペンスによると彼はそれ以上と思う。

Unfortunately for Darius Spence, Montgomery wasn’t interested in waiting around for an answer.残念ながら、ダライアススペンス、モンゴメリは、周りには関心がないという返事を待っています。 Instead, sensing opportunity, Montgomery decided to tell Momma about the hit.その代わりに、センシングの機会、モンゴメリーママについては、ヒットを伝えることを決めた。 If I turn down the deal, Montgomery explained, then Spence will probably just hire someone else to kill you.契約すればよいの音量を下げる、モンゴメリは、入力し、スペンスは、おそらく誰かを殺すを雇うだけです。 Therefore, Montgomery reasoned, you should hire me to kill Spence first.したがって、理路整然とモンゴメリーは、私を殺すスペンスを雇うする必要が第一です。 Momma was persuaded.ママは、説得します。 (As Montgomery later explained to the prosecutors, “I guess he like that idea better than Darius Spence’s idea.”) （モンゴメリへの説明を検察としては、 "たぶん彼よりも良いように考えダライアススペンスの考えです。 " ）

To execute the hit on Spence, Montgomery recruited two associates, one of whom was Shawn Gardner.ヒットしてスペンスを実行して、 2つのモンゴメリー募集アソシエイツ、一人は、ショーンガードナーです。 For the next two months, the three men staked out Spence’s apartment.を次の2つのか月の間に、 3人の男が賭けアウトスペンスのアパートです。 The plan was for Shawn Gardner and his associate to invade from the basement and carry out the killing, and then run to a nearby getaway car, which was to be driven by Montgomery.ガードナーの計画は、ショーンと彼のアソシエイトを地下から侵入すると殺害を遂行する、と入力し、実行して近所の逃走車、これは、モンゴメリに駆られるからです。 Special care was to be taken not to harm Tanya, and they would cover her eyes with duct tape to prevent her from identifying them.特別な手入れはターニャに危害を加えようとしないとされる、と彼らは彼女の目をカバーダクトテープを防止する彼女を識別します。 Still, Montgomery warned Momma that he couldn’t guarantee Tanya’s safety.それでも、モンゴメリと警告ママがターニャの安全性を保証することはできない。 “If it’s up to me, she won’t be hurt,” Montgomery told Momma, “but some things could go wrong.” Momma’s reply was to the point: “Do what you do.” "もし私の上に、彼女はできません傷つけ、 "モンゴメリはママ、 "しかし、いくつかのことがうまくいかなくなるんだ。 "ママの返信はしてポイント： "は何をするか。 "

On June 7, 2002, the three men drove to the Spence apartment, a worn red brick building at the end of a cul-de-sac a few miles from Baltimore city.を2002年6月7日、男性運転してスペンスの3つのアパートは、赤れんが造りのビルの最後に着用する盲嚢ボルティモア市から数マイルです。 But the hit didn’t go as planned.しかし、ヒットしなかったとして行く予定しています。 Darius Spence wasn’t in the apartment, and they didn’t manage to blindfold Tanya.ダライアススペンスのアパートではない、と彼らに頼って目隠しターニャしなかった。 As children played outside the Spence apartment, Tanya burst through the kitchen door on the third floor, screaming, “No!外の試合として子供たちスペンスアパート、ターニャ台所のドアを突き抜けて3番目のフロア、叫び、 "いいえ！ No!” Lifting one leg over the balcony, she tried to climb down to the floor below but lost her grip and fell fifteen feet to the ground, landing a few feet from the children.いいえ！ " 1つの足を持ち上げバルコニー、彼女しようと下の階に降りる彼女のグリップが失われると15フィートを地面に落ち、着陸から数フィートの子供たちです。 Gasping for breath, she motioned for them to run away before crawling under the first floor balcony.息を切らして、彼女motionedをして逃げる前にクロールされ、最初の階バルコニーです。 Moments later, the two killers emerged from the Spence apartment, ran down the steps and stopped a few feet from Tanya, now lying in the fetal position in the dirt and begging for her life.数分後、登場から2つのキラーズスペンスアパート、実行の手順を実行すると、数フィートから停止ターニャ、今すぐうそをついては、胎児の位置を表示して汚れや物乞いの彼女の人生です。 One pulled out a large caliber revolver and fired two shots into Tanya’s chest as the children watched. 1つの大口径リボルバーを取り出したとする2つのショットを解雇されたTanyaの子供たちの胸を見た。 Then both men ran away.逃げた入力し、両方の男性です。

Unfortunately for the killers, Montgomery wasn’t where they thought he’d be.残念ながら、ザキラーズ、モンゴメリはない彼がどこに考えています。 Somehow the meeting place had gotten confused, and the getaway failed.何となく会議の開催地は混乱し得た、とのゲートウェイに失敗しました。 Police quickly apprehended Shawn Gardner and his associate.警察に迅速に逮捕ガードナーショーンと彼の准です。 Eventually, the law caught up to Montgomery, too.最終的には、同法にモンゴメリに巻き込まれることもできます。

Gardner was tried, convicted, and sentenced in state court to life in prison without the possibility of parole for the murder of Tanya Spence.ガードナーさんは、試され、有罪判決をし、刑の宣告を州裁判所での生活に刑務所を仮釈放なしで殺人事件のターニャスペンスです。 Meanwhile, Willie Mitchell and Shelly Martin were charged by the state with the Wyche brothers’ killings and sat in prison for the next year and a half as police and prosecutors assembled their case.一方、ウィリーミッチェルとシェリーマーティンが請求された状態でwyche兄弟の殺害や土ために刑務所に入れ、次の1年半組み立てとして警察と検察のケースです。

Then, on January 22, 2004 — nearly two years after the first four murders — the word came down from the office of US Attorney Thomas DiBiagio: the Willie Mitchell case was going federal, and the government was seeking the death penalty.次に、 2004年1月22日-約2年後の最初の4つの殺人事件-という言葉が下がって事務局からの米国の弁護士トーマスdi biagio：ウィリーミッチェルケースだったん連邦、および、政府は死刑を求めています。 The Justice Department, DiBiagio explained, was going after “individuals responsible for making life hell in Baltimore.”米司法省、 dibiagio説明した後だったん"個人の人生に責任を負う地獄のボルティモア。 "

For Mitchell and company, this was bad news.ミッチェルと企業は、これは悪いニュースです。 Instead of jurors selected from the city pool, Mitchell would likely be judged by an all-white panel of citizens from places like Maryland’s westernmost rural counties or the far reaches of the Eastern Shore.市から選ばれた陪審員の代わりにプール、ミッチェルが高いと判断されるように白いパネルの市民からのすべての場所のようなメリーランド州の郡や、農村部の最西端の東岸に達するまでです。 He would face better-funded prosecutors, and was far more likely to get the death penalty.彼は良い顔で賄われる、検察側は、はるかに高いとは、死刑を取得します。 Maryland has only executed five people in the last thirty years, but in 2005, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft was aggressively seeking death sentences.メリーランド州には5人に1人にのみ実行の最後の30年間、しかし、 2005年には、当時のジョンアシュクロフト司法長官は、積極的に死刑判決を求めています。 In fact, the Justice Department was even retrying cases in order to win death penalties for crimes like the Spence murder, for which Shawn Gardner was already serving life without parole.実際には、米司法省は、再試行の場合も処罰の対象に勝利するために犯罪死スペンス殺人事件のように、ショーンガードナーは、すでに配信を仮釈放のない終身刑です。

DiBiagio’s office also added a raft of conspiracy charges to the indictment, filed under the federal Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act. dibiagioのオフィスにも追加されましたいかだの共謀罪を起訴して、提出され、連邦たかりの影響および腐敗組織（リコ）法です。 By alleging that the defendants were part of an organized conspiracy — the so-called “Willie Mitchell organization” — prosecutors could hold all four defendants responsible for any of the crimes the others had committed.を主張する部分は、被告が組織された陰謀-いわゆる"ウィリーミッチェル組織" -検察が保持するすべての4つの被告のいずれかの責任を負うが、他の犯罪にコミットします。 That’s why Shelton Harris, who wasn’t originally arrested for the Wyche or the McCaffity and Brown murders, was pulled off the street and charged with the full slate of crimes.それが理由のSheltonハリス、逮捕されたのは、もともとwho wyche 、またはmccaffityと茶色の殺人事件が告発さをもぎ取りましたのストリートとの完全なスレートの犯罪です。 It’s also why Mitchell and Harris were charged with the Spence murder, although they were already in jail when Shawn Gardner committed it.ミッチェルことも理由のスペンスとハリス氏は殺人罪で、彼らに投獄されるときにはすでにショーンガードナーにコミットしてください。 RICO is normally applied to members of the mafia and organized crime, and its use sent a clear message: the government was coming at Mitchell and company with everything it had.リコは、通常のメンバーに適用さと、マフィアの組織犯罪、およびその使用を明確に送られるメッセージ：ミッチェル、政府と企業は、今後はすべてていた。

The prosecutors bolstered the conspiracy argument by noting that, unlike most Baltimore drug dealers, Mitchell and company had incorporated a legal entity for which they all worked and allegedly funneled proceeds of their drug business into: “Shake Down Entertainment, Ltd.” The group promoted rap CDs and concerts through the company, which even had its own record label, “Shystyville.” Soon, Shystyville CDs with titles like “Pure Shit” became evidence of not just the conspiracy but the crimes themselves, with prosecutors entering into the record lyrics like these:その陰謀の引数を強化検察関係者は、麻薬の売人とは異なり、ほとんどのボルティモア、ミッチェルと企業が組み込まれて法的なエンティティのためのすべての仕事や麻薬取引の疑いの収入を還流： "シェイクダウンエンターテイメント、株式会社"のグループに昇格ラップCDやコンサートを通じて同社は、これさえは、独自のレコードレーベル、 " shystyville 。 "まもなく、 shystyville枚のタイトルのように、 "純粋なshit "だけでなく、陰謀の証拠をなったが、犯罪自体は、検察のレコードの歌詞に入るこれらのように：

I watch ya brains fly all over on the bitch next to you 私の脳時計yaフライの雌犬の横にあるすべての上に
Homeboy it’s up to you I could put this pup to you チンピラ君に任せるよ私がこの子犬を置く
Then to pumpin’ you up like a innertube を入力し、 pumpin 'をアップのようにinnertube
Send shots that’ll pump up the end of you そいつを送るポンプアップショットの終わりにする
Leave you all fat and bloated you know I keep すべての脂肪と肥大化を残すことを知って私は健康のため
the Mac loaded then I like ta clack rollin’ Macのロードカタカタ音を入力し、私のようなこのローリン'
That’s why Bo and Weez on lock now and every day on lock down それが理由でweezボーと毎日をロックするとロックダウン
Niggas getting shot down for runnin’ they mouth clown 就学許可証を撃墜niggas runnin 'が口の中の男
Tell me how it feels with a gun in ya mouth now 教えてどのように感じて銃を所持して口の中で今すぐya

Prosecutors alleged that the “bitch next to you” was Lisa Brown, who was sitting beside Oliver McCaffity when he was shot through the head, that a “pup” is slang for the largecaliber revolver used in the killing, that the “Bo” on “lock now” was the imprisoned Willie “Bo” Mitchell, and that the reference to “Niggas getting shot for runnin’ they mouth” amounted to witness intimidation.検察疑惑は、 "ビッチの横にあるあなた"は、リサブラウン、 who mccaffityときは、オリバーの横に座っていたショットの頭を通じて、それを"子犬"は俗語を殺害largecaliberリボルバーで使用されて、それは"ボー"を"ロックを今すぐ確認する"は、投獄ウィリー"ボー"ミッチェル、それへの参照を" niggas就学許可証のショットをrunnin '彼らの口"脅迫額を目撃します。 Faced with the prospect of an all-white jury hearing this music in the courtroom, the defense lawyers objected on the grounds that lots of songs have lyrics that “proudly refer to violent retaliation,” offering by way of example country star Toby Keith’s “Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American).”すべての見通しに直面して白の陪審員は、この音楽法廷での公聴会は、米国防総省の国防弁護士に反対しているという理由で多くの収録曲は歌詞は、 "暴力的な報復を参照して誇らしげに、 "道の例で提供され国のスタートビーキース"礼儀は、赤、白、青（の怒りのアメリカン） 。 "

Nearly two years passed.ほぼ2年が過ぎた。 The wheels of justice were turning, slowly but surely.天網かいが旋回、ゆっくりだが確実にします。 Then came the memorable hearing in which the defendants debuted the flesh-and-blood defense.それから、被告人の記憶に残るデビューの聴聞会では生身の防衛です。 After that, everything changed.後に、すべてが変更されました。

A month after the hearing, Judge Davis took the unusual step of issuing a written opinion denying all of the defendant’s “unusual — if not bizarre” arguments. 1カ月後の聴聞会で、デービスは裁判官の意見書を発行する異例のステップを否定し、すべての被告の"異常な-そうでない場合は奇妙な"の引数をとります。 “Perhaps they would even be humorous,” Davis wrote, “were the stakes not so high It is truly ironic that four African- American defendants here apparently rely on an ideology derived from a famously discredited notion: the illegitimacy of the Fourteenth Amendment.” One can understand his incredulity that four Baltimore drug dealers might invoke a racist argument that dates back to the nineteenth century. "たぶん彼らはユーモラスなこともありえます、 "デービス書いた、 "ステークスは、それほど高いことが真に皮肉なことについての4つのアフリカ系アメリカ人の被告のイデオロギーに依存して明らかに有名な信用から派生した概念：憲法修正第14条の不当性です。 "彼の信じられないということが理解できる1つの4つのボルティモア麻薬の売人に祈願するかもしれない人種差別主義主張を19世紀にさかのぼります。 But as it turns out, that’s when the seeds of the flesh-and-blood defense were sown.しかし、結局のところ、その場合は、種子は、生身の防衛は作付面積です。

In 1878, southern Democrats pushed legislation through Congress limiting the ability of the federal government to marshal troops on US soil. 1878年、南部の民主党議員立法を議会で通過さプッシュ能力を制限して、連邦政府軍が米国の土壌にマーシャリングします。 Known as Posse Comitatus, (Latin for “power of the county”) the law’s authors hoped to constrain the government’s ability to protect black southerners from violence and discrimination.ポッセcomitatusとして知られ、 （ラテン語で"力の郡" ）の作家の法の制約を期待し、政府の能力を保護する黒南からの暴力や差別とします。 The act symbolically marked the end of Reconstruction and the beginning of Jim Crow.スパム行為を象徴するの終わりにジムクローの初めに復興とします。

For the next eight decades, black Americans lived under the yoke of institutional racism.は、次の八十年もの間、アフリカ系アメリカ人の制度的な人種差別のくびきの下に住んでいます。 But by the late 1950s, the civil rights movement was growing in strength.しかし、 1950年代後半には、公民権運動の強度が増加しています。 In 1957, President Eisenhower sent 1,200 troops from the 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock, Arkansas, so that nine black students could safely enter a previously all-white high school. 1957年、アイゼンハワー大統領から送られる1200軍第101空挺師団をリトルロック、アーカンソー州、黒人学生が安全なように9つのすべてを入力して、以前は次のように白い高等学校です。 The landmark Civil Rights Act followed in 1964.公民権法のランドマークは1964年に続く。

These developments horrified one William Gale, a World War II veteran, insurance salesman, self-styled minister of racist Christian Identity theology, and raving anti-Semite.これらの発展に恐怖の1つのウィリアムゲイルは、第二次世界大戦のベテラン、保険のセールスマン、自称キリスト教のアイデンティティ神学部長官は人種差別主義、反ユダヤ主義と狂乱します。 In 1971, he launched a movement whose impact would reverberate through the radical fringes of American society for decades to come.は1971年に、彼はその運動を開始した過激派の影響が響き渡るを通じて米国社会を外れて数十年に来る。 He called it Posse Comitatus, named for the 1878 law he believed Eisenhower had violated by sending the troops to Little Rock.彼は黒豹と呼ばれることcomitatus 、名前は、 1878年アイゼンハワー信じられていた彼は法律違反の軍隊を送信してリトルロックされています。 In a series of tapes and self-published pamphlets, Gale explained that county sheriffs were the supreme legal law enforcement officers in the land, and that county residents had the right to form a posse to enforce the Constitution — however they, as “sovereign citizens,” chose to interpret it.で、一連のテープと自己公開パンフレット、強風と説明した郡保安官は、法的な法の執行役員で最高の土地ており、その郡の住民は、捜索隊を強制的に適用を形成する権利を憲法-しかし彼らは、 "市民主権、 "選択して解釈することです。 Public officials who interfered, instructed Gale, should be “hung by the neck” at high noon.公務員who干渉は、強風に指示すべきである"ハングアップされた首"真昼の決闘です。

Gale’s racist beliefs were hardly unique.強風の人種差別的信念の人もほとんどユニークです。 His singular innovation was to devise a “legal” philosophy that was enormously appealing to disaffected, alienated citizens.彼の奇妙な技術革新を考案するには、 "リーガル"の哲学は非常に魅力的に不満を感じて、疎外市民です。 It was a promise of power, a means of asserting that they were the true inheritors of the founding fathers’ ideal, a dream they believed had been corrupted by a vast conspiracy that only they could see.約束したことは、電力、 彼らは主張する手段の真の後継者たちは、建国の父'理想的な、夢を破損されたと考えられていた広大な陰謀彼らだけが表示されます。 Gale’s ideas gave people on the paranoid edge of society a collective identity.強風のアイデアは、その人たちが集団的アイデンティティーを社会の片隅妄想です。 It told them what they desperately wanted to hear: that the federal government was illegitimate, and that the legal weapons the state used to oppress them could be turned against the state.必死になって彼らの言うことを聞いて指名手配：非嫡出子は、連邦政府は、法的な武器の状態とは、抑圧して使用して反対の状態が有効です。

Soon, Posses were sprouting across the country, attracting veterans of the 1960s-era tax protest movement, Second Amendment absolutists, Christian Identity adherents, and ardent anti-communists who had abandoned the John Birch Society because they felt the organization wasn’t extreme enough.すぐに、発芽を学ぶが、全国の注目税時代の1960年代に退役軍人の抗議運動は、憲法修正第2条absolutists 、キリスト教のアイデンティティー支持し、熱烈な反共産主義を捨て、ジョンバーチ協会whoいたため、十分な極端な感じの組織はないです。 Local groups would meet to share literature, listen to tapes of Gale’s sermons, and discuss preparations for the approaching End Times.ローカルグループを共有する会っ文学、テープの強風の説教に耳を、と話し合う準備をして終了時刻が近づいています。 This extremist stew produced exotic amalgamations of paranoia, such as when Posse members would explain the need for local militias to stockpile weapons in order to defend white Christians from blacks in the coming race war sparked by the inevitable economic collapse caused by the income tax and a cabal of international Jewish bankers bent on global dominance through one world government, for Satan.この過激派のシチューの生産amalgamationsエキゾチックな妄想などを説明するときに捜索隊のメンバーは地元の民兵組織の必要性を守るために武器を備蓄白人黒人キリスト教徒から、今後のレース戦争のきっかけとされる経済の崩壊が原因で発生する避けられないと所得税徒党を組んでの国際ユダヤ人の銀行を通じて世界的優位性に熱中して1つの世界政府は、サタンです。

While local Posses would periodically confront law enforcement officials in the 1970s, (usually in property disputes), they were often incompetent, and few people were hurt.ローカルを学ぶ中は定期的に立ち向かう法執行当局は、 1970年代の、 （通常は財産紛争） 、無能な彼らはしばしば、およびいくつかの人々が傷ついた。 But things took a serious turn in 1978, when thousands of farmers rallied in Washington DC seeking relief from low commodity prices, high interest rates, and farm debt.しかし、物事は深刻な電源は1978年に再び活気を取り戻すことで農民数千人のときにワシントンDCからの救済を求める低商品価格は、高い金利、および農家の負債がある。 When Congressional relief attempts failed, some farmers became susceptible to peddlers of the Posse ideology, which preached that the farm crisis had been brought on by the international Jewish banking conspiracy, abandonment of the gold standard and a malevolent Federal Reserve.議会の救援失敗したときにしようと、いくつかの農民が潜在的にイデオロギーの影響を受けやすいpeddlers 、これ説教していた農場の危機によってもたらされたユダヤ人の銀行の国際陰謀、金本位制を放棄すると、悪意の米連邦準備します。

By 1982, Bill Gale had flown to Kansas to conduct paramilitary training and indoctrination for splinter groups of disaffected farmers.を1982年、カンザス州の法案強風が飛行機で準軍事的なトレーニングを実施すると農民教化のスプリンターグループの不満を感じています。 At night, a country music station in Dodge City broadcast tapes of Gale’s sermons.夜は、カントリーミュージックステーションに身をかわす市の強風の説教テープを放送します。 “You’re either going to get back to the Constitution of the United States in your government,” he intoned, “or officials are gonna hang by the neck until they’re dead Arise and fight! "おまえのいずれかに行こう省略している合衆国憲法にして政府は、 "彼はintoned " 、またはハングアップされた職員は首までgonna彼らは死んで生じるとファイト！ If a Jew comes near you, run a sword through him.” As Posse ideology rippled across the distressed farm belt, violence followed.ユダヤ人は近くの場合は、彼を通じて刀を実行する。 "波形全体としてのイデオロギーポッセ痛め農場ベルト、暴力に続いた。 Several deadly confrontations between Posse adherents and law enforcement made national headlines; Geraldo Rivera descended on Nebraska to document the “Seeds of Hate” in America’s heartland.黒豹の支持者との間にいくつかの致命的対立を法執行機関は国家の見出し;ジェラルドリベラショーを文書化するネブラスカ州の子孫は"憎悪の種をまく"とアメリカのハートランドです。 By 1987, Gale’s rhetoric had escalated further.を1987年に、強風の言葉遣いはさらにエスカレート。 He told his followers that “You’ve got an enemy government running around its source and its location is Washington, DC, and the federal buildings they’ve built with your tax money all over the cities in this land.”彼は彼の信奉者は"政府の実行中の君は敵とその周囲のソースの場所はワシントンd.c. 、と彼らは連邦政府の建物を建設して税金をすべての都市でこの土地です。 "

Hucksters and charlatans prowled the Midwest as the farm crisis deepened, selling desperate farmers expensive seminars and prepackaged legal defenses “guaranteed” to cancel debts and forestall foreclosure. huckstersとcharlatans prowled危機の深化、米中西部の農場として、販売農家の必死の作業を進めて高価なセミナーや法的な防衛策"保証"を中止すると債務を未然に防ぐ差し押さえられています。 Since the gold standard had been abandoned in 1933, they argued, money had no inherent value, and so neither did their debts.以来、 1933年には放棄された金本位制が、彼らと主張し、あなたのお金はない固有の値などの負債も参考にします。 All they had to do, farmers were told, was opt out of the system by sending a letter to the appropriate authorities renouncing their driver’s license, birth certificate, and social security number.すべての彼らはこれを行うには、農民たちは、オプトアウトするには、システムによっては、送信すると、該当する当局に手紙を放棄に運転免許証、出生証明書、および社会保障番号です。 That number was allegedly tied to a secret government account held in a secure subterranean facility in lower Manhattan, where citizens are used as collateral against international debts issued by the Fed and everyone’s name is on a master list, spelled in capital letters — the very same capital letters used in the official court documents detailing foreclosure and other actions against them.その数は、容疑者のアカウントに関連付けられて、秘密の政府、安全な地下施設で開催されたマンハッタン南部、ここで市民が使用され国際債務に対する担保として発行されたすべての人の名前はFRBとは、マスターリスト、つづりを大文字に-非常に同じ大文字裁判所文書で使用されて公式の詳細およびその他の措置を取る差し押さえられている。 The capital letter name was nothing but an artificial construct, they were told, a legal “straw man.” It wasn’t them — natural, live, flesh and blood men.手紙の首都名は何もなかったが、人工構築、彼らはは、法的な"わらの男です。 "それはないこと-自然、ライブ、肉と血中の男性です。

Bill Gale died on April 28, 1988, three months after being sentenced in federal court for conspiracy, tax crimes, and mailing death threats to the Internal Revenue Service.法案強風が死亡した1988年4月28日、懲役3カ月後には連邦裁判所での陰謀、税金の犯罪、及び郵便の死の脅威に内国歳入庁です。 By that time, the farm crisis had begun to recede.その時までに、同農場の危機が後退し始めていた。 Posse ideology simmered for the next few years, morphing into the “Christian Patriot” movement, which sanded down some of the roughest racist and anti-Semitic edges while retaining the core beliefs of Constitutional fundamentalism.黒豹のイデオロギーをとろ火で、今後数年間、モーフィングて、 "キリスト教の愛国者"の動きは、砂地の下にいくつかの過酷な人種差別と反ユダヤ主義のエッジを維持しながら、憲法原理主義の中核信念です。 The patriots saw themselves as “sovereign citizens,” unlike the “federal citizens” who had been created by the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection under the law.のこぎりの愛国者自らを"国民主権"とは異なり、 "連邦市民" whoていたので作成された14日に改正法の下の平等な保護を保証します。

The deadly confrontations between federal agents and extremists at Ruby Ridge in 1992 and Waco, Texas in 1993 brought latent anger with the federal government back to a boil.連邦政府のエージェントとの間に、致死の過激派の対立で1992年にルビーリッジとウェーコ、 1993年にテキサス州の連邦政府brought潜在的怒りを省略して沸騰させる。 The militia movement of the 1990s built on Posse tenets of county- based, self-organized paramilitary groups led by citizens expressing their basic Constitutional rights.の民兵組織の動きを潜在的に構築されたのは1990年の教義に基づく郡、自己組織化が率いる民兵市民グループの基本的な憲法上の権利を表現します。 Most groups stuck with conducting survivalist training camps and filing bogus liens against houses owned by local judges.ほとんどのグループで動きが取れないサバイバリストの訓練キャンプを行うと偽の出願に対する住宅所有者の先取特権ローカル裁判官です。 But a few did much more.しかし、数ははるかにします。

In 1993, a Michigan farmer and survivalist named James Nichols was pulled over for speeding. 1993年には、ミシガン州の名前農夫とサバイバリストジェームズニコルズは、スピード違反で路肩に停車させています。 Instead of simply paying the fine, he argued in court that his “sovereign citizen” status made him immune to prosecution.単に払って罰金の代わりに、彼は自分の法廷で主張した"市民主権"の状態で、彼は免疫を検察です。 That same year, James’ brother Terry tried to pay off a $17,000 debt with a fake check issued by a radical “family farm preservation” group run by Posse adherents.同年、ジェームズ'兄テリー一万七千ドルしようとした債務に支払いをすると、偽の空過激派によって発行された"ご家族農場保全"グループに実行される潜在的に支持します。 Two years later, Terry Nichols helped to bring the Posse’s anti-government hatred to its ultimate fruition. 2年後、テリーニコルズポッセの手助けを持ってその究極の反政府的憎悪を実現します。 On April 18, 1995, he and a friend named Timothy McVeigh loaded 108 fifty-pound bags of ammonium nitrate fertilizer into a Ryder truck.を1995年4月18日、彼とする友人に送るという名前のティモシーマクベイ読み込ま108ポンド50硝酸アンモニウム肥料の袋をトラックのライダーです。 The next day, McVeigh bombed the Murrah federal building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 people on the second anniversary of Waco.その翌日、爆撃のmurrahマクベイオクラホマシティー連邦政府ビルで、 2番目の人々を殺害168周年記念ウェーコです。

After the attack, the Feds began cracking down on white supremacist groups, including one called the “Montana Freemen,” who were, in the words of hate-group expert Daniel Levitas, “the direct ideological descendants of the Posse Comitatus.” (Levitas’ book, The Terrorist Next Door, contains the definitive account of Bill Gale and the Posse.) The Freemen were arrested in their isolated compound after a threemonth standoff with the FBI.攻撃の後には、連邦捜査官が始まった白人至上主義者のグループを厳しく取り締まるなどと呼ばれる1つの"モンタナfreemanの複数形、 " whoは、憎悪には、グループの専門家の言葉をダニエルlevitas 、 "イデオロギーの直接の子孫は、ポッセcomitatusです。 " （ levitas '予約は、テロリストの次のドアは、アカウントの法案には、決定的なポッセ強風とします。 ） freemanの複数の孤立した容疑で逮捕された化合物とのこう着状態の後に、米連邦捜査threemonthです。 At trial, they filed an array of bizarre documents citing the Fed, the gold standard, the 14th Amendment, and the Uniform Commercial Code, but to no avail.裁判で、彼らの配列を奇妙な書類提出を理由に、 FRBは、金本位制は、 14日に改正、および統一の商法では、しかしをnoに提供しています。 They were sent to the maximum security “Supermax” federal prison in Florence, Colorado, where they remain today.彼らは送信された最大の安全保障" supermax "連邦刑務所にはフィレンツェ、コロラド州、どこに残っています。

But the appeal of their anti-government dogma didn’t disappear.しかし、彼らの魅力を反政府ドグマ消えるしなかった。 The Freemen continued to attract sympathizers outside Supermax walls. freemanの複数の継続の支持を集めるsupermaxの壁の外です。 Some collected the documents the Freemen filed during their trial and began offering them for sale via adver tisements in “America’s Bulletin,” a newsletter espousing Posse- style anti-government theories that is widely distributed throughout the prison system by white supremacists.いくつかの収集freemanの複数提出書類の中に裁判を始めたセール経由で広告を提供してtisementsは"アメリカの情報は、 "スタイルのニュースレターespousingポッセ反政府理論では刑務所に広く分布してシステムをホワイトsupremacists 。

In October 2004, a prisoner named Michael Burpee arrived at the Maryland Correctional Adjustment Center in downtown Baltimore. 2004年10月には、囚人の名前に到着したマイケルバーピーメリーランド州ボルチモアのダウンタウン矯正センターで調整します。 Burpee had recently been convicted in Florida of trafficking PCP to Maryland.バーピーは最近、有罪判決をメリーランド州、フロリダ州の人身売買pcpです。 Hoping for leniency, he pled guilty, only to receive a twenty seven-year prison sentence dictated by harsh federal sentencing guidelines.情状酌量の望んで、彼は有罪pleadの過去過去分詞のみを受信するに27年の実刑判決厳しい指示さ連邦量刑ガイドラインをご覧ください。 Desperate for a way out, he began listening to someone — presumably a fellow prisoner — who explained how the charges were all part of a secret government conspiracy against him.死に物狂いを打開するため、彼を聴いて始めた-おそらく、仲間の囚人- wh oのすべての費用はどのように説明し、秘密の部分に対する政府の陰謀だ。 Then Burpee was brought up on new federal drug charges in Maryland, and shipped north.バーピーは育つを入力し、新しい連邦政府の薬物罪でメリーランド州、および北に出荷します。 He carried with him a pile of documents that were remarkably similar to those that had been filed by the Montana Freemen.彼は彼に運ば山積みの書類に非常に似ているが提出されていたモンタナfreemanの複数形される。

In Baltimore, Burpee found a group of inmates at the margins of society, people like Willie Mitchell and company who were staring at the full force of the federal government.ボルチモア、バーピーが見つかりました受刑者のグループが社会の余白には、人々のようなウィリーミッチェルと企業who完全な力をじっと見ているのは、連邦政府します。 As one defense attorney representing a flesh-and-blood defendant put it, they “saw a freight train coming and felt three feet tall.” Soon the unorthodox legal filings and courtroom outbursts began to multiply.を表す1つの弁護人として生身の被告言えば、彼ら"のこぎりで貨物列車来ると感じた三フィート背が高くています。 "異例法的な提出書類とすぐに、法廷での暴動を掛け始めた。 It was, one public defender later explained, “like an infection that was invading our client population of pre-trial detainees.” Burpee appears to have been patient zero in the epidemic.それは、 1つのパブリックディフェンダーへの説明、 "感染症のように侵略された公判前の人口は、当社のクライアント抑留者です。 "バーピーが表示され、伝染病患者ゼロにします。 For over a year, he harangued his lawyers and judge about the conspiracy and spread the word in the Baltimore lockup.一年以上、彼は彼の弁護士や裁判官haranguedについては、陰謀と普及という言葉は、ボルチモアロックアップします。 Then, in a stroke of bad luck for the public defender’s office, the US Attorney’s office decided to drop the charges against Burpee — perhaps reasoning that he wasn’t worth the hassle considering that he had already been sentenced to twenty-seven years.その後、不運に脳梗塞を国選弁護人の事務所を、米国の弁護士の事務所をドロップする告発することを決めたバーピー-おそらく推論していたの値打ちもない口論を検討していたの宣告を既に2 0- 7年間です。 For Burpee’s peers, the decision imbued the flesh-and-blood defense with legitimacy and the hope of freedom.バーピーの仲間のために、意思決定染み込ん、生身の防衛に正当性と自由を希望します。

Before long, the relatives of the defendants were scanning Web sites like www.redemptionservice.com, which offers maps showing how Satanic runes were secretly incorporated into the street plan of Washington, DC, and a deluxe package of instructions for renouncing one’s social security number for only $3,900, payable by check or money order.前に長い、被告の親戚のようなWebサイトをスキャンwww.redemptionservice.comが、これは、マップ表示中悪魔のルーン文字がどのように組み込まれての通り計画をひそかにワシントンd.c. 、との指示を放棄デラックスパッケージの1つの社会安全保障番号をわずか$ 3900 、支払うべき小切手またはマネーオーダーします。

Like the Midwestern farmers before them, the Baltimore inmates were susceptible to the notion that the federal government was engaged in a massive, historic plot to deprive them of life, liberty, and property.アメリカ中西部の農民のように前にして、ボルチモアの受刑者が影響を受けやすいという概念は、連邦政府が関与する大規模な、歴史的なプロットを奪うかれらの生命、自由、および財産です。 Such suspicions are prevalent in certain pockets of the black community — that year, a study from the Rand Corporation found that over 25 percent of African Americans surveyed believed the AIDS virus was developed by the government, and 12 percent thought it was released into the population by the CIA.このような疑惑が普及し、特定のポケットに黒色のコミュニティ-その年には、研究からのランド株式会社が見つかりましたが調査対象の2 5％以上のアフリカ系アメリカ人のエイズウイルスに感染すると考え、政府によって開発された、と考えていました1 2％に発表され、人口されたCIAのです。 And black separatist groups like the Nation of Islam — also fond of conspiracy theories — have long cultivated members through the prison system; some of these groups have explicitly adopted the language of constitutional fundamentalists. Given these developments, Levitas told me, “I’m surprised this didn’t happen sooner.”

This, then, was how Willie Mitchell came to draw on the accumulated layers of three decades of right-wing paranoia and demand that his case be dismissed “in accord with House Joint Resolution 192, and Public Law 73-10″ — laws that involved the abandonment of the gold standard and the Federal Reserve. And it explained why Shawn Gardner kept insisting that he be addressed as “Shawn-Earl: Gardner,” rather than the capital-letter SHAWN GARDNER printed on the indictment: he thought that if he could convince the court to call him by his “natural” name, it would be tantamount to admitting that the charges had been filed against someone else.

On the morning of January 10, 2006, two months after the first flesh-and-blood hearing, Gardner returned to Judge Davis’s courtroom. Moments after Davis arrived, Gardner stood up. “I object,” he said, over and over, until Judge Davis had finally had enough. “Do you know what you’re doing?” he asked Gardner. “You are committing suicide in broad daylight. There are public suicides in this country far too often. People jump off the Golden Gate Bridge, the Brooklyn Bridge. People walk into their workplaces with a gun and put the gun up to their head and pull the trigger. People slash their wrists. I don’t want you to join that community, but that’s what you’re doing, sir.”

Gardner tried to argue that the court had no power over him under “common law.” “At common law,” Judge Davis replied, “you were property. You were bought and sold just like those Timberlands on your feet today can be bought and sold. That’s what your ancestors were, some of them, and that is what my ancestors were, some of them.”

“You have invoked ideas formulated and advanced by people who think less of you than they think of dirt,” Davis continued. “The extremists who have concocted these ideas that you are now advancing in this courtroom are laughing their heads off. You are giving them everything they ever wished for. They should be paying you to do what you are doing. They are going to make you the poster child for their movement. When you complete this suicide, they will honor you because you are doing their work, better and more effectively than any of them ever dreamed they could do. Some of them — ” “I object,” said Gardner, interrupting. “The government wants to do the same thing anyway. So what’s the difference?”

Gardner, unrepentant, was escorted from the courtroom. And so the tenets of Posse Comitatus continued their long, strange journey, from the racist, hate-filled mind of William Gale to four black defendants on trial for their life in Baltimore federal court.

A little more than a year after the November 2005 hearing, the flesh-and-blood phenomenon took another twist. A key part of the conspiracy indictment against Mitchell et al was the allegation that the defendants acted together in pursuit of criminal goals. The seemingly choreographed speeches and the identical filings, all submitted on the same day and mailed by the same person, suggested that the four defendants were going to great lengths to coordinate their actions, despite being housed in separate prison facilities and having no obvious means of communication. Ergo, evidence that the conspiracy was continuing in jail. The US Attorney’s office also added new charges of felony obstruction of justice, citing the disruptive nature of the fleshand- blood defense. The prosecutors weren’t just rejecting the defense as an argument for innocence. They were saying that it was, itself, a crime.

Undaunted, Mitchell and company continued making courtroom speeches and filing more nonsensical motions. One, for instance, claimed that Judge Davis’ court only had jurisdiction over crimes committed in federally owned “forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and enclaves.”

None of these arguments had a prayer of overturning the charges. But they had an impact nonetheless. They made a long, complex trial longer and more complex still. Seeking the death penalty is rightfully arduous — it requires legal justifications for the penalty itself, enhanced scrutiny over jury selection, an additional penalty phase after a conviction, and so on. Conspiracy charges create further legal burdens. And the way Mitchell et al chose to deal with their attorneys — not dismissing them outright, but asking them to sign a peculiar “contract” that would essentially prohibit them from mounting a defense — created more problems. If the defendants weren’t dealt with carefully, they might be able to appeal by claiming that they had been inadequately represented. The last thing Judge Davis wanted was for an appellate court to throw out a verdict and send the case back to Baltimore to start all over again. According to a source close to the court, dealing with the flesh and blood defense has been “one of the greatest challenges Davis has faced in twenty years as a judge, by far.”

By mid-2007, the federal prosecutors were starting to run low on a vital resource: time. As years go by, memories fade, police officers retire or transfer, informants change their mind, and juries wonder, why, if the case is so straightforward, it took so long to make. On September 6, 2007, prosecutors withdrew the death penalty for all four defendants.

Nobody in the Baltimore federal courthouse is willing to state, or even speculate on the record, that Mitchell and his cohorts may have averted death with the flesh-and-blood defense. There are other possibilities involving evidence, witnesses, and Justice Department policy. But the elaborate processes of federal capital cases weren’t built to accommodate farcical pro se filings and challenges. Traffic offenses, tax cases — even farm foreclosures — are one thing. When the end goal is execution, even the most ludicrous defenses are taken seriously.

On January 8, 2008, the case of United States of America v. Willie Mitchell et al convened once again in the main courtroom of the federal courthouse. The lawyers arrived first, chatting in the manner of people who had spent nearly four years and counting on the odyssey of this case. The defendants came next. While Shawn Gardner wore the blue work shirt of a lifer in state prison, Willie Mitchell sported comfortable baggy jeans and a stylish black shirt. Mitchell sauntered to his table, and spied the lone spectator in the courtroom’s auditorium-style gallery of one hundred- plus seats, a slender black woman who looked to be in her late twenties. His eyes lit up as he smiled and mouthed “How are you?” “I’m good, I’m good” she murmured. “Your new lawyer — get his card!”

Judge Davis arrived last, emerging from a wooden door behind the bench, beneath oil portraits of judges from days gone by. The hearing will be short, he said; the purpose is to establish a schedule for future motions, and ultimately the trial. Davis and the lawyers spent the next twenty minutes trying find eight weeks of available courtroom time for ten busy lawyers plus the judge. Then, apropos of nothing, Shelton Harris stood up. “Good morning your honor,” he began. Davis saw where this was going and cut him off. “I haven’t recognized you yet, Mr. Harris. You’ll have time to talk later,” he said. “I accept your offer,” Harris replied softly, and sat down.

The scheduling discussion continued; Mitchell rested his head in his arms as though bored. Finally, Judge Davis allowed Harris to speak. Harris launched into the now familiar oration — “I request you, the judge, close the accounts” He spoke rapidly in a low, gravelly voice, as if he’d worked hard to memorize the speech and didn’t want to leave anything out. Harris launched into the now familiar oration — “I request you, the judge, close the accounts” He spoke rapidly in a low, gravelly voice, as if he’d worked hard to memorize the speech and didn’t want to leave anything outです。

Harris finished, sat, and Judge Davis turned to the defendants. The speech you just gave has no legal meaning whatsoever, he said sternly. They were words in the English language, but they have no meaning as a matter of law. If, in future proceedings, you persist — even politely — in making these speeches, you face a severe risk of being expelled from the courtroom. The court also may conclude that you are waiving your right to appointed counsel, in which case you would have to represent yourself. That would be a sad day. “We are in recess,” Davis said. He turned back toward the door to leave.

Then several things happened at once. Shawn Gardner, handcuffed, slumped in the arms of the federal marshals, who seized him beneath his armpits and dragged him across the courtroom toward the door. Willie Mitchell raised his right hand to speak, intent on giving his version of Harris’ speech, but the marshals grabbed his arm and forced it down behind his back toward his left wrist, which was already cuffed. Mitchell struggled and yelled at his lawyer, “They got my arm in a chicken wing!” The marshals forcibly moved Martin and Harris toward the door. Judge Davis watched with consternation as they were dragged from his court.

Willie Mitchell and company won’t go on trial until September, if then, and they won’t face the death penalty, even though they probably deserve it if anyone does. But they will probably be convicted and spend the rest of their lives in federal prison, never to be heard from again, because in the end, the flesh-and-blood defense is no defense at all. The 14th Amendment didn’t revoke Shawn Gardner’s natural citizenship — it gave him protection under the law, and paved the way for another black man to judge his case. There’s no international cabal of Jewish bankers conspiring against him — one of his lawyers, a professor at Howard University Law School, is Jewish. The secret histories and grand conspiracies that have fueled decades of right-wing paranoia, morphing to accommodate one doomed cause after another until finding an unlikely temporary home in a Baltimore lockup, are lies and nothing more.

As the marshals shoved the four men toward the courtroom door, back to the prison they’ll never leave, they shook their heads and looked at each other smiling, as if to say right, right, isn’t it always just like this? One of them let out a chuckle that rose above the din. Judge Davis turned to the court reporter. “Let the record show,” he said, “that Mr. Harris is laughing.”

Have Your Say: Victims of the Drug War Are Forced to Resort to Bizarre Legal Defenses
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