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星期五， 2008年8月8日

華盛頓(路透社) -美國的酒精禁止持續了13年，填裝了國家的監獄、被啟發的蔑視為法律在成千上萬之中，助長的腐敗和被生產的Al Capone。 什麼它沒有做是保留美國人從喝。

 

美國的大麻禁止引入它的第72年這個月。 它創造了巨大的地下產業迎合的用戶，被幫助美國。 監獄人口氣球到世界的裡最大和牽制美國執法資源。 什麼它未做是保留美國人從用大麻。

 

相反。 自1937年以來，年大麻由4,000%，根據大麻政策項目，主張調控藥物相似與酒精的一個基於華盛頓的大廳小組在美國禁止，它的用途上升。 大麻用途的一項最近世界衛生組織研究在17個國家安置了美國人在名單的上面。

 

1920-1933禁止在酒精的銷售、生產和運輸現在看作為社會工程學的憂鬱失敗。 禁止是否在大麻將看在相似的光？

 

第一次在世代，有票據，在會消滅聯邦懲罰「為對大麻的個人使用由有責任感的成年人的國會之前」。 但沒有平衡介紹票據的議員，民主黨巴爾尼直率，為快速段落看明亮的遠景。

 

上次美國。 在1978年之內國會應付decriminalized大麻的立法到，當愛德華・肯尼迪參議員介紹的法案在議院裡通過參議院，但未曾有一個表決。

 

盒為合法化的大麻，最用途廣泛的藥物在酒精以後和煙草，基於幾個板條-最明顯是禁止未儘管非凡勞動強度和昂貴的政府努力簡單地運作。 2006年，去年從聯邦調查局計算是可利用的， 830,000個美國人被拘捕了在大麻充電，大多數為財產而不是交易。 

解決在大麻拘捕每38秒。 研究去年估計這些拘捕的費用在$10.7十億。

 

「這是極大的浪費於猛烈和嚴肅的罪行應該集中的執法資源」，說亞倫St. Pierre, who heads the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML), the marijuana smokers’ lobby in Washington.

 

NO DISTINCTION BETWEEN USE AND ABUSE

 

“With alcohol we acknowledge the distinction between use and abuse, and we focus our law enforcement on efforts to stop irresponsible use. We do not arrest or jail responsible drinkers. That should be our policy for marijuana as well.”

 

The Bush administration’s drug czar, John Walters, will have none of this. He talks about marijuana in terms reminiscent of the apocalyptic warnings issued by Harry Anslinger, the first head of the Bureau of Narcotics in the 1930s and a driving force behind the 1937 marijuana prohibition.

 

Anslinger deemed marijuana “an addictive drug which induces in its users insanity, criminality and death.” Walters often takes issue with “the perception that marijuana is about fun and freedom. It isn’t. It’s about dependency, disease and dysfunction.”

 

(For a vivid portrayal of the dysfunction Walters warns about, see a mock documentary produced for the White House Office of National Drug Policy. It is entitled Stoners in the Mist, a play on the 1988 film on mountain gorillas in the Congo. here)

 

Americans who have admitted smoking marijuana at one point or another but escaped dependency, disease and dysfunction include President George W. Bush, Supreme Court Judge Clarence Thomas, California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Senator John Kerry, former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, former Vice President Al Gore and Barack Obama, the Democratic nominee for next November’s presidential election.

 

Former President Bill Clinton falls into a special category. When he studied in England, away from the long reach of U.S. law, he experimented with marijuana “a time or two,” he once told a television interviewer. “I didn’t inhale and I didn’t try again.”

Hollywood, conscious of a mass audience that does inhale, has produced a slew of new “stoner” movies this year. The pot-smoking protagonists include an investment banker and a medical student (Harold & Kumar), a psychiatrist (The Wackness), and a process server (Pineapple Express).

 

But sympathetic portrayals of marijuana use in popular culture do not necessarily translate into faster progress towards legalization. Government anti-drug fighters are serious in their opposition.

 

When Barney Frank, at a news conference to explain the rationale for his bill, was asked what timeline he had in mind, he quipped: “Not soon … but eventually, you’ll see the development of a marijuana futures market.” David Murray, the chief scientist in the drug czar’s office who had listened to the briefing, was not amused. “It’s not funny,” he said, “not funny at all.”

 

But not impossible either, in the long run

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