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 | Translate: 翻譯：               Will International Law Reach Bush?國際法將達到布什？ Tuesday, September 23rd, 2008 星期二， 2008年9月23號 By通過 Peter Dyer |彼得戴爾| Q: What do Radovan Karadzic, former French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin, and George W. Bush have in common?問：什麼拉多萬卡拉季奇，法國前總理多米尼克德維爾潘和美國總統布什的共同點？ A: Each lives under the slowly growing shadow of a body of international criminal law.答：每一個生活在陰影逐漸增加一個機構，國際刑事法。 This law is evolving towards the ultimate goal of holding even the most powerful leaders personally accountable for crimes committed by the State.這一法律是不斷變化的走向，最終目標是控股即使是最強大的領導親自負責所犯下的罪行的國家。 It is manifested in international agreements and statutes such as the Geneva Conventions, case law, two ad hoc war crimes tribunals (Yugoslavia and Rwanda), and a permanent International Criminal Court.這體現在國際協定和法規，如日內瓦公約，案例法，兩個特設戰爭罪法庭（南斯拉夫和盧旺達）和一個常設國際刑事法院。 Radovan Karadzic, former Bosnian Serb President, has been arrested and now awaits trial in The Hague before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity.拉多萬卡拉季奇，波黑塞族前總統，已被逮捕，現正等待審判在海牙的國際刑事法庭審理前南斯拉夫（前南刑庭）的種族滅絕罪和危害人類罪。 Dominique de Villepin is one of 33 French military and political leaders who have recently been accused in a report released by the Rwandan government of arming and advising Hutu leaders in the genocide and crimes against humanity of 1994.德維爾潘是法國的33個軍事和政治領導人誰最近被指控在一份報告中公佈的盧旺達政府的武裝和諮詢的胡圖族領導人在種族滅絕和反人類罪1994年。
George W. Bush in March 2003 ordered “Operation Shock and Awe” (though officially dubbed “Operation: Iraqi Freedom”) – the unprovoked invasion and occupation of Iraq – presenting the world with a clear prima facie case of aggression.喬治布什在2003年3月下令行動“震懾行動” （儘管正式被稱為“操作：伊拉克自由” ） -無端入侵和佔領伊拉克-介紹了世界一個明確的初步證據確鑿的案件的侵略。 Aggression, in the words of the judgment delivered at the first Nuremberg Trial, is “the supreme international crime” because it unleashes all the other devastation and inhumanity of war.侵略的話來說，判決的第一紐倫堡審判，是“最高的國際犯罪” ，因為它釋放所有其他的破壞和非人道的戰爭。 For this reason, and because President Bush is head of the world’s most powerful state, clearly the shadow of the law is at present less ominous to him than to Karadzic or perhaps to de Villepin.出於這個原因，因為美國總統布什領導的世界上最強大的國家，明確的陰影，法是目前減少不祥他比卡拉季奇或者向德維爾潘。 But there is no statute of limitations for any of these crimes.但是沒有法定時效的任何這些罪行。 Things change over time, often unpredictably.事情隨著時間推移而改變，往往不可預測。 And the international community has been working steadily towards this difficult goal for decades.和國際社會一直致力於穩步實現這一目標困難了幾十年。 Nuremberg Precedent 紐倫堡先例 Although the effort to hold leaders personally responsible for crimes of state goes back to the late 19th century, the first significant watershed was the 1946 judgment of the first Nuremberg trial.雖然努力舉行領導人親自負責的國家犯罪行為可追溯到19世紀末，第一個重大分水嶺是1946年判決的第一紐倫堡審判。 A panel of judges from the US, UK, France and the Soviet Union held German leaders personally responsible and punished them for crimes of state, including aggression.評審團由美國，英國，法國和蘇聯的德國領導人舉行了個人責任和懲罰他們的罪行的國家，包括侵略。 The roots of the Yugoslavia and Rwanda Tribunals are largely in Nuremberg as are those of the International Criminal Court, although neither ad hoc tribunal charter included aggression.的根源南斯拉夫問題和盧旺達問題國際法庭基本上是在紐倫堡的是那些國際刑事法院，但沒有特設法庭憲章包括侵略。 One of the most significant achievements of the Yugoslavia Tribunal was the first ever indictment of an acting head of state, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, for crimes committed while still in office.一個最重要的成就，前南問題國際法庭是第一次起訴的代理國家元首，南斯拉夫總統米洛舍維奇，犯下的罪行，同時還在辦公室。 According to the ICTY Web site, “the question is no longer whether leaders should be held accountable, but rather how can they be called to account.”根據前南問題國際法庭的網站， “這個問題不再是領導人是否應追究責任， 而是如何才能追究他們的責任。 ” A major problem with the two courts was that they were each temporary responses to a specific set of separate circumstances which had considerable legal overlap.一個重大問題的兩個法院，他們每個臨時的反應，一組特定的情況下，單獨有相當大的法律重疊。 The ad hoc approach was clearly limited by issues of logistics, expenses and repetition, many of which could have been more effectively addressed by a permanent court.特設的做法顯然是有限的問題，物流，費用和重複，其中有許多本來可以更加有效地解決一個常設法院。 The achievements of the two tribunals as well as their limitations gave new impetus to the decades-old effort to establish a permanent International Criminal Court.所取得的成就兩個法庭以及其局限性了新的動力，數十年之久的努力，建立一個常設國際刑事法院。 On July 17, 1998, the great majority of countries of the world voted in Rome, 120 to 7 with 21 abstentions, to establish the International Criminal Court. 7月17日， 1998年，絕大多數的世界各國的投羅馬， 120 7 21票棄權，建立國際刑事法院。 With the signature and ratification of 60 states the International Criminal Court came into being on July 1, 2002.在簽署和批准60個國家的國際刑事法院的誕生7月1日， 2002年。 Six years later, as of last June 1, 106 countries have ratified the Rome Statute.六年後，截至去年6月1日， 106個國家已批准了羅馬規約。 Written into the Statute is a provision for member states to meet seven years after the entry into force (2009) to consider amendments.寫入章程是規定各會員國，以滿足七年生效後（ 2009年） ，審議修訂。 Because the Statute is the result of decades of evolution and five weeks of intense negotiations between 148 countries, it is full of compromises.由於規約是由於幾十年的演變和5個星期的緊張談判的148個國家，這是全面的妥協。 Even so, it is remarkable.即便如此，它是了不起的。 Never before has the world community united to create an institution invested with legal authority to write, adjudicate and enforce international criminal law.從來沒有國際社會團結起來，建立一個投資機構與法律權威撰寫，裁定和執行國際刑事法。 And, despite compromises, it is remarkable for the degree to which so many were able to agree on some basics.而且，儘管妥協，這是了不起的程度，所以許多人能夠同意對一些基本知識。 Most important among these is a set of “core crimes” over which the Court has jurisdiction.其中最重要的是一套“核心罪行”超過該法院有管轄權。 These are: 1) genocide, 2) crimes against humanity, 3) war crimes and 4) aggression (the waging of aggressive war).這些國家是： 1 ）種族滅絕罪， 2 ）危害人類罪， 3 ）戰爭罪和4 ）的侵略（發動侵華戰爭） 。 Conflict over Definition 衝突的定義 Unfortunately, the Rome conference was unable to agree on a definition of aggression.不幸的是，羅馬會議未能達成一致意見的侵略定義。 Unwilling to leave out “the supreme international crime” containing within itself the “accumulated evil of the whole,” the conference compromised, including aggression among the ”core crimes” but leaving it undefined in anticipation of a future amendment defining the crime and setting out conditions for jurisdiction.不願意離開了“最高的國際犯罪”本身含有的“邪惡的積累總體而言， ”會議的損害，包括侵略之間的“核心罪行” ，但留給未定義預計將在未來的修正案確定了犯罪和確定條件的管轄範圍之內。 Unfortunately, a major obstacle to the ICC, enforcement and otherwise, has been the United States.不幸的是，一個主要障礙，國際刑事法院，強制執行和其他一直是美國。 The US was one of seven countries which voted against the Statute — part of a list which included Iraq, Libya, Israel, Qatar and Yemen.美國是一個7個國家投票反對該規約-部分的清單，其中包括伊拉克，利比亞，以色列，卡塔爾和也門。 Despite the vote, President Clinton signed the Statute on Dec. 31, 2000.儘管表決，克林頓總統簽署了該規約在12月31日， 2000年。 Less than two years later President George W. Bush “unsigned it.”不到兩年後，美國總統布什“簽署它。 ” If major countries such as Russia, China, India and especially the US ever do decide to join and throw their considerable weight behind the ICC here are a few examples of what the organization may eventually be capable of:如果主要國家如俄羅斯，中國，印度，尤其是美國有史以來做決定加入，並投擲重量相當其背後的國際刑事法院這裡舉幾個例子說明該組織可能最終能夠： –”Treaty crimes” such as hijacking and narcotics trafficking, while not yet covered by the Statute, are slated to be discussed and possibly defined and amended into the Rome Statue as early as 2009. -“條約罪行” ，如劫機和販運毒品，而尚未涉及的規約，預定將要討論和可能確定和修正到羅馬雕像早在2 009年。 There would be an international institution with the legal power to apprehend, try and punish future Osama Bin Ladens without the catastrophic destruction and waste of war.將有一個國際機構的法律權力，逮捕，審判和懲罰未來烏薩馬本拉丹的災難性破壞和浪費的戰爭。 –The genocide visited by Saddam Hussein upon the Iraqi Kurds (1984-1991) perhaps could have been stopped, or at least punished upon authorization by the Security Council. ，種族滅絕訪問了薩達姆侯賽因的伊拉克庫爾德人（ 1984年至1991年）也許已經停止，或至少應受到懲罰安全理事會授權。 –There will be a venue for resolving murky situations such as the recent violence in Georgia, where a court of law could be the only place to finally decide if and when aggression and/or other crimes occurred and who was responsible. ，將有一個場所，解決陰暗的情況下，如最近發生的暴力事件在格魯吉亞，如果法院的法律可能是唯一地點，最終決定是否及何時侵略和/或其他罪行的發生，誰負責。 –Assuming that aggression is eventually defined and fully included in the Rome Statute, those who initiate wars of aggression, such as the US invasion of Iraq, will do so knowing there is at least the legal possibility of arrest, trial and prison. ，假設最終的侵略定義和充分納入羅馬規約，這些誰發起的侵略戰爭，如美國對伊拉克的入侵，將明知這樣做至少有法律的可能性逮捕，審判和監獄。 Ironically the United States led the way in establishing the precedent for this when the Allies at Nuremberg tried and punished Germans for aggression and other crimes.具有諷刺意味的美國率先建立了先例，這個當盟軍在紐倫堡審判和懲罰德國的侵略和其他罪行。 At the moment, the prospect of an American president sitting in the dock of the International Criminal Court seems remote.目前，展望美國總統坐在被告席的國際刑事法院似乎遙遠。 It should be remembered, however, that in 1973, nobody would have believed that 33 years later General Augusto Pinochet would die under house arrest in Chile, facing trial on charges of human rights abuses, including kidnapping and murder, committed during the dark days of Chile’s military government.應該記住，然而，在1973年，沒有人會相信， 33年後的奧古斯托皮諾切特將軍將死被軟禁在智利，面臨審判，罪名是侵犯人權，包括綁架和謀殺，期間所犯的黑暗日子裡智利軍政府。 A lot can happen in three decades.有許多事情會發生在三十年。 Leaders come and go.領導來來去去。 Power ebbs and flows.電力低潮和流動。 National and international perspectives and relationships change.國家和國際的觀點和關係的變化。 Imagine the chilling effect the real prospect of arrest, trial and prison for starting a war would have on a head of state considering aggression.試想寒蟬效應真正的前景逮捕，審判和監獄開始的戰爭將會對國家元首審議的侵略。 Such a simple and powerful deterrent could move humanity significantly closer to realizing the original vision of the United Nations: a world without war.這樣一個簡單而強大的威懾力可能將顯著人類更加接近實現最初的設想聯合國：世界上沒有戰爭。 There simply can be no lasting peace without justice.有簡單就不會有持久和平，正義。 To quote Professor Sadat, “As humanity struggles to overcome its darkest impulses in this new millennium, impulses that led not only to the slaughter of hundreds of millions during the 20th century, but threaten our very survival, the creation of effective international institutions and regimes is essential … to transform the prohibitions on the commission of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and aggression into real tools to deter the cruel and powerful.”引用薩達特教授， “隨著人類的鬥爭，以克服其最為陰暗的衝動在這新千年之際，衝動這不僅導致了屠宰數以億計在20世紀，而且威脅我們的生存，建立有效的國際機構和制度是至關重要的...把禁止犯下種族滅絕罪，戰爭罪，反人類罪和侵略轉化為現實的工具，以遏止殘酷和強大的。 “ Next year in New York, the ICC Special Working Group on the Crime of Aggression is scheduled to conclude their work on a definition of aggression for inclusion as an amendment to the Rome Statute.明年在紐約，國際刑事法院的特別工作組的侵略罪預定結束其工作的侵略定義列為一項修正案羅馬規約。 A review conference of the full ICC Assembly will convene in 2010 to consider this and other amendments.審查會議的全部國際商會大會將召開在2010年考慮這個問題和其他的修正案。 The work continues.這項工作仍在繼續。 Peter Dyer is a freelance journalist who moved with his wife from California to New Zealand in 2004. 彼得戴爾是一個自由撰稿人誰感動與他的妻子從加利福尼亞到新西蘭在2004年。 He can be reached at 他可以達成 p.dyer@inspire.net.nz p.dyer @ inspire.net.nz . 。 Have Your Say: Will International Law Reach Bush? 你說：國際法將達到布什？ Please read our請仔細閱讀我們的 posting guidelines before posting張貼在發布前的指導方針 . 。 Alternatively或者 you can discuss this report here你可以討論這份報告在這裡 . 。 One Response to “Will International Law Reach Bush?”一個響應“威爾國際法河段布什？ ”
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George W. Bush is a dry drunk $ociopath with the insight of a rabid dog.喬治布什是一個缺水喝$ ociopath與洞察力的瘋狗。 Grandfather said that we don’t pet rabid dogs.爺爺說，我們沒有寵物狗狂犬病。 We shoot them!我們拍他們！