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Pourquoi sens de légalisation de marques de cannabis

Jeudi 2 avril 2009

Par Joe Klein |

Pour le passé plusieurs années, j'avais hébergé une imagination, une dernière croisade politique pour la génération baby-boom. Nous, qui ont commencé sur le chemin de la droiture, marchant pour des droits civiques et contre la guerre au Vietnam, le besoin de trouver une approche convenablement à l'âme noble à la rampe de la sortie de la vie. Dans ce cas-ci, je veux dire la partie à l'âme noble littéralement. Et ainsi, une affaire : donnez-nous les drogues, après qu'un certain âge - dites, 80 - toutes les drogues, toutes drogues que nous voulons. Dans le retour, nous te donnerons nos permis de conducteur. (Je veux dire, peux vous imaginer comment terrifier une nation des boomers décrépits et solipsistic de 90 ans derrière la roue serait ?) Nous vous laisserons poursuivre vos vies - beaucoup dont soyez paiement dépensé notre retraite, de toute façon - sans devoir nous entendre nous plaindre au sujet de notre chaque mal et reflux. Nous serons les états changés les explorant trop occupés de conscience. J'ai même un slogan pour la campagne : « Accordez dedans, s'allument, baisse morte. »

Une imagination, je suppose. Mais, sous le furieux le troublez de la crise économique, une conversation nationale a tranquillement commencé au sujet de l'irrationality de nos lois de drogue. Il continue dans des législatures d'état, comme New York, où les lois draconiennes de drogue de Rockefeller sont en hausse pour la revue ; dans d'autres états, de la Californie vers le Massachusetts, de diverses formes de decriminalization de marijuana sont décrétées. Et il a atteint le plancher du congrès, où les sénateurs Jim Webb et le spectre d'Arlen ont proposé un important prison-reforment le paquet, qui adresserait directement drogue-condamner la politique.

Il y a également des signes plus espiègles d'un décalage de zeitgeist. Il y a quelques semaines, la Maison Blanche a décidé de mettre en scène un forum dans lequel le président répondrait à des questions soumises par le public ; 92.000 personnes ont répondu - et la plupart d'entre elles a semblé hantée avec la légalisation de la marijuana. Les deux questions les plus populaires au sujet « des travaux et de l'énergie verts, » par exemple, étaient au sujet de pot. Le président a écarté l'épanchement - convenablement, je devine - en tant qu'en ligne vote-bourrage et écarté la question de légalisation avec un simple : « Non. »

C'était un exemple rare de Barack Obama réagissant reflexively, sans essayer de penser créativement, à une question sérieuse de politique. Il, en fait, prenait le chemin traditionnel de moindre résistance : une réponse inattendue sur la marijuana aurait lancé un firestorm tabloïd, détournant l'attention du combat de budget et de tous ces renflouements. In fact, the default fate of any politician who publicly considers the legalization of marijuana is to be cast into the outer darkness. Such a person is assumed to be stoned all the time, unworthy of being taken seriously. Such a person would be lacerated by the assorted boozehounds and pill poppers of talk radio. The hypocrisy inherent in the American conversation about stimulants is staggering.

But there are big issues here, issues of economy and simple justice, especially on the sentencing side. As Webb pointed out in a cover story in Parade magazine, the U.S. is, by far, the most “criminal” country in the world, with 5% of the world’s population and 25% of its prisoners. We spend $68 billion per year on corrections, and one-third of those being corrected are serving time for nonviolent drug crimes. We spend about $150 billion on policing and courts, and 47.5% of all arrests are marijuana-related. That is an awful lot of money, most of it nonfederal, that could be spent on better schools or infrastructure — or simply returned to the public.

At the same time, there is an enormous potential windfall in the taxation of marijuana. It is estimated that pot is the largest cash crop in California, with annual revenues approaching $14 billion. A 10% pot tax would yield $1.4 billion in California alone. And that’s probably a fraction of the revenues that would be available — and of the economic impact, with thousands of new jobs in agriculture, packaging, marketing and advertising. A veritable marijuana economic-stimulus package!

So why not do it? There are serious moral arguments, both secular and religious. There are those who believe — with some good reason — that the accretion of legalized vices is debilitating, that we are a less virtuous society since gambling spilled out from Las Vegas to “riverboats” and state lotteries across the country. There is a medical argument, though not a very convincing one: alcohol is more dangerous in a variety of ways, including the tendency of some drunks to get violent. One could argue that the abuse of McDonald’s has a greater potential health-care cost than the abuse of marijuana. (Although it’s true that with legalization, those two might not be unrelated.) Obviously, marijuana can be abused. But the costs of criminalization have proved to be enormous, perhaps unsustainable. Would legalization be any worse?

In any case, the drug-reform discussion comes just at the right moment. We boomers are getting older every day. You’re not going to want us on the highways. Make us your best offer.


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This entry was posted on Thursday, April 2nd, 2009 at 6:49 pm and is filed under Contributions & Guests . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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