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Saturday, November 29th, 2008 星期六， 2008年一十一月二十九日

By Stephen Lendman | 由斯蒂芬Lendman |

On November 23, Venezuela held regional and local elections for governors, mayors and other municipal offices. 11月23日，委內瑞拉舉行的地區選舉和地方選舉的省長，市長和其他市政辦事處。 Over 5000 candidates contested in 603 races for 22 state governors, 328 mayors, 233 state legislative council members, 13 Caracas Metropolitan area council members, and seven others for the Alto Apure District Council. 5000多名候選人在603場比賽的22州州長， 328名市長， 233個國家立法局議員， 13加拉加斯首都地區委員會成員，和另外7人的中音阿普雷區議會。

As mandated under Article 56 of the Bolivarian Constitution: “All persons have the right to be registered (to vote) free of charge with the Civil Registry Office after birth, and to obtain public documents constituting evidence of the biological identity, in accordance with the law.”根據規定第56條的玻利瓦爾憲法： “所有的人都有權予以登記（投）免費與民事登記處出生後，並獲得公共文件構成證據的生物特性，按照法律。 “

It’sa constitutional mandate to let all Venezuelans vote.這是憲法規定，讓所有委內瑞拉人表決。 Once registered, none are purged from the rolls, obstructed, or prevented from having their vote count like so often happens in America.一旦註冊，都沒有整肅從名冊，阻撓，或阻止他們的票一樣，常常發生在美國。 In Venezuela, democracy works.在委內瑞拉，民主工程。

In 2003, Hugo Chavez undertook a major successful initiative called Mision Itentidad (Mission Identity) to implement the law.在2003年，查韋斯進行了一次重大成功的倡議呼籲使命Itentidad （團身份）為執行法律。 Prior to it in 2000, 11 million Venezuelans were registered to vote.之前它在2000年，委內瑞拉1100萬登記投票。 By September 2006, it was 16 million, and now it’s 16.8 million in a country of 27 million people. 2006年9月，它是16萬，而現在它的680萬美元在一個國家的27萬人。

How the Process Works 如何處理工程

The electoral process is administered by the National Electoral Council (CNE).選舉過程的管理工作由全國選舉委員會（選委會） 。 Unlike America’s privatized system, it’s an independent body, separate from the Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches of government or any private corporate interests.不同於美國的私有化制度，這是一個獨立的機構，獨立於行政，立法和司法的政府部門或任何私人公司的利益。 It’s comprised of 11 members of the National Assembly and 10 representatives of civil society, none of whom are appointed by the President.這是由11名成員組成的國民議會和10個民間社會的代表，沒有人是由總統任命。

Elections are conducted using Smartmatic touchscreen electronic voting machines with verifiable paper ballot receipts.進行選舉Smartmatic觸摸屏使用電子投票機與核查文件選票收據。 Voters can thus check to confirm their votes and their accuracy.因此，選民可以檢查，以確認他們的選票，其準確性。 The CNE then saves them as a permanent record to be used in case a recount is needed.在鼻咽癌然後保存它們作為一個永久記錄將用於重新案件是必要的。 It also requires voters to leave an electronic thumbprint to assure no one votes more than once.它還要求選民留下電子指紋，以確保沒有一個票超過一次。

The machines work as intended, and, after the 2006 election, the Carter Center said: based on its observations, Venezuela’s “automated machines worked well and the voting results do reflect the will of the people.” Further earlier independent studies verified the same thing, including ones carried out by vote-process experts at the University of California Berkeley, Johns Hopkins, Stanford and elsewhere.機器的工作打算，並在2006年選舉中，卡特中心說：根據其意見，委內瑞拉的“自動機器運作良好，投票結果也反映了人民的意願。 ”進一步較早獨立的研究驗證了同樣的事情，其中包括進行了表決過程專家們在加州大學伯克利分校，約翰霍普金斯大學，斯坦福大學和其他地方。

In design, great care was taken to eliminate the possibility of tampering.在設計，非常小心被消除的可能性篡改。 It required a special technology that split the security codes into four parts.它需要建立一種特殊的技術，分裂安全守則分為四個部分。 As a result, numerous voting security reports endorse the process they say makes Venezuelan machines the most advanced and accurate in the world.因此，許多投票的安全性報告核准過程中，他們說，讓委內瑞拉機器最先進和最準確的世界。

On November 23, CNE president Tibisay Lucena said voters turned out in unprecedented numbers at 65.45%, the largest ever total for a regional election. 11月23日，選委會主席Tibisay盧塞納說，選民拒絕了前所未有的數量在65.45 ％ ，是有史以來規模最大的總額為一個區域選舉。 The people spoke and registered a resounding, but not one-sided, victory for Hugo Chavez’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) candidates and sent a message.人們以和註冊一個響亮的，但不是片面的，勝利烏戈查韋斯的美國社會主義黨委內瑞拉（ PSUV ）候選人，並發出了一個信息。 They affirmed the success of Bolivarianism and want it continued.他們申明的成功Bolivarianism ，並希望它繼續。

As the Venezuela Information Office reported, PSUV candidates won 77% of governorships (17 of 22), 81% of mayoral offices, 77% of all contests, and 58% of the popular vote — an impressive result by any standard anywhere in an election that 134 independent observers from 54 countries (from America, Europe, Asia, Africa and the 34-member country Organization of American States — OAS) judged open, free, fair, and efficient like all others under Chavez.由於委內瑞拉新聞辦公室報導， PSUV候選人贏得77 ％的省長（ 17 22 ） ， 81 ％的市長辦公室， 77 ％的所有比賽，和58 ％的選票-令人印象深刻的結果，任何地方任何標準來衡量，在選舉這134個獨立的觀察員來自54個國家（從北美，歐洲，亞洲，非洲和34名委員組成的國家，美洲國家組織-美洲國家組織）判斷開放，自由，公正，高效的所有其他人一樣根據查韋斯。 OAS secretary general Jose Miguel Insulza called this one “peaceful and exemplary” and described it as a powerful expression of democratic maturity and the trust Venezuelans have in it under Chavez.美洲國家組織秘書長因蘇爾薩要求這一個“和平和模範” ，並形容這是一個強大的民主表達的成熟度和信任委內瑞拉人在它的查韋斯。

Other observer comments were as follows:其他觀察員的評論如下：

– Colombia’s CNE representative, Joaquin Vives, called Venezuela’s electoral process “a pioneer in the world (and added) Many things dazzled us” about it, such as voters “great desire to construct democracy in Venezuela;” -哥倫比亞的國家選舉委員會的代表，華金比韋斯，要求委內瑞拉的選舉進程“的先驅，世界（和補充）許多事情我們眼花繚亂”這個問題，如選民“偉大的願望建造在委內瑞拉的民主” ;

– Greek legislator Sofia Sakorafa called the process “one that expresses the will of the people and is characterized by a commitment to social and political inclusion;” -希臘立法者索非亞S akorafa的過程稱為“一個表達人民的意願和特點是致力於社會和政治包容; ”

– Costa Rica’s Maria Elena Salazar said the election was “beautiful, participative, of which all Latin Americans should be proud;” and -哥斯達黎加選手瑪麗亞薩拉薩爾說，選舉是“美麗的，參與性，其中所有拉丁美洲應該感到自豪; ”和

– Anthony Gonzales from America admired well-equipped and secured voting centers and that the election was held on a weekend to make it easier for working people. -安東尼岡薩雷斯從美國欽佩，裝備精良和擔保中心和表決，選舉於一個週末，以方便勞動人民。

Long-time Latin American expert James Petras commented on the significance of the victory:長時間拉丁美洲專家詹姆斯佩特拉斯評論的意義的勝利：

– few European, North or South American parties have as high a level of support as the PSUV; certainly none in the United States in particular where growing numbers of voters have little faith in a deeply corrupted process; -幾年歐洲，北美或南美各方已為高級別的支持作為P SUV;肯定沒有在美國尤其是在越來越多的選民沒有信心，深刻損壞進程;

– the PSUV is popular “in the context of several radical economic measures, including the nationalization of major cement, steel, financial and other private capitalist monopolies;” even so, business in Venezuela remains strong (though slowing) at a time of a global economic crisis; -在P SUV是流行的“中的幾個激進的經濟措施，包括國有化的主要水泥，鋼鐵，金融和其他私人資本主義壟斷; ”即便如此，企業在委內瑞拉依然強勁（儘管放慢）一次全球經濟危機;

– the PSUV won in spite of declining oil prices; fluctuating around $50 a barrel, they’re down about two-thirds from their peak price; even so, “the government maintained most of its funding for its social programs” and intends to continue doing it — in contrast to America where social programs have eroded for years and show no signs of revitalization under either party; -P SUV韓元的，儘管石油價格下降;上下每桶5 0美元，他們下跌約三分之二來自高峰價格;即使如此， “政府保持它的大部分資金用於社會計劃” ，並打算繼續這樣做-相反，美國在社會計劃削弱了多年，並沒有任何跡象下振興一方;

– the electorate was selective in its voting choices — “rewarding candidates who performed adequately in providing government services and punishing those who ignored or were unresponsive to popular demands;” -選民是有選擇性的它的投票選擇- “誰獎勵的候選人進行充分提供政府服務和懲罰那些無視或誰是回應民眾的需求;”

– most important: “the decisive (PSUV) victory provides the basis for confronting the deepening collapse of world capitalism with (impressive and workable) socialist measures;” compare them to the looting of the US Treasury to reward criminal bankers for their malfeasance and failures; the differences between both countries are dramatic and breathtaking — democratically impressive (though not perfect) in Venezuela compared to criminally corrupted under either party in America; no one dares mention this in the corporate media. -最重要的： “決定性的（ P SUV）的勝利提供了基礎的深化面臨崩潰的世界資本主義（令人印象深刻的和可行的）社會主義的措施; ”比較它們掠奪美國財政部獎勵刑事銀行家的瀆職和失誤;之間的差異這兩個國家的巨大和驚人的-民主令人印象深刻（雖然不是十全十美）在委內瑞拉相比下刑事責任損壞任何一方在美國，沒有人敢提到這一點，在企業媒體。

In the election’s aftermath, Petras explained that “most Venezuelan firms are heavily indebted to the state and local banks.” Chavez can ask them “to repay their debts or hand over the keys (and be able to bring) about a painless and eminently legal transition to socialism.” It remains to be seen if he’ll do it to advance his socialism of the 21st century — or perhaps remain defensive, proceed cautiously, and fail to take advantage of an important opportunity.在選舉過後，佩特拉斯解釋說， “最委內瑞拉公司的重債國家和當地銀行。 ”查韋斯可以要求他們“ ，以償還債務或交出鑰匙（和能夠使）關於無痛突出的法律過渡到社會主義。 “還有待觀察，如果他這樣做會提高他的社會主義在21世紀-或者也許是防禦性的，謹慎行事，並沒有充分利用的一個重要機會。

Responses from the Dominant Media 回應媒體的優勢

With some exceptions, it’s been pretty much as expected - one-sided, distorted, inaccurate, and not at all reflecting the will of Venezuelans and their impressive support for Chavez and Bolivarianism.除了一些例外，它已經相當預期-片面，歪曲，不準確的，而不是在所有反映的委內瑞拉人將他們的印象深刻，並支持查韋斯和B olivarianism。

For example, the New York Times in a November 25 editorial headlined: “Hugo Chavez’s Choice.” After he took office in February 1999, the Times kept up a steady attack against him in editorials and commentaries.例如， 紐約時報在11月25日社論的標題： “烏戈查韋斯的選擇。 ”上任後在1999年2月，跟上時代的穩定攻擊他的社論和評論。 Here it states: Hugo Chavez “is not feeling the love.在這裡指出：查韋斯“是不舒服的愛。 Collapsing oil prices have sharply curtailed his ability to ‘buy’ public sympathies,” and after Barack Obama’s election he no longer has “a convenient foe.”折疊油價已大幅降低他的能力， '買'公眾的同情“ ，並在奧巴馬的選舉中，他已不再”一個方便的敵人。 “

Sunday’s elections “showed just how fed up (Venezuelans) are with his government’s ‘authoritarianism and incompetence’ by rejecting the president’s allies in significant races.” Even by Times standards, these comments are way over the top and mirror opposite of the facts.星期天的選舉“顯示，如何受夠了（委內瑞拉）是與他的政府的'專制和無能，拒絕總統的盟友在重要的比賽。 ”即使是時代的標準，這些評論的方式上方和鏡子相反的事實。

The Times continues: “Mr. 泰晤士報繼續說： “先生 Chavez did pretty much everything he could to skew the elections.查韋斯沒有每樣東西，他會盡量傾斜選舉。 His government increased public spending by 60 percent in the last year.” Of course, he’s always used the nation’s wealth for his people and not as handouts to the rich like in America.他的政府增加公共開支的百分之六十在過去的一年。 “當然，他總是利用國家的財富為他的人民，而不是施捨，以豐富的美國一樣。

“A government watchdog (also) disqualified many opposition candidates,” but the Times omitted saying that the Venezuelan Supreme Court (YSJ) barred them because of corruption, misuse of public funds, and convictions for these offenses. “政府監督（也）喪失許多反對派候選人” ，但省略時報說，委內瑞拉最高法院（ YSJ ）禁止他們，因為腐敗，濫用公共資金，並定罪，這些罪行。 The Times called them “bogus.” 紐約時報稱他們“假” 。

It then exaggerated Sunday’s results, suggested Chavez’s popular support is waning, referred to his “rejected (December) power-grabbing constitutional reform,” and stated “Venezuelans don’t want to give Mr. Chavez even more power.然後它誇大了週日的結果，建議查韋斯的民眾支持正在減弱，提到他“拒絕（ 12月）電力搶奪憲政改革” ，並指出， “委內瑞拉不想放棄查韋斯甚至更多的權力。 He should heed the message (and) accept democratic limits to his rule.” Unstated was:他應注意的訊息（和）接受民主限制他的統治。 “未說明的是：

• Chavez’s popular support at over 60% compared to George Bush scoring lowest ever for a US president at around 20%;查韋斯的民眾支持在60 ％以上相比，布什得分最低的美國總統在20 ％左右;
• the nation’s impressive social democracy;國家令人印象深刻的社會民主;
• the kind few other nations have;那種少數其他國家;
• the type absent in America;缺席的類型在美國;
• the kind Venezuelans never before had and cherish; and委內瑞拉人的那種從來沒有和珍惜;和
• are committed never to give up.承諾從來沒有放棄。

Simon Romero is the Times man in Caracas where his reporting is mediocre and inaccurate.西蒙羅梅羅是時代的人在委內瑞拉首都加拉加斯，他的報告是平庸和不準確的。 His November 24 article was typical.他11月24日的文章是典型的。 It’s headlined: “Chavez Supporters Suffer Defeat in State and Municipal Races” in which he refers to their “stinging defeat in several state and municipal races.” Unnoticed were all the victories and how impressively they were won.它的標題： “查韋斯的支持者敗北的國家和城市競賽”中，他提到的“刺痛失敗的幾個州和市的比賽。 ”忽略了所有的勝利，以及如何給人以深刻印象，他們是韓元。

Instead Romero noted “festering discontent” and how “celebratory fireworks went off over parts of (Caracas) after the results were announced.” Perhaps so but mostly for Chavez and his PSUV.相反羅梅羅指出， “惡化的不滿”以及如何“慶祝煙花去了超過的部分（加拉加斯）在宣布結果之後。 ”或許如此，但主要是為查韋斯和他的PSUV 。

Romero preferred to quote Caracas opposition mayoral winner, Antonio Ledezma, saying “Those who should feel defeated are the criminals.” An urban Caracas Petare carpenter as well being “tired of Chavez treating the entire country as if it were his military barracks.”羅梅羅傾向於反對派報價加拉加斯市長冠軍，棒安東尼奧說， “誰應該感到失敗的罪犯。 ”加拉加斯的城市作為Petare木匠福祉“厭倦了查韋斯治療整個國家，好像這是他的軍營。 ”

Well into his article, Romero had to say that “Voting unfolded without reports of major irregularities” but ignored the fact that few at all occurred and they were minor.那麼他的文章，羅梅羅不得不說， “沒有投票展開報告的重大違規行為” ，但忽略了一個事實，很少有在所有發生的，他們未成年人。 He also admitted that pro-Chavez candidates won 17 of 22 states but added sour grapes about some being small “in terms of population.”他還承認，親查韋斯的候選人贏得17日的22個州，但補充說酸葡萄了一些小“的人口。 ”

On the same day, Romero wrote another commentary headlined: “Once Considered Invincible, Chavez Takes a Blow” with as many inaccuracies as the above one.同一天，羅梅羅又寫評論的標題： “曾經被認為無敵，查韋斯採取了打擊”與許多不準確之處作為上述之一。 He referred to “many of (Chavez’s) supporters desert(ing) him… in areas where he was once thought invincible,” but had to admit the results might not “slow his Socialist-inspired revolution or check his power.” Why should it when most Venezuelans want it.他提到， “許多（查韋斯的）的支持者沙漠（法） ...他的地方，他曾經被認為不可戰勝的” ，但不得不承認的結果可能不是“慢了社會主義革命的啟發或檢查自己的力量。 ”為何應該當大多數委內瑞拉人希望。

He repeated much from his other article, added a few inaccurate quotes (like it’sa “myth” to believe “only Chavez can be a champion of the poor”), omitted the most important facts, but again admitted the obvious — that “Mr.他再次從他的許多其他的文章說，一些不準確的報價（如這是“神話”相信“只有查韋斯可以成為冠軍中的窮人” ） ，省略了最重要的事實，但再次承認了明顯的-即“先生 Chavez remains by far the dominant and most popular figure in Venezuelan politics,” and the election results showed it.查韋斯迄今仍然佔主導地位的和最流行的數字委內瑞拉政治“ ，大選的初步結果表明它。

Even so, Romero downplayed his victory and said Chavez candidates won mostly in largely rural states.即便如此，輕描淡寫羅梅羅他的勝利，並說，查韋斯的候選人贏得多數在農村主要國家。 He quoted economist Luis Pedro Espana, director of the Economic and Social Research Institute at Venezuela’s Andres Bello Catholic University, stating: “The more modern part of the country wants political change.” What he means, but didn’t say, is the more affluent part, now forced to share some of the nation’s wealth with its least advantaged and most in need people — the great majority who support Chavez overwhelmingly.他引述經濟學家西班牙佩德羅路易斯主管經濟和社會研究所在委內瑞拉的安德烈略天主教大學，他說： “更現代的一部分，希望國家的政治變革。 ”他的意思，但沒有透露，是較富裕的一部分，現在不得不承擔一些國家的財富與最不利和最需要幫助的人-絕大多數誰壓倒多數支持查韋斯。

On November 25, the Wall Street Journal was extremely hostile in two post-election articles — one on the results and another feature story headlined: “Chavez Lets Colombian Rebels Wield Power Inside Venezuela.” It reeks of inaccuracies, uses Washington and the Colombian military as its sources, and claims that Chavez is providing a growing “safe haven” for FARC-EP and ELN “guerrillas.” 11月25日，華爾街日報是非常敵對的兩個選舉後的文章-一個關於結果和另一個特點故事標題： “讓查韋斯哥倫比亞叛軍掌權內部委內瑞拉。 ”這r eeks不準確，使用美國和哥倫比亞軍隊作為其來源，並聲稱查韋斯是提供了一個日益擴大的“避風港”的哥倫比亞革命武裝部隊和民族解放軍“游擊隊” 。

Unreported was anything about Chavez’s Colombian peace intervention and his successful efforts to arrange FARC-EP held hostage releases — in spite of Washington and Colombia’s president Uribe conspiring to prevent it.未是什麼查韋斯的哥倫比亞和平的干預和他的努力取得成功，安排哥倫比亞革命武裝部隊釋放被扣為人質-儘管華盛頓和哥倫比亞總統烏里韋密謀阻止它。

Journal writer Jose de Cordoba accused the Venezuelan military and police of “turning a blind eye to guerrilla activity, and at times cooperating in areas including the trafficking of arms and cocaine.” This and other anti-Chavez agitprop show up often in Journal commentaries, but this time in far more detail compared to much less said about the election results. 雜誌作家何塞科爾多瓦指責委內瑞拉軍隊和警察的“視而不見游擊活動，有時合作領域，包括販賣武器和可卡因。 ”這和其他反查韋斯agitprop常常出現在雜誌的評論，但是這一次在遠更詳細的比較少得多說，選舉結果。

That was in a page six article headlined: “Chavez Base Rebukes Him at Polls.” Writer John Lyon referred to Chavez’s “dual ambitions — to stay in power for life and wield outsize influence on the global stage.” He added how “the very people that brought him to power” rebuked him: “the urban poor.”這是在第6頁標題： “查韋斯的指責他在民意調查。 ”作家約翰里昂提到查韋斯的“雙重野心-留在生命權力和影響力發揮特大在全球舞台上。 ”他補充說如何“非常人，使他的力量“斥責他說： ”城市貧民“ 。

Like the Times , the article reeked with inaccuracies that are increasingly common on both the Journal ’s op-ed and news pages.一樣的時代，文章reeked與準確是越來越常見的兩種雜誌的專欄版和新聞的網頁。 Lyon suggests trouble for Chavez with his electoral “setbacks add(ing) to a list of growing problems that are likely to slow his swagger.” For example, falling oil prices that may crimp his “checkbook diplomacy that has won him allies outside his borders….”里昂認為查韋斯的麻煩與他的選舉“挫折新增（技術）的清單，越來越多的問題有可能減緩他的傲慢。 ”舉例來說，石油價格下跌，可能削弱他的“金錢外交已經為他贏得盟國以外的邊界... 。 “

He also compared him to Fidel Castro, referred to his “foreign adventures… backfir(ing) amid the local financial crisis,” and said his base is “dwindling” at a time it’s impressively strong.他還比較他菲德爾卡斯特羅，提到他的“外交冒險... backfir （化）由於地方財政危機” ，並說，他的基礎是“減少”的時間是令人印象深刻強勁。 He quoted opposition candidate Antonio Ledezma (as did Romero) saying “Now is the time for true change” by which he means ending Bolivarianism, its social democracy, returning power to the privileged oligarchs, and throwing most Venezuelans back into deep poverty.他引述反對黨候選人安東尼奧馬刺棒（如沒有羅梅羅）說： “現在是真正的改變” ，其中他Bolivarianism意味著結束，它的社會民主，回歸權力的特權寡頭投擲大多數委內瑞拉人到極度貧困。 Lyon apparently approves and quotes a leading opposition newspaper, Tal Cual , headlining: “We hit him where it hurts.” For the past 10 years, the Venezuelan people have had the last word.里昂顯然核准和報價領先反對派的報紙， 塔爾Cual ，頭條： “我們打他的地方疼。 ”對於過去10年裡，委內瑞拉人民已經硬道理。

The Washington Post was just as hostile in a November 25 editorial headlined “How to Beat Mr. Chavez” and his “Cuban-style socialist regime.” It called him “Venezuela’s strongman (and) caudillo” and over-hyped Sunday’s results much the way the Journal and Times did it. 華盛頓郵報就像在一個敵對11月25日社論標題為“如何拍查韋斯先生”和他的“古巴式的社會主義制度。 ”它叫他“委內瑞拉的強人（和）領袖”和宣傳日'業績的方式很多雜誌和時代做到了。 It added that Chavez “shows no sign that he is listening to the country,” and post-election said the voters’ message was to “continue down the same road.” Indeed it was and will be.它補充說，查韋斯“沒有跡象顯示，他是聽著國家” ，選舉後說，選民的訊息是“繼續沿著相同的道路。 ”實際上是將。

According to the Post , “the opposition now has an opportunity to show that it can offer a workable alternative to Mr. Chavez’s policies.” Unmentioned was that they had generations to “show” it, failed dismally, Venezuelans overwhelmingly reject them, and want no part of their kind of “change.”據華盛頓郵報“ ，反對派現在有機會表明，它可以提供一個可行的替代查韋斯的政策。 ”未提及的是，他們世世代代“顯示”它，失敗令人沮喪，絕大多數委內瑞拉人拒絕，並希望沒有參加他們的一種“改變。 ”

With its large anti-Castro population, Miami is a hotbed of anti-Chavismo, and the Miami Herald reflects it.憑藉其龐大的反卡斯特羅人口，是一項邁阿密的溫床反Chavismo ，以及邁阿密先驅報反映了它。 Post-election, it headlined “Despite foes’ gains, Hugo Chavez will try to get another term in Venezuela.” It referred to state and local elections “slow(ing) his grand ambitions to yank Venezuela and Latin America to the left” but not enough to stop him according to unnamed analysts.選舉後，它的標題： “儘管敵人'成果，查韋斯將嘗試獲得連任的委內瑞拉。 ”它提到國家和地方選舉“慢（性）他大野心掉委內瑞拉和拉丁美洲向左” ，但不足以阻止他根據不具名的分析師。

It suggested an upcoming “titanic battle” as Chavez is expected to hold a national plebiscite next year “that would allow him to campaign for an additional six-year presidential term in 2012.” It quoted pollster Luis Vincente Leon of Datanalisis, who publicly called for Chavez’s assassination, saying: “He wants to change the constitution to run again.它建議即將舉行的“泰坦尼克號戰”查韋斯預計將舉行全國公民投票在明年“ ，讓他爭取額外的6年總統任期在2012年。 ”據報導，民調路易斯文森特萊昂的Datanalisis ，誰公開呼籲對查韋斯的暗殺，他說： “他要修改憲法，以再次運行。 There’s no doubt about that,” but again unsaid is what the people want.毫無疑問的“ ，但再次unsaid是民心所向。 Chavez wants them to choose and like always will honor their will.查韋斯希望他們喜歡選擇和榮譽總是將自己的意志。

On November 23, the far right Washington Times headlined a John Thomson commentary on “Chavez’s fraud game” and referred to “The kinds and extent of fraud already being applied by the Venezuelan government to crucial elections today.” He called them “unprecedented (and) unmitigated electoral larceny (and) Venezuela’s pilfer process starts well before the day the votes are cast and counted.” 11月23日，極右派華盛頓時報的一份約翰湯姆遜評“查韋斯的欺詐遊戲” ，並提到“的種類和程度的欺詐行為已被應用於由委內瑞拉政府今天選舉的關鍵。 ”他呼籲他們“空前（和）減緩選舉盜竊罪（和）委內瑞拉竊取過程開始之前一天，投票和計。 “

In an age of breathtaking anti-Chavez agitprop, this comment takes the cake or at least matches the worst of it.在這樣一個時代，激動人心的反查韋斯agitprop ，這一評論餅考慮，或至少相匹配的最糟糕的。 Thomson called the “fraud potential” on election day “staggering” and listed a menu of absurdities and rubbish ranging from “jumbled” voting lists to “rigged” voting machines, and “manipulation” of results.湯姆森所謂的“欺詐潛在的”選舉日“驚人的” ，並列出了菜單的謬論和垃圾從“混亂”表決名單“操縱”投票機，並“操縱”的結果。

It’s much like Journal writer Mary O’Grady’s agitprop — her latest on November 17 in a commentary headlined: “Dodd’s Democrat Tightens His Grip.” Dodd, of course, is Senator Chris Dodd, and her article is about Venezuela’s election, the country’s “numerous setbacks for democracy,” and the chance Venezuelans have to “rid themselves of Mr. Chavez.”這就像作家瑪麗雜誌奧格雷迪的agitprop -她最近在1 1月1 7日的一篇評論的標題： “多德的民主黨緊緻他的抓地力。 ”多德，當然是州參議員克里斯多德，她是第委內瑞拉的選舉中，該國的“無數的挫折民主” ，並有機會委內瑞拉人必須“擺脫了查韋斯。 ”

She refers to his “authoritarian powers… deteriorating living standards (and) the widespread assumption that the government will use tricks to win” on November 23.她指的是他“獨裁權力...惡化的生活標準（和）的普遍假設，即政府將使用技巧贏得” 11月23日。 “Venezuelans saw this coming. “委內瑞拉人看到這個未來。 From his earliest days as president in 1999, Mr. Chavez began working to destroy any checks on his power.”從他早期總統在1999年，查韋斯開始著手將摧毀任何檢查，他的權力。 “

She attacked Chris Dodd for “throw(ing) a fit over Mr. Chavez’s (48-hour) removal” in April 2002.她攻擊多德的“擲（法）適合在查韋斯的（ 48小時）去除率”於2002年4月。 “This self-styled Latin American expert (referred to) a US-backed coup and insisted that since Mr. Chavez (was) democratically elected in a fair vote” no one should question his legitimacy. “這個自封拉丁美洲專家（以下簡稱）是美國支持的政變，並堅持認為，自查韋斯（是）民主選舉在公平投票”任何人都不應懷疑他的合法性。

“Of course it wasn’ta coup,” according to O’Grady, as she questions the “circumstances (of his) political resurrection,” again called him a “strongman,” warned earlier about his budding “dictatorship,” and now says her view about him is accurate. “當然，這不是政變， ”根據奧格雷迪，因為她的問題了“的情況下（他）政治的復活” ，再次稱他是“強人” ，警告稱，他的萌芽“獨裁” ，並說現在她認為他是正確的。

“Political prisoners are rotting in Venezuelan jails without trials. “政治犯是腐爛在委內瑞拉監獄未經審判。 Being identified as a political opponent of the revolution is a ticket to the end of the unemployment line.被確定為一個政治對手的革命是一個票證的結尾失業率線。 Private property has zero protection under the law and the economy’s private sector has been all but destroyed… (and Chavez) has made it clear he will not accept defeat at the polls.”私有財產為零的法律保護和經濟的私營部門已經銷毀所有，但... （查韋斯）已明確表示，他將不會接受失敗的選舉。 “

Breathtaking hardly describes this rant.幾乎驚人的描述此言論。 It’s mirror opposite the truth.這是一面鏡子對面的真相。 Venezuela’s social democracy is unimaginable in America, and one reason why O’Grady and others vilify it.委內瑞拉的社會民主是不可想像的美國，原因之一奧格雷迪和其他詆毀它。 It’s also why they reported inaccurately on Sunday’s election.這也是為什麼他們的報導不準確週日的選舉。

A Sane Voice in the Wilderness 健全聲音在荒野

On November 22, the London Independent published “Letters: In praise of Hugo Chavez.” One confronted Latin American writer Phil Gunson’s “bleak picture” of Venezuela in his article titled: “Tough-talking Chavez faces rising dissent.” It was grossly inaccurate, mentioned the usual kinds of criticisms, and pretty much read like the US and Venezuelan corporate media agitprop. 11月22日，在倫敦獨立出版的“快報：在讚揚查韋斯。 ”面臨的一個拉丁美洲作家菲爾Gunson的“暗淡”的委內瑞拉在他的文章，題為： “強硬的談話查韋斯面臨上升持不同政見者。 ”這是嚴重不準確的，通常提到的各種批評，非常喜歡閱讀，美國和委內瑞拉媒體agitprop 。

The writer asked: If Gunson is right, “why are President Chavez’s approval ratings at 58%, as he reports.” He doesn’t mention “how (his) government has delivered free healthcare to millions of people for the first time, eradicated illiteracy and used the country’s best economic performance for decades to halve the poverty levels.”筆者問：如果Gunson是正確的， “為什麼查韋斯總統的支持率為58 ％ ，因為他的報告。 ”他沒有提到“如何（他）政府提供了免費醫療數以百萬計的人第一次，消除文盲和使用該國的經濟表現最好的幾十年來的貧困人口減少一半的水平。 “

Suggesting that poll results may trigger a “violent reaction… turn(s) reality on its head.這表明調查結果可能引發“強烈反應...反過來（星期日）的現實頭。 It was the Chavez government itself that was briefly the victim of an opposition-led military coup in 2002.這是查韋斯政府本身是短暫的受害者反對派領導的軍事政變，於2002年。 In contrast, (his) government has showed a consistent commitment to democracy….與此相反， （他）政府已經表明，一貫對民主的承諾... 。 Moreover, last week the respected Latinbarametro survey showed that Venezuela is now the country with the greatest support for democracy in Latin America and the region’s second-most satisfied with the functioning of its democracy.此外，上週尊重Latinbarametro調查表明，委內瑞拉現在是該國最大的支持民主在拉丁美洲和該地區的第二最滿意的運作情況的民主。 Venezuela’s combination of democracy and social progress under Chavez has inspired widespread support.”委內瑞拉相結合的民主和社會進步根據查韋斯的啟發廣泛的支持。 “

It’s signed by Colin Burgon, MP, Chair, Labour Friends of Venezuela group of MPs, House of Commons.它的簽署科林根議員，主席，勞工之友組的委內瑞拉議員，下議院。 He adds more as well, and the Independent published it.他還說，以及更多的， 和獨立出版。 It’s unlike major US broadsheets that cover Chavez one way: with venomous inaccuracy and very rare exceptions that hardly draw notice.它不像美國主要時事，涵蓋查韋斯的一種方式：與毒蛇不準確的和非常罕見的例外，幾乎提請恕不另行通知。

The Venezuela Information Office reviewed the election in detail, and it’s summarized below as follows:委內瑞拉新聞辦公室審查了詳細的選舉中，它的歸納如下：

• for a regional election, voter turnout was unprecedented at over 65%;一個地區的選舉，選民投票率是前所未有的超過65 ％ ;
• independent observers judged the process open, free, fair and efficient and according to OAS secretary general Insulza “peaceful and exemplary;”獨立觀察員判斷的過程公開，自由，公正和效率，根據美洲國家組織秘書長因蘇爾薩“和平和模範; ”
• PSUV candidates won impressive victories, far exceeding the opposition; PSUV候選人贏得令人印象深刻的勝利，遠遠超過了反對;
• pro-government candidates gained a large majority of offices throughout the country - for governors, mayors and other posts;親政府的候選人獲得了絕大多數的辦事處在全國各地-為省長，市長和其他職位;
• like for the past decade, most Venezuelans will continue to live under pro-Chavez regional and local leaders because they want them;像在過去十年中，大多數委內瑞拉人將繼續生活在親查韋斯的區域和地方領導人，因為他們希望他們;
• the PSUV scored important victories in strategic areas of the country, but not all of them; PSUV比賽的勝利的重要戰略地區的國家，但不是全部;
• pro-government candidates won by wide margins affirming Venezuelans faith in Bolivarianism;親政府的候選人贏得了廣泛的利潤率肯定委內瑞拉人的信念Bolivarianism ;
• although the metropolitan Caracas mayoralty went to the opposition, residents of the largest city municipality voted for the PSUV;雖然大城市加拉加斯市長去反對，居民最大的城市市政投票贊成PSUV ;
• even in states won by the opposition, key municipalities went to the PSUV; and即使在國家贏得了反對派，主要城市到PSUV ;和
• Venezuela’s Electoral Authority (CNE) handled the record voter turnout impressively.委內瑞拉選舉委員會（選委會）的處理選民的投票率令人印象深刻。

The Wall Street Journal , New York Times and other publications falsely reported that a majority of the population is under opposition control. 華爾街日報，紐約時報和其他出版物虛假報告說，大多數人口在反對派控制。 Official statistics show otherwise but were ignored.官方統計資料顯示，否則，但被忽視了。

Have Your Say: Venezuelan Elections: The Media Response 你說：委內瑞拉大選：媒體的反應
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