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Saturday, November 29th, 2008 星期六， 2008年一十一月二十九日

By Stephen Lendman | 由斯蒂芬Lendman |

On November 23, Venezuela held regional and local elections for governors, mayors and other municipal offices. 11月23日，委内瑞拉举行的地区选举和地方选举的省长，市长和其他市政办事处。 Over 5000 candidates contested in 603 races for 22 state governors, 328 mayors, 233 state legislative council members, 13 Caracas Metropolitan area council members, and seven others for the Alto Apure District Council. 5000多名候选人在603场比赛的22州州长， 328名市长， 233个国家立法局议员， 13加拉加斯首都地区委员会成员，和另外7人的中音阿普雷区议会。

As mandated under Article 56 of the Bolivarian Constitution: “All persons have the right to be registered (to vote) free of charge with the Civil Registry Office after birth, and to obtain public documents constituting evidence of the biological identity, in accordance with the law.”根据规定第56条的玻利瓦尔宪法： “所有的人都有权予以登记（投）免费与民事登记处出生后，并获得公共文件构成证据的生物特性，按照法律。 “

It’sa constitutional mandate to let all Venezuelans vote.这是宪法规定，让所有委内瑞拉人表决。 Once registered, none are purged from the rolls, obstructed, or prevented from having their vote count like so often happens in America.一旦注册，都没有整肃从名册，阻挠，或阻止他们的票一样，常常发生在美国。 In Venezuela, democracy works.在委内瑞拉，民主工程。

In 2003, Hugo Chavez undertook a major successful initiative called Mision Itentidad (Mission Identity) to implement the law.在2003年，查韦斯进行了一次重大成功的倡议呼吁使命Itentidad （团身份）为执行法律。 Prior to it in 2000, 11 million Venezuelans were registered to vote.之前它在2000年，委内瑞拉1100万登记投票。 By September 2006, it was 16 million, and now it’s 16.8 million in a country of 27 million people. 2006年9月，它是16万，而现在它的680万美元在一个国家的27万人。

How the Process Works 如何处理工程

The electoral process is administered by the National Electoral Council (CNE).选举过程的管理工作由全国选举委员会（选委会） 。 Unlike America’s privatized system, it’s an independent body, separate from the Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches of government or any private corporate interests.不同于美国的私有化制度，这是一个独立的机构，独立于行政，立法和司法的政府部门或任何私人公司的利益。 It’s comprised of 11 members of the National Assembly and 10 representatives of civil society, none of whom are appointed by the President.这是由11名成员组成的国民议会和10个民间社会的代表，没有人是由总统任命。

Elections are conducted using Smartmatic touchscreen electronic voting machines with verifiable paper ballot receipts.进行选举Smartmatic触摸屏使用电子投票机与核查文件选票收据。 Voters can thus check to confirm their votes and their accuracy.因此，选民可以检查，以确认他们的选票，其准确性。 The CNE then saves them as a permanent record to be used in case a recount is needed.在鼻咽癌然后保存它们作为一个永久记录将用于重新案件是必要的。 It also requires voters to leave an electronic thumbprint to assure no one votes more than once.它还要求选民留下电子指纹，以确保没有一个票超过一次。

The machines work as intended, and, after the 2006 election, the Carter Center said: based on its observations, Venezuela’s “automated machines worked well and the voting results do reflect the will of the people.” Further earlier independent studies verified the same thing, including ones carried out by vote-process experts at the University of California Berkeley, Johns Hopkins, Stanford and elsewhere.机器的工作打算，并在2006年选举中，卡特中心说：根据其意见，委内瑞拉的“自动机器运作良好，投票结果也反映了人民的意愿。 ”进一步较早独立的研究验证了同样的事情，其中包括进行了表决过程专家们在加州大学伯克利分校，约翰霍普金斯大学，斯坦福大学和其他地方。

In design, great care was taken to eliminate the possibility of tampering.在设计，非常小心被消除的可能性篡改。 It required a special technology that split the security codes into four parts.它需要建立一种特殊的技术，分裂安全守则分为四个部分。 As a result, numerous voting security reports endorse the process they say makes Venezuelan machines the most advanced and accurate in the world.因此，许多投票的安全性报告核准过程中，他们说，让委内瑞拉机器最先进和最准确的世界。

On November 23, CNE president Tibisay Lucena said voters turned out in unprecedented numbers at 65.45%, the largest ever total for a regional election. 11月23日，选委会主席Tibisay卢塞纳说，选民拒绝了前所未有的数量在65.45 ％ ，是有史以来规模最大的总额为一个区域选举。 The people spoke and registered a resounding, but not one-sided, victory for Hugo Chavez’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) candidates and sent a message.人们以和注册一个响亮的，但不是片面的，胜利乌戈查韦斯的美国社会主义党委内瑞拉（ PSUV ）候选人，并发出了一个信息。 They affirmed the success of Bolivarianism and want it continued.他们申明的成功Bolivarianism ，并希望它继续。

As the Venezuela Information Office reported, PSUV candidates won 77% of governorships (17 of 22), 81% of mayoral offices, 77% of all contests, and 58% of the popular vote — an impressive result by any standard anywhere in an election that 134 independent observers from 54 countries (from America, Europe, Asia, Africa and the 34-member country Organization of American States — OAS) judged open, free, fair, and efficient like all others under Chavez.由于委内瑞拉新闻办公室报道， PSUV候选人赢得77 ％的省长（ 17 22 ） ， 81 ％的市长办公室， 77 ％的所有比赛，和58 ％的选票-令人印象深刻的结果，任何地方任何标准来衡量，在选举这134个独立的观察员来自54个国家（从北美，欧洲，亚洲，非洲和34名委员组成的国家，美洲国家组织-美洲国家组织）判断开放，自由，公正，高效的所有其他人一样根据查韦斯。 OAS secretary general Jose Miguel Insulza called this one “peaceful and exemplary” and described it as a powerful expression of democratic maturity and the trust Venezuelans have in it under Chavez.美洲国家组织秘书长因苏尔萨要求这一个“和平和模范” ，并形容这是一个强大的民主表达的成熟度和信任委内瑞拉人在它的查韦斯。

Other observer comments were as follows:其他观察员的评论如下：

– Colombia’s CNE representative, Joaquin Vives, called Venezuela’s electoral process “a pioneer in the world (and added) Many things dazzled us” about it, such as voters “great desire to construct democracy in Venezuela;” -哥伦比亚的国家选举委员会的代表，华金比韦斯，要求委内瑞拉的选举进程“的先驱，世界（和补充）许多事情我们眼花缭乱”这个问题，如选民“伟大的愿望建造在委内瑞拉的民主” ;

– Greek legislator Sofia Sakorafa called the process “one that expresses the will of the people and is characterized by a commitment to social and political inclusion;” -希腊立法者索非亚S akorafa的过程称为“一个表达人民的意愿和特点是致力于社会和政治包容; ”

– Costa Rica’s Maria Elena Salazar said the election was “beautiful, participative, of which all Latin Americans should be proud;” and -哥斯达黎加选手玛丽亚萨拉萨尔说，选举是“美丽的，参与性，其中所有拉丁美洲应该感到自豪; ”和

– Anthony Gonzales from America admired well-equipped and secured voting centers and that the election was held on a weekend to make it easier for working people. -安东尼冈萨雷斯从美国钦佩，装备精良和担保中心和表决，选举于一个周末，以方便劳动人民。

Long-time Latin American expert James Petras commented on the significance of the victory:长时间拉丁美洲专家詹姆斯佩特拉斯评论的意义的胜利：

– few European, North or South American parties have as high a level of support as the PSUV; certainly none in the United States in particular where growing numbers of voters have little faith in a deeply corrupted process; -几年欧洲，北美或南美各方已为高级别的支持作为P SUV;肯定没有在美国尤其是在越来越多的选民没有信心，深刻损坏进程;

– the PSUV is popular “in the context of several radical economic measures, including the nationalization of major cement, steel, financial and other private capitalist monopolies;” even so, business in Venezuela remains strong (though slowing) at a time of a global economic crisis; -在P SUV是流行的“中的几个激进的经济措施，包括国有化的主要水泥，钢铁，金融和其他私人资本主义垄断; ”即便如此，企业在委内瑞拉依然强劲（尽管放慢）一次全球经济危机;

– the PSUV won in spite of declining oil prices; fluctuating around $50 a barrel, they’re down about two-thirds from their peak price; even so, “the government maintained most of its funding for its social programs” and intends to continue doing it — in contrast to America where social programs have eroded for years and show no signs of revitalization under either party; -P SUV韩元的，尽管石油价格下降;上下每桶5 0美元，他们下跌约三分之二来自高峰价格;即使如此， “政府保持它的大部分资金用于社会计划” ，并打算继续这样做-相反，美国在社会计划削弱了多年，并没有任何迹象下振兴一方;

– the electorate was selective in its voting choices — “rewarding candidates who performed adequately in providing government services and punishing those who ignored or were unresponsive to popular demands;” -选民是有选择性的它的投票选择- “谁奖励的候选人进行充分提供政府服务和惩罚那些无视或谁是回应民众的需求;”

– most important: “the decisive (PSUV) victory provides the basis for confronting the deepening collapse of world capitalism with (impressive and workable) socialist measures;” compare them to the looting of the US Treasury to reward criminal bankers for their malfeasance and failures; the differences between both countries are dramatic and breathtaking — democratically impressive (though not perfect) in Venezuela compared to criminally corrupted under either party in America; no one dares mention this in the corporate media. -最重要的： “决定性的（ P SUV）的胜利提供了基础的深化面临崩溃的世界资本主义（令人印象深刻的和可行的）社会主义的措施; ”比较它们掠夺美国财政部奖励刑事银行家的渎职和失误;之间的差异这两个国家的巨大和惊人的-民主令人印象深刻（虽然不是十全十美）在委内瑞拉相比下刑事责任损坏任何一方在美国，没有人敢提到这一点，在企业媒体。

In the election’s aftermath, Petras explained that “most Venezuelan firms are heavily indebted to the state and local banks.” Chavez can ask them “to repay their debts or hand over the keys (and be able to bring) about a painless and eminently legal transition to socialism.” It remains to be seen if he’ll do it to advance his socialism of the 21st century — or perhaps remain defensive, proceed cautiously, and fail to take advantage of an important opportunity.在选举过后，佩特拉斯解释说， “最委内瑞拉公司的重债国家和当地银行。 ”查韦斯可以要求他们“ ，以偿还债务或交出钥匙（和能够使）关于无痛突出的法律过渡到社会主义。 “还有待观察，如果他这样做会提高他的社会主义在21世纪-或者也许是防御性的，谨慎行事，并没有充分利用的一个重要机会。

Responses from the Dominant Media 回应媒体的优势

With some exceptions, it’s been pretty much as expected - one-sided, distorted, inaccurate, and not at all reflecting the will of Venezuelans and their impressive support for Chavez and Bolivarianism.除了一些例外，它已经相当预期-片面，歪曲，不准确的，而不是在所有反映的委内瑞拉人将他们的印象深刻，并支持查韦斯和B olivarianism。

For example, the New York Times in a November 25 editorial headlined: “Hugo Chavez’s Choice.” After he took office in February 1999, the Times kept up a steady attack against him in editorials and commentaries.例如， 纽约时报在11月25日社论的标题： “乌戈查韦斯的选择。 ”上任后在1999年2月，跟上时代的稳定攻击他的社论和评论。 Here it states: Hugo Chavez “is not feeling the love.在这里指出：查韦斯“是不舒服的爱。 Collapsing oil prices have sharply curtailed his ability to ‘buy’ public sympathies,” and after Barack Obama’s election he no longer has “a convenient foe.”折叠油价已大幅降低他的能力， '买'公众的同情“ ，并在奥巴马的选举中，他已不再”一个方便的敌人。 “

Sunday’s elections “showed just how fed up (Venezuelans) are with his government’s ‘authoritarianism and incompetence’ by rejecting the president’s allies in significant races.” Even by Times standards, these comments are way over the top and mirror opposite of the facts.星期天的选举“显示，如何受够了（委内瑞拉）是与他的政府的'专制和无能，拒绝总统的盟友在重要的比赛。 ”即使是时代的标准，这些评论的方式上方和镜子相反的事实。

The Times continues: “Mr. 泰晤士报继续说： “先生 Chavez did pretty much everything he could to skew the elections.查韦斯没有每样东西，他会尽量倾斜选举。 His government increased public spending by 60 percent in the last year.” Of course, he’s always used the nation’s wealth for his people and not as handouts to the rich like in America.他的政府增加公共开支的百分之六十在过去的一年。 “当然，他总是利用国家的财富为他的人民，而不是施舍，以丰富的美国一样。

“A government watchdog (also) disqualified many opposition candidates,” but the Times omitted saying that the Venezuelan Supreme Court (YSJ) barred them because of corruption, misuse of public funds, and convictions for these offenses. “政府监督（也）丧失许多反对派候选人” ，但省略时报说，委内瑞拉最高法院（ YSJ ）禁止他们，因为腐败，滥用公共资金，并定罪，这些罪行。 The Times called them “bogus.” 纽约时报称他们“假” 。

It then exaggerated Sunday’s results, suggested Chavez’s popular support is waning, referred to his “rejected (December) power-grabbing constitutional reform,” and stated “Venezuelans don’t want to give Mr. Chavez even more power.然后它夸大了周日的结果，建议查韦斯的民众支持正在减弱，提到他“拒绝（ 12月）电力抢夺宪政改革” ，并指出， “委内瑞拉不想放弃查韦斯甚至更多的权力。 He should heed the message (and) accept democratic limits to his rule.” Unstated was:他应注意的讯息（和）接受民主限制他的统治。 “未说明的是：

• Chavez’s popular support at over 60% compared to George Bush scoring lowest ever for a US president at around 20%;查韦斯的民众支持在60 ％以上相比，布什得分最低的美国总统在20 ％左右;
• the nation’s impressive social democracy;国家令人印象深刻的社会民主;
• the kind few other nations have;那种少数其他国家;
• the type absent in America;缺席的类型在美国;
• the kind Venezuelans never before had and cherish; and委内瑞拉人的那种从来没有和珍惜;和
• are committed never to give up.承诺从来没有放弃。

Simon Romero is the Times man in Caracas where his reporting is mediocre and inaccurate.西蒙罗梅罗是时代的人在委内瑞拉首都加拉加斯，他的报告是平庸和不准确的。 His November 24 article was typical.他11月24日的文章是典型的。 It’s headlined: “Chavez Supporters Suffer Defeat in State and Municipal Races” in which he refers to their “stinging defeat in several state and municipal races.” Unnoticed were all the victories and how impressively they were won.它的标题： “查韦斯的支持者败北的国家和城市竞赛”中，他提到的“刺痛失败的几个州和市的比赛。 ”忽略了所有的胜利，以及如何给人以深刻印象，他们是韩元。

Instead Romero noted “festering discontent” and how “celebratory fireworks went off over parts of (Caracas) after the results were announced.” Perhaps so but mostly for Chavez and his PSUV.相反罗梅罗指出， “恶化的不满”以及如何“庆祝烟花去了超过的部分（加拉加斯）在宣布结果之后。 ”或许如此，但主要是为查韦斯和他的PSUV 。

Romero preferred to quote Caracas opposition mayoral winner, Antonio Ledezma, saying “Those who should feel defeated are the criminals.” An urban Caracas Petare carpenter as well being “tired of Chavez treating the entire country as if it were his military barracks.”罗梅罗倾向于反对派报价加拉加斯市长冠军，棒安东尼奥说， “谁应该感到失败的罪犯。 ”加拉加斯的城市作为Petare木匠福祉“厌倦了查韦斯治疗整个国家，好象这是他的军营。 ”

Well into his article, Romero had to say that “Voting unfolded without reports of major irregularities” but ignored the fact that few at all occurred and they were minor.那么他的文章，罗梅罗不得不说， “没有投票展开报告的重大违规行为” ，但忽略了一个事实，很少有在所有发生的，他们未成年人。 He also admitted that pro-Chavez candidates won 17 of 22 states but added sour grapes about some being small “in terms of population.”他还承认，亲查韦斯的候选人赢得17日的22个州，但补充说酸葡萄了一些小“的人口。 ”

On the same day, Romero wrote another commentary headlined: “Once Considered Invincible, Chavez Takes a Blow” with as many inaccuracies as the above one.同一天，罗梅罗又写评论的标题： “曾经被认为无敌，查韦斯采取了打击”与许多不准确之处作为上述之一。 He referred to “many of (Chavez’s) supporters desert(ing) him… in areas where he was once thought invincible,” but had to admit the results might not “slow his Socialist-inspired revolution or check his power.” Why should it when most Venezuelans want it.他提到， “许多（查韦斯的）的支持者沙漠（法） ...他的地方，他曾经被认为不可战胜的” ，但不得不承认的结果可能不是“慢了社会主义革命的启发或检查自己的力量。 ”为何应该当大多数委内瑞拉人希望。

He repeated much from his other article, added a few inaccurate quotes (like it’sa “myth” to believe “only Chavez can be a champion of the poor”), omitted the most important facts, but again admitted the obvious — that “Mr.他再次从他的许多其他的文章说，一些不准确的报价（如这是“神话”相信“只有查韦斯可以成为冠军中的穷人” ） ，省略了最重要的事实，但再次承认了明显的-即“先生 Chavez remains by far the dominant and most popular figure in Venezuelan politics,” and the election results showed it.查韦斯迄今仍然占主导地位的和最流行的数字委内瑞拉政治“ ，大选的初步结果表明它。

Even so, Romero downplayed his victory and said Chavez candidates won mostly in largely rural states.即便如此，轻描淡写罗梅罗他的胜利，并说，查韦斯的候选人赢得多数在农村主要国家。 He quoted economist Luis Pedro Espana, director of the Economic and Social Research Institute at Venezuela’s Andres Bello Catholic University, stating: “The more modern part of the country wants political change.” What he means, but didn’t say, is the more affluent part, now forced to share some of the nation’s wealth with its least advantaged and most in need people — the great majority who support Chavez overwhelmingly.他引述经济学家西班牙佩德罗路易斯主管经济和社会研究所在委内瑞拉的安德烈略天主教大学，他说： “更现代的一部分，希望国家的政治变革。 ”他的意思，但没有透露，是较富裕的一部分，现在不得不承担一些国家的财富与最不利和最需要帮助的人-绝大多数谁压倒多数支持查韦斯。

On November 25, the Wall Street Journal was extremely hostile in two post-election articles — one on the results and another feature story headlined: “Chavez Lets Colombian Rebels Wield Power Inside Venezuela.” It reeks of inaccuracies, uses Washington and the Colombian military as its sources, and claims that Chavez is providing a growing “safe haven” for FARC-EP and ELN “guerrillas.” 11月25日，华尔街日报是非常敌对的两个选举后的文章-一个关于结果和另一个特点故事标题： “让查韦斯哥伦比亚叛军掌权内部委内瑞拉。 ”这r eeks不准确，使用美国和哥伦比亚军队作为其来源，并声称查韦斯是提供了一个日益扩大的“避风港”的哥伦比亚革命武装部队和民族解放军“游击队” 。

Unreported was anything about Chavez’s Colombian peace intervention and his successful efforts to arrange FARC-EP held hostage releases — in spite of Washington and Colombia’s president Uribe conspiring to prevent it.未是什么查韦斯的哥伦比亚和平的干预和他的努力取得成功，安排哥伦比亚革命武装部队释放被扣为人质-尽管华盛顿和哥伦比亚总统乌里韦密谋阻止它。

Journal writer Jose de Cordoba accused the Venezuelan military and police of “turning a blind eye to guerrilla activity, and at times cooperating in areas including the trafficking of arms and cocaine.” This and other anti-Chavez agitprop show up often in Journal commentaries, but this time in far more detail compared to much less said about the election results. 杂志作家何塞科尔多瓦指责委内瑞拉军队和警察的“视而不见游击活动，有时合作领域，包括贩卖武器和可卡因。 ”这和其他反查韦斯agitprop常常出现在杂志的评论，但是这一次在远更详细的比较少得多说，选举结果。

That was in a page six article headlined: “Chavez Base Rebukes Him at Polls.” Writer John Lyon referred to Chavez’s “dual ambitions — to stay in power for life and wield outsize influence on the global stage.” He added how “the very people that brought him to power” rebuked him: “the urban poor.”这是在第6页标题： “查韦斯的指责他在民意调查。 ”作家约翰里昂提到查韦斯的“双重野心-留在生命权力和影响力发挥特大在全球舞台上。 ”他补充说如何“非常人，使他的力量“斥责他说： ”城市贫民“ 。

Like the Times , the article reeked with inaccuracies that are increasingly common on both the Journal ’s op-ed and news pages.一样的时代，文章reeked与准确是越来越常见的两种杂志的专栏版和新闻的网页。 Lyon suggests trouble for Chavez with his electoral “setbacks add(ing) to a list of growing problems that are likely to slow his swagger.” For example, falling oil prices that may crimp his “checkbook diplomacy that has won him allies outside his borders….”里昂认为查韦斯的麻烦与他的选举“挫折新增（技术）的清单，越来越多的问题有可能减缓他的傲慢。 ”举例来说，石油价格下跌，可能削弱他的“金钱外交已经为他赢得盟国以外的边界... 。 “

He also compared him to Fidel Castro, referred to his “foreign adventures… backfir(ing) amid the local financial crisis,” and said his base is “dwindling” at a time it’s impressively strong.他还比较他菲德尔卡斯特罗，提到他的“外交冒险... backfir （化）由于地方财政危机” ，并说，他的基础是“减少”的时间是令人印象深刻强劲。 He quoted opposition candidate Antonio Ledezma (as did Romero) saying “Now is the time for true change” by which he means ending Bolivarianism, its social democracy, returning power to the privileged oligarchs, and throwing most Venezuelans back into deep poverty.他引述反对党候选人安东尼奥马刺棒（如没有罗梅罗）说： “现在是真正的改变” ，其中他Bolivarianism意味着结束，它的社会民主，回归权力的特权寡头投掷大多数委内瑞拉人到极度贫困。 Lyon apparently approves and quotes a leading opposition newspaper, Tal Cual , headlining: “We hit him where it hurts.” For the past 10 years, the Venezuelan people have had the last word.里昂显然核准和报价领先反对派的报纸， 塔尔Cual ，头条： “我们打他的地方疼。 ”对于过去10年里，委内瑞拉人民已经硬道理。

The Washington Post was just as hostile in a November 25 editorial headlined “How to Beat Mr. Chavez” and his “Cuban-style socialist regime.” It called him “Venezuela’s strongman (and) caudillo” and over-hyped Sunday’s results much the way the Journal and Times did it. 华盛顿邮报就像在一个敌对11月25日社论标题为“如何拍查韦斯先生”和他的“古巴式的社会主义制度。 ”它叫他“委内瑞拉的强人（和）领袖”和宣传日'业绩的方式很多杂志和时代做到了。 It added that Chavez “shows no sign that he is listening to the country,” and post-election said the voters’ message was to “continue down the same road.” Indeed it was and will be.它补充说，查韦斯“没有迹象显示，他是听着国家” ，选举后说，选民的讯息是“继续沿着相同的道路。 ”实际上是将。

According to the Post , “the opposition now has an opportunity to show that it can offer a workable alternative to Mr. Chavez’s policies.” Unmentioned was that they had generations to “show” it, failed dismally, Venezuelans overwhelmingly reject them, and want no part of their kind of “change.”据华盛顿邮报“ ，反对派现在有机会表明，它可以提供一个可行的替代查韦斯的政策。 ”未提及的是，他们世世代代“显示”它，失败令人沮丧，绝大多数委内瑞拉人拒绝，并希望没有参加他们的一种“改变。 ”

With its large anti-Castro population, Miami is a hotbed of anti-Chavismo, and the Miami Herald reflects it.凭借其庞大的反卡斯特罗人口，是一项迈阿密的温床反Chavismo ，以及迈阿密先驱报反映了它。 Post-election, it headlined “Despite foes’ gains, Hugo Chavez will try to get another term in Venezuela.” It referred to state and local elections “slow(ing) his grand ambitions to yank Venezuela and Latin America to the left” but not enough to stop him according to unnamed analysts.选举后，它的标题： “尽管敌人'成果，查韦斯将尝试获得连任的委内瑞拉。 ”它提到国家和地方选举“慢（性）他大野心掉委内瑞拉和拉丁美洲向左” ，但不足以阻止他根据不具名的分析师。

It suggested an upcoming “titanic battle” as Chavez is expected to hold a national plebiscite next year “that would allow him to campaign for an additional six-year presidential term in 2012.” It quoted pollster Luis Vincente Leon of Datanalisis, who publicly called for Chavez’s assassination, saying: “He wants to change the constitution to run again.它建议即将举行的“泰坦尼克号战”查韦斯预计将举行全国公民投票在明年“ ，让他争取额外的6年总统任期在2012年。 ”据报道，民调路易斯文森特莱昂的Datanalisis ，谁公开呼吁对查韦斯的暗杀，他说： “他要修改宪法，以再次运行。 There’s no doubt about that,” but again unsaid is what the people want.毫无疑问的“ ，但再次unsaid是民心所向。 Chavez wants them to choose and like always will honor their will.查韦斯希望他们喜欢选择和荣誉总是将自己的意志。

On November 23, the far right Washington Times headlined a John Thomson commentary on “Chavez’s fraud game” and referred to “The kinds and extent of fraud already being applied by the Venezuelan government to crucial elections today.” He called them “unprecedented (and) unmitigated electoral larceny (and) Venezuela’s pilfer process starts well before the day the votes are cast and counted.” 11月23日，极右派华盛顿时报的一份约翰汤姆逊评“查韦斯的欺诈游戏” ，并提到“的种类和程度的欺诈行为已被应用于由委内瑞拉政府今天选举的关键。 ”他呼吁他们“空前（和）减缓选举盗窃罪（和）委内瑞拉窃取过程开始之前一天，投票和计。 “

In an age of breathtaking anti-Chavez agitprop, this comment takes the cake or at least matches the worst of it.在这样一个时代，激动人心的反查韦斯agitprop ，这一评论饼考虑，或至少相匹配的最糟糕的。 Thomson called the “fraud potential” on election day “staggering” and listed a menu of absurdities and rubbish ranging from “jumbled” voting lists to “rigged” voting machines, and “manipulation” of results.汤姆森所谓的“欺诈潜在的”选举日“惊人的” ，并列出了菜单的谬论和垃圾从“混乱”表决名单“操纵”投票机，并“操纵”的结果。

It’s much like Journal writer Mary O’Grady’s agitprop — her latest on November 17 in a commentary headlined: “Dodd’s Democrat Tightens His Grip.” Dodd, of course, is Senator Chris Dodd, and her article is about Venezuela’s election, the country’s “numerous setbacks for democracy,” and the chance Venezuelans have to “rid themselves of Mr. Chavez.”这就像作家玛丽杂志奥格雷迪的agitprop -她最近在1 1月1 7日的一篇评论的标题： “多德的民主党紧致他的抓地力。 ”多德，当然是州参议员克里斯多德，她是第委内瑞拉的选举中，该国的“无数的挫折民主” ，并有机会委内瑞拉人必须“摆脱了查韦斯。 ”

She refers to his “authoritarian powers… deteriorating living standards (and) the widespread assumption that the government will use tricks to win” on November 23.她指的是他“独裁权力...恶化的生活标准（和）的普遍假设，即政府将使用技巧赢得” 11月23日。 “Venezuelans saw this coming. “委内瑞拉人看到这个未来。 From his earliest days as president in 1999, Mr. Chavez began working to destroy any checks on his power.”从他早期总统在1999年，查韦斯开始着手将摧毁任何检查，他的权力。 “

She attacked Chris Dodd for “throw(ing) a fit over Mr. Chavez’s (48-hour) removal” in April 2002.她攻击多德的“掷（法）适合在查韦斯的（ 48小时）去除率”于2002年4月。 “This self-styled Latin American expert (referred to) a US-backed coup and insisted that since Mr. Chavez (was) democratically elected in a fair vote” no one should question his legitimacy. “这个自封拉丁美洲专家（以下简称）是美国支持的政变，并坚持认为，自查韦斯（是）民主选举在公平投票”任何人都不应怀疑他的合法性。

“Of course it wasn’ta coup,” according to O’Grady, as she questions the “circumstances (of his) political resurrection,” again called him a “strongman,” warned earlier about his budding “dictatorship,” and now says her view about him is accurate. “当然，这不是政变， ”根据奥格雷迪，因为她的问题了“的情况下（他）政治的复活” ，再次称他是“强人” ，警告称，他的萌芽“独裁” ，并说现在她认为他是正确的。

“Political prisoners are rotting in Venezuelan jails without trials. “政治犯是腐烂在委内瑞拉监狱未经审判。 Being identified as a political opponent of the revolution is a ticket to the end of the unemployment line.被确定为一个政治对手的革命是一个票证的结尾失业率线。 Private property has zero protection under the law and the economy’s private sector has been all but destroyed… (and Chavez) has made it clear he will not accept defeat at the polls.”私有财产为零的法律保护和经济的私营部门已经销毁所有，但... （查韦斯）已明确表示，他将不会接受失败的选举。 “

Breathtaking hardly describes this rant.几乎惊人的描述此言论。 It’s mirror opposite the truth.这是一面镜子对面的真相。 Venezuela’s social democracy is unimaginable in America, and one reason why O’Grady and others vilify it.委内瑞拉的社会民主是不可想象的美国，原因之一奥格雷迪和其他诋毁它。 It’s also why they reported inaccurately on Sunday’s election.这也是为什么他们的报道不准确周日的选举。

A Sane Voice in the Wilderness 健全声音在荒野

On November 22, the London Independent published “Letters: In praise of Hugo Chavez.” One confronted Latin American writer Phil Gunson’s “bleak picture” of Venezuela in his article titled: “Tough-talking Chavez faces rising dissent.” It was grossly inaccurate, mentioned the usual kinds of criticisms, and pretty much read like the US and Venezuelan corporate media agitprop. 11月22日，在伦敦独立出版的“快报：在赞扬查韦斯。 ”面临的一个拉丁美洲作家菲尔Gunson的“暗淡”的委内瑞拉在他的文章，题为： “强硬的谈话查韦斯面临上升持不同政见者。 ”这是严重不准确的，通常提到的各种批评，非常喜欢阅读，美国和委内瑞拉媒体agitprop 。

The writer asked: If Gunson is right, “why are President Chavez’s approval ratings at 58%, as he reports.” He doesn’t mention “how (his) government has delivered free healthcare to millions of people for the first time, eradicated illiteracy and used the country’s best economic performance for decades to halve the poverty levels.”笔者问：如果Gunson是正确的， “为什么查韦斯总统的支持率为58 ％ ，因为他的报告。 ”他没有提到“如何（他）政府提供了免费医疗数以百万计的人第一次，消除文盲和使用该国的经济表现最好的几十年来的贫困人口减少一半的水平。 “

Suggesting that poll results may trigger a “violent reaction… turn(s) reality on its head.这表明调查结果可能引发“强烈反应...反过来（星期日）的现实头。 It was the Chavez government itself that was briefly the victim of an opposition-led military coup in 2002.这是查韦斯政府本身是短暂的受害者反对派领导的军事政变，于2002年。 In contrast, (his) government has showed a consistent commitment to democracy….与此相反， （他）政府已经表明，一贯对民主的承诺... 。 Moreover, last week the respected Latinbarametro survey showed that Venezuela is now the country with the greatest support for democracy in Latin America and the region’s second-most satisfied with the functioning of its democracy.此外，上周尊重Latinbarametro调查表明，委内瑞拉现在是该国最大的支持民主在拉丁美洲和该地区的第二最满意的运作情况的民主。 Venezuela’s combination of democracy and social progress under Chavez has inspired widespread support.”委内瑞拉相结合的民主和社会进步根据查韦斯的启发广泛的支持。 “

It’s signed by Colin Burgon, MP, Chair, Labour Friends of Venezuela group of MPs, House of Commons.它的签署科林根议员，主席，劳工之友组的委内瑞拉议员，下议院。 He adds more as well, and the Independent published it.他还说，以及更多的， 和独立出版。 It’s unlike major US broadsheets that cover Chavez one way: with venomous inaccuracy and very rare exceptions that hardly draw notice.它不像美国主要时事，涵盖查韦斯的一种方式：与毒蛇不准确的和非常罕见的例外，几乎提请恕不另行通知。

The Venezuela Information Office reviewed the election in detail, and it’s summarized below as follows:委内瑞拉新闻办公室审查了详细的选举中，它的归纳如下：

• for a regional election, voter turnout was unprecedented at over 65%;一个地区的选举，选民投票率是前所未有的超过65 ％ ;
• independent observers judged the process open, free, fair and efficient and according to OAS secretary general Insulza “peaceful and exemplary;”独立观察员判断的过程公开，自由，公正和效率，根据美洲国家组织秘书长因苏尔萨“和平和模范; ”
• PSUV candidates won impressive victories, far exceeding the opposition; PSUV候选人赢得令人印象深刻的胜利，远远超过了反对;
• pro-government candidates gained a large majority of offices throughout the country - for governors, mayors and other posts;亲政府的候选人获得了绝大多数的办事处在全国各地-为省长，市长和其他职位;
• like for the past decade, most Venezuelans will continue to live under pro-Chavez regional and local leaders because they want them;像在过去十年中，大多数委内瑞拉人将继续生活在亲查韦斯的区域和地方领导人，因为他们希望他们;
• the PSUV scored important victories in strategic areas of the country, but not all of them; PSUV比赛的胜利的重要战略地区的国家，但不是全部;
• pro-government candidates won by wide margins affirming Venezuelans faith in Bolivarianism;亲政府的候选人赢得了广泛的利润率肯定委内瑞拉人的信念Bolivarianism ;
• although the metropolitan Caracas mayoralty went to the opposition, residents of the largest city municipality voted for the PSUV;虽然大城市加拉加斯市长去反对，居民最大的城市市政投票赞成PSUV ;
• even in states won by the opposition, key municipalities went to the PSUV; and即使在国家赢得了反对派，主要城市到PSUV ;和
• Venezuela’s Electoral Authority (CNE) handled the record voter turnout impressively.委内瑞拉选举委员会（选委会）的处理选民的投票率令人印象深刻。

The Wall Street Journal , New York Times and other publications falsely reported that a majority of the population is under opposition control. 华尔街日报，纽约时报和其他出版物虚假报告说，大多数人口在反对派控制。 Official statistics show otherwise but were ignored.官方统计资料显示，否则，但被忽视了。

Have Your Say: Venezuelan Elections: The Media Response 你说：委内瑞拉大选：媒体的反应
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