The Most Dangerous Man in America最危險的男子在美國
Werther werther | The first crisis over North Korea’s nuclear program arose in late 1994. |第一次危機，北韓的核項目出現在1994年年底。 It was obvious there was not much the United States could do to step in unilaterally and disarm the North Korean regime.這是顯而易見的，有沒有什麼美國可以做加強在單方面解除北韓政權。 Sanctions, the normally inevitable option short of war, had no meaning – the United States had no trade with the North in the first place and the regime followed a policy of economic autarky (Juche) in any case.制裁，通常的必然選擇短期的戰爭，毫無意義-美國沒有貿易與北韓擺在首位，和政權之後的政策，經濟自給自足（主體）在任何情況下。 There was really only one feasible course of action: gather as many regional allies as possible, agree to a process of inducing North Korea to freeze its nuclear program, and tender an offer to the North Koreans on the basis of a quid pro quo.有真的只有其中一個可行的行動過程：收集許多地區的盟國可能，同意的過程，誘使北韓凍結其核計劃，投標和報價，北韓在此基礎上是指在無報償。
When the Clinton administration outlined its proposed course of action to Congress there was some grumbling.當克林頓政府概述了其擬議的行動向國會是有一些抱怨。 Arm-waving professional patriots of the American political class do not like seeing the slightest diminution of their country’s God-given prerogative to impose its will abroad when and as it likes.臂揮舞著專業的愛國者的美國政治階層不喜歡看到有絲毫的減少，本國的上帝賦予的特權，將其意志在國外時，和因為它喜歡。 But there was no rational alternative, and apart from a few obscure, back-bench House Republican members a general consensus emerged that the administration’s Agreed Framework was the best of a bad series of options.不過，卻沒有合理的替代性，除了從幾個模糊，回到台階眾議院共和黨議員普遍的共識是，出現了政府當局的框架協議是最好的一個壞的一系列選項。
Only one politician of any political standing dissented.只有一個政治家，任何政治地位dissented 。 His name was John Sidney McCain III.他的名字是約翰悉尼麥凱恩三。 His modest proposal was that the United States should be prepared to bomb the North Korean reactor sites.他溫和的建議是，美國應該準備的炸彈，朝鮮反應堆的網站。 Never mind that he could be condemning several thousand US troops (and tens of thousands of South Korean civilians) in the vicinity of the Demilitarized Zone to a virtual death sentence.不要緊，他可以譴責數千名美軍（和數以萬計的平民，韓國）在附近的非軍事區，以一個虛擬判處死刑。 It had never occurred to this self-proclaimed military expert that the North Korean regime had amassed thousands of long-range artillery pieces and rocket launchers and concealed them in tunnels north of the DMZ.它從未發生這種自我宣布軍事專家認為，北韓政權已積累了數以千計的長程火砲和火箭發射器和隱蔽，他們在隧道以北的非軍事區。 From these positions the North Korean military could unleash an avalanche of fire south of the border.從這些職位的北韓軍隊可能發動一場雪崩消防南部邊境。 The result would probably have been a repeat of the Korean war of 1950-53 but with even more murderously lethal weapons.結果很可能會一直重複朝鮮戰爭中的1950年至1953年，但與更murderously致命的武器。
Fast forward to 1999 and the Clinton administration’s great crusade in the Balkans (carefully calculated to target a weak and isolated country – Clinton was no fool).快速前進到1999年和克林頓政府的偉大的十字軍東征在巴爾幹地區（以仔細計算的目標薄弱和孤立的國家-克林頓沒有傻瓜） 。 Humanitarian intervention was all the rage but it had to be designed to minimize the exposure of US troops; after all, with no conceivable vital US interest at stake, the public would not contemplate the spilling of American blood without an attendant drop in Clinton’s all-important poll numbers.人道主義干預是所有的憤怒，但它須在設計上，以盡量減少暴露美軍;畢竟，沒有可以想像的至關重要的美國利益攸關，市民不會爭議不免美國的血液沒有一個服務員下降，在克林頓的所有重要的民調數字。
Some politicians were actually able to set aside their reflexive jingoism and smell the scent of wag-the-dog in the sanctimonious statements of Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, and Richard Holbrooke.一些政客，其實可以設置預留其自反jingoism和嗅覺的氣味wag - -狗，在sanctimonious報表的比爾克林頓，奧爾布賴特，和理查德霍爾布魯克。 The vote on an authorization of the use of force against Serbia failed in the House on a tie vote of 215-215 — the only time the equivalent of a war declaration failed in either house in US history.該票就授權使用武力對付塞爾維亞未能在眾議院就票數相等的215-215 -唯一的一次，相當於一場戰爭的失敗宣言，無論眾議院在美國歷史上。
In the other chamber John McCain was also critical of the administration’s Balkan policy.在其他會議廳麥凱恩也批評政府當局的巴爾幹政策。 Only for him, it wasn’t bellicose enough.只有對他來說，這不是好戰不夠的。 Rather than limiting it to a bombing campaign he introduced a joint resolution to authorize the introduction of ground troops into a full-scale war with Serbia, something the Clinton administration did not even ask for. ，而不是限制到一個轟炸戰役，他介紹了一個聯合決議授權引進地面部隊進入一場全面戰爭與塞爾維亞，一些克林頓政府甚至沒有要求。 Fortunately, in a rare show of good sense, the Senate tabled the McCain resolution by a vote of 78-22.所幸的是，在一個難得的表現，良好的意義上說，美國參議院提交決議，麥凱恩的一票， 78-22 。
McCain’s unbridled, almost manic, bellicosity with respect to the quagmire in Iraq is too well known to require elaboration.麥凱恩的肆無忌憚，幾乎狂躁， bellicosity方面的泥潭，在伊拉克是太人所共知的規定擬訂。 But the sophistication of his military strategy with respect to that country can be inferred from his remarks to a group of bikers in Sturgis, SD: “We’ll win it the right way, and that’s by winning it!”但複雜，他的軍事戰略與尊重，該國可以推斷，從他的言論，一組騎車人在sturgis ，政府統計處： “我們將贏得它的正確方法，那就是贏得它” ！
Apparently, though, McCain’s neoconservative handlers have already grown tired of the generational struggle against “Islamofascism” (not to mention their long-planned intention to bomb Iran), for they are already pivoting McCain into a stance of maximal belligerence against Russia.很明顯，不過，麥凱恩的新保守主義的處理已經長大厭倦了世代鬥爭“ islamofascism ” （不提他們的長期計劃，打算轟炸伊朗） ，因為他們是已經樞軸麥凱恩的立場，成為一個極大的戾氣針對俄羅斯。
Much has been made about McCain’s relationship with his principal foreign policy handler, Randy Scheunemann, heretofore a paid lobbyist of the Republic of Georgia, and who still benefits financially from part ownership of the lobbying firm that continues to service the Georgia account.許多已取得約麥凱恩的關係，與他的首席外交政策的處理，蘭迪scheunemann ，在此之前有薪客的格魯吉亞共和國，誰仍然在財政上的好處，從部分所有權的遊說公司繼續服務格魯吉亞的帳戶。 This is clearly a conflict of interest and indicates the corruption that is endemic to political campaigns of both parties.這顯然是利益衝突，並表明，腐敗是特有的政治運動的雙方。 But to try to explain McCain’s actions in this way is to misunderstand the man.但要嘗試解釋麥凱恩的行動，在這方面的做法是誤會，該名男子。
Scheunemann is merely a toad overstuffed by one too many lunches at the Capitol Grill, in sum, a typical Washington success story. scheunemann僅僅是一個蟾蜍overstuffed由一太多的午餐，在國會烤架，總括來說，一個典型的華盛頓的成功故事。 But McCain is sui generis.但麥凱恩是自成一類。 If Scheunemann had never existed someone else would be writing precisely the same talking points for the presumptive Republican candidate.如果scheunemann從未存在，別人會以書面，正是相同的談話要點為推定共和黨總統候選人。 McCain’s love of war and diplomatic brinkmanship is nothing if not sincere.麥凱恩的愛情戰爭和外交的邊緣是什麼，如果沒有誠意。 Perhaps it is the only sincere thing about the man.也許這是唯一真誠的事情，該名男子。
Democrats are finally stumbling onto the fact, although the press has yet to discover it, that McCain is a serial flip-flopper and prevaricator.民主派人士最後的絆腳石走上事實上，雖然記者尚未發現它，即麥凱恩是一個串行倒裝flopper和prevaricator 。 Across virtually the entire spectrum of domestic policy McCain has held one position and then jumped to the polar opposite, apparently without noticing the inconsistency (and his pals on the press bus are too polite to bring it up):全國幾乎整個頻譜的國內政策麥凱恩舉行了一個位置，然後到極地相反，顯然沒有注意到不一致（和他的朋友對新聞界巴士過於禮貌，使其） ：
- A recipient of cash and favors from savings and loan fraudster Charles Keating, McCain reminted himself as the Conscience of the Senate, to the hosannas of an adoring and amnesiac press.器官受贈人的現金和主張，從儲蓄和貸款行騙者查爾斯基廷，麥凱恩reminted自己的良心，參議院，向hosannas一個崇拜和amnesiac新聞。
- McCain could not in good conscience support tax cuts that disproportionately favored the rich – until he began to sniff the incense of a Republican presidential coronation ceremony.麥凱恩不能在良好的良心，支持減稅不成比例的最惠國待遇，豐富的-直到他開始聞香的共和黨總統加冕儀式。
- He was against offshore oil drilling before he was for it.他反對離岸石油鑽井之前，他為它。
- Wearing the garb of the Serious Centrist (a mythical species that David Broder venerates), McCain railed against “agents of intolerance” like Jerry Falwell, but crawled to Canossa when Republican base-pandering mandated that he must give a cringing speech at Falwell’s Liberty University.身穿披著嚴重的中間（一神話般的物種國寶broder venerates ） ，馬侃上對“代理人的不容忍”一樣，傑里福爾韋爾，但檢索到嘉諾撒時，共和黨基地迎合授權的，他必須給予一個cringing講話福爾韋爾的自由大學。
- Even on his signature issue of torture McCain postured as an implacable foe of the Bush policy right up until the primary season commenced.即使在他的簽名酷刑問題麥凱恩postured作為一個implacable敵人布什的政策，直至小學季節展開。 Since then he has voted “no” on measures that would ban torture or confine CIA interrogation techniques to those permitted by the US Army Field Manual.自那時以來，他投了“不”措施，將禁止酷刑或只限於美國中央情報局的審訊手段向那些允許的美國陸軍實地手冊。
And so on.等等。 McCain’s hypocrisy is perhaps somewhat more egregious than the practices of the average politician, but not markedly so.麥凱恩的虛偽，也許是有點更令人震驚的，比的做法，平均政治家，但不顯著。 After all, politicians do not have principles, they have positions.畢竟，政客沒有原則，他們的立場。 No doubt the Democrats will make heavy weather of these flip-flops, as they are clearly entitled to.毫無疑問，民主黨人將沉重的天氣使這些觸發器，因為他們顯然是有權。 But in so doing they miss the central point about John McCain.但在他們這樣做錯過的中央點約麥凱恩。
All these flip-flops illustrate McCain’s near-total lack of sincerity: he doesn’t really care about the issues at all.所有這些觸發器說明麥凱恩的幾乎完全缺乏誠意：他並不真正關心的問題，在所有。 In practice he changes positions so easily because the positions themselves are throwaways.在實踐中，他改變立場，那麼容易，因為職位本身throwaways 。 He is required to have them for political purposes, but they mostly bore and annoy him.他是須有他們的政治目的，但他們大多是膛和煩擾他。
There is only one thing he cares about, and that is building an altar to Mars.有只有一件事，他關心的，就是建設一個祭壇火星。 War is the one fixed star in the McCain universe.戰爭是一個固定的明星麥凱恩的宇宙。 You will find no flip-flopping or prevaricating there.你會發現沒有倒裝flopping或推諉。
While McCain admits he doesn’t understand the economy (and then denies that he doesn’t), he claims unlimited expertise in national security matters.而麥凱恩也承認，他不明白經濟（然後否認，他並不） ，他聲稱無限的專業知識，在國家安全事宜。 His belligerent megalomania with respect to the Georgian crisis has now, finally, even earned him a mild reproof from the neocon-friendly他的好戰megalomania與尊重格魯吉亞的危機，現在，最後，甚至為他贏得了一個溫和譴責的新保守主義從友好 Washington Post華盛頓郵報 : “Standing behind a lectern in Michigan this week, with two trusted senators ready to do his bidding, John McCain seemed to forget for a moment that he was only running for president.” ： “站在講台後面，在美國密歇根州本星期，有兩個值得信賴的參議員願意做他的招標投標，麥凱恩似乎忘記的時刻，他只是競選總統” 。
In a development little reported in the US, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili “在一個發展的小報導，在美國，格魯吉亞總統米哈伊爾薩卡什維利“ claimed that Georgia’s ports and airports would be placed under US military protection, a suggestion quickly denied by the Pentagon聲稱格魯吉亞的港口和機場，將被列入下，美國的軍事保護，建議盡快否認五角大樓 .” “ 。 Assuming that the Department of Defense is telling the truth (and granted that it is difficult to determine whether the Pentagon or Saakashvili is more prone to fabrication), then where did the Georgian president get his information that the United States would be militarily intervening?假設該部國防是講真話（和理所當然地認為這是難以確定是否五角大樓或薩卡什維利是更容易的製作） ，然後在何處，格魯吉亞總統，他得到的資料說，美國將在軍事上介入？ Given that McCain claims to talk to Saakashvili every day, and given a string of grandiose pronouncements by McCain and his handlers regarding Georgia, is it possible that he misled Saakashvili, either deliberately or by implication, to believe that US military intervention would be forthcoming?鑑於馬侃索賠交談薩卡什維利每一天，並且獲得了一系列宏偉的言論，由馬侃和他的處理就格魯吉亞，是有可能，他誤導了薩卡什維利，無論是故意或暗示，相信美國的軍事干預將是即將舉行的？
It is still unclear whether McCain promised Saakashvili anything, or whether it was simply the Georgian president’s own delusion that he was the apple of Washington’s eye, but McCain’s buttinski tactics would already have been a major scandal if any other American politician who was not the sitting president had made such inflammatory pronouncements on foreign policy.目前還不清楚是否麥凱恩薩卡什維利承諾任何事情，或是否只不過是格魯吉亞總統自己的妄想，他是蘋果華盛頓的眼睛，但麥凱恩的buttinski戰術，將已被一大醜聞，是否有任何其他美國誰是政治家而不是坐在主席曾作出這樣的煽動性言論，在外交政策上。 As it is, McCain is already, in his campaign ukases,因為它是，麥凱恩已經是，在他的競選ukases ， dramatically downgrading relations with Russia顯著降低與俄羅斯的關係 in a manner that suggests he thinks he is president.在一地表明，他認為他是總統。
The public is inclined to believe the worst of a politician when he is insincere, inconsistent, or dishonest; indeed, such personality traits are virtually what makes the typical politician as we know him today.市民是傾向於相信最壞的一個政治家時，他是言不由衷，不一致或不誠實;事實上，這種人格特質幾乎是什麼使典型的政客，因為我們知道，今天對他。 But such creatures are merely nuisances, like mosquitoes.但這種動物，只是滋擾，像蚊子。 The really dangerous politician is one with an idée fixe, and when that obsession centers on the desirability of perpetual war, the possibility of catastrophe is all too real.真正危險的政治家，是一與一id閒fixe ，當痴迷中心就是否適宜永久的戰爭，災難的可能性是非常真實的。
Given who he is, what makes him tick, and the potential that he might actually realize his ambitions on the world stage, John McCain is the most dangerous man in America.鑑於他是誰，是什麼使他剔，以及潛在的，他實際上可能會實現他的野心，在世界舞台上，麥凱恩是最危險的男子在美國。
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One Response to “The Most Dangerous Man in America” 1回應“最危險的男子在美國”
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Posted: Aug 20th, 2008 at 4:07 pm 發布時間： 2008年8月20日在下午4時07分
Translations 翻譯
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bush and mccain are to america what putin and medvedev are to Russia布什和麥凱恩是美國什麼普京和梅德韋傑夫是俄羅斯