死亡的'夢'的全球自由市場資本主義

Friday, October 3rd, 2008 星期五， 2008年一十月3日

IWCA | New Labour and the Tories are muttering that the left musn’t be allowed to exploit the current economic crisis in order to make a comeback. |新工黨和保守黨都嘀咕說，離開musn't可以利用目前的經濟危機，以使東山再起。 They have nothing to worry about: the systematic, publicly funded government intervention we’ve seen the world over that has been necessary to rescue global capitalism from collapse demolishes once and for all the myth that private control of capital has anything to do with the ‘free market’.他們沒有什麼可擔心的：系統，公共資助的政府干預，我們看到世界各地已被救援必要從全球資本主義崩潰摧毀一勞永逸的神話，私人控制的資本有什麼與'自由市場' 。 What capital really fears isn’t state intervention per se, but economic democracy: nationalisation without economic democracy suits capital just fine.什麼資本真正擔心是沒有國家干預的本身，而是經濟民主：國有化沒有經濟民主適合資本只是罰款。 A worthwhile, pro-working class left would be demanding that in return for being rescued at public expense, the public should be given an increased say in the running of the economy.有價值的，有利於工人階級左將要求，以換取被救回的公費，公眾應給予更多的發言權運行的經濟。 The middle-class left isn’t doing this, and has no interest in doing this, and so will remain an irrelevance.中產階級左邊是沒有這樣做，並沒有興趣這樣做，因此將仍然是一個無足輕重。

Earthquakes on a fault zone 在地震斷裂帶

Back in March, the chief economics correspondent of the Financial Times, Martin Wolf, wrote: “Remember Friday March 14 2008: it was the day the dream of global free-market capitalism died.早在3月的首席經濟學通訊員金融時報，馬丁•沃爾夫寫道： “請記住今天08年3月14號：這是每天的夢想全球自由市場資本主義死亡。 For three decades we have moved towards market-driven financial systems.三十年來我們已經轉向以市場為導向的金融體系。 By its decision to rescue Bear Sterns, the Federal Reserve, the institution responsible for monetary policy in the US, chief protagonist of free-market capitalism, declared this era over.由它決定拯救貝爾斯登Sterns ，聯邦儲備委員會，該機構負責貨幣政策在美國，首席主角的自由市場資本主義，宣布這一時代的結束。 It showed in deeds its agreement with the remark by這表明在行動上它同意的話 Josef Ackermann,約瑟夫阿克曼， chief executive of Deutsche Bank, that ‘I no longer believe in the market’s self-healing power’.首席執行官德意志銀行，即'我不再相信市場的自我修復能力。 Deregulation has reached its limits”.放鬆管制已經達到了極限。 “

The events of the last two weeks, which have the seen the disappearance of two of the four remaining major independent Wall Street investment banks, with the two left voluntarily giving up investment bank status and scurrying toward the Federal Reserve事件過去兩個星期，也就是看到了失踪的兩名其餘的四個主要的獨立華爾街投資銀行，與這兩個自願離開放棄投資銀行的地位和匆忙對美國聯邦儲備 for protection為保護 ; the biggest bank failure in US history, and large scale state intervention the world over to prevent the total collapse of the global financial system (the bailout of AIG following the de-facto nationalisation of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae; the injection of billions upon billions of pounds of taxpayers funds into the money markets by the world’s major central banks to prevent those markets from grinding to a halt, ;的大銀行故障在美國歷史上，大規模的國家干預世界各地，以防止完全崩潰的全球金融系統（美國國際集團紓困之後，事實上國有化的聯邦住宅貸款抵押公司和聯邦抵押協會;注射後數十億數十億英鎊的納稅人資金進入貨幣市場，世界主要中央銀行，以防止這些市場從磨削停止， because因為 “nobody trusted any credit other than the government’s” ; the temporary banning of short-selling on both sides of the Atlantic; the state co-ordinated takeovers of Merrill Lynch by Bank of America and of HBOS by Lloyds, which was “沒有人值得信賴任何信貸以外的其他政府的”臨時禁止賣空對大西洋兩岸的;國家統籌，併購美林證券的美國銀行和HBOS的由勞，這是 waved through通過揮手 by the British state on public interest grounds in order to “ensure the stability of the UK financial system”, and now the nationalisations of Bradford & Bingley here and Fortis on the continent) represent the final nail in that dream’s coffin.由英國國家的公共利益理由是為了“確保穩定的英國金融體系” ，以及現在的nationalisations的Bradford ＆ Bingley的在這裡和富通大陸）代表最後釘在這個夢想的棺木。 This has all culminated in the extraordinary bail-out plan, devised by the most right-wing administration in US history in collaboration with Wall Street, to spend $700bn of taxpayers money on the systematic nationalisation of risk in the US financial system, a plan這一切最終導致非凡的挽救計劃，制定最右翼政府在美國歷史上與華爾街，斥資700bn的納稅人的錢對國有化的系統性風險，美國的金融體系，一個計劃 described by the Financial Times描述金融時報 as “the most extensive peacetime expansion of the role of government in the financial system since the Great Depression”.作為“最廣泛的和平發揮更大的作用政府在金融體系大蕭條以來的” 。

Indeed, there is only one possible criticism that can be made of Wolf’s coroners report: rather than a ‘dream’, the concept of ‘free-market capitalism’ is perhaps better thought of as a hallucination, or an oxymoron.事實上，只有一種可能的批評，可狼的法醫報告：而不是'夢想'的概念， '自由市場資本主義'也許是更好地認為是一種幻覺，或矛盾。 There is no such thing as a large-scale industrial free-market economy, and there never has been, something the economist William Lazonick refers to, quite correctly, as ‘the myth of the market economy’.沒有這樣的事作為一個大型工業自由市場經濟，有從來，一些經濟學家威廉Lazonick指的，非常正確，因為'的神話，市場經濟' 。 It has been rhetorically useful for the right, from Hayek onwards, to equate the private control of capital with free markets, and free markets with individual liberty, but in reality capitalist development has always depended upon state assistance and the abrogation of free-market principles這是有益的言論的權利，從哈耶克起，等同私人資本控制的自由市場，自由市場與個人自由，但在現實中資本主義發展一直依靠國家的援助和廢除自由市場原則 ¹ ¹ , as current events are amply demonstrating.作為目前事件正在充分展示。 The neo-liberal experiment with deregulation of the financial sector of the economy that we have seen over the last thirty years has been taken as far as possible, and will now be reined back in:新自由主義試驗放寬對金融部門的經濟，我們看到在過去三十年一直採取盡可能，現在將被遏制在： as Wolf has put it,作為沃爾夫所說， “In deregulated financial systems crises are inevitable, like earthquakes on a fault zone. “在放鬆管制的金融體系的危機是不可避免的，如地震的斷裂帶。 Only timing is uncertain”只有時間是不確定的“

But what does this mean for the rest of us?但是，這是什麼意思，其餘的我們嗎？ Will the crisis of finance capital cross over to the real economy and result in recession, large scale unemployment and a drop in living standards for the mass of the population?將危機的金融資本跨越的實際經濟，並導致經濟衰退，大規模失業和下降的生活水平大規模的人口？ Are we going to see some repeat of the depression that followed the great crash of 1929, the last time Anglo-Saxon capitalism suffered a comparable financial shock?我們要看到一些重複的抑鬱症後墜毀的偉大的1929年，上一次是盎格魯撒克遜資本主義遭受了類似的金融衝擊？ It should be pointed out that even during the so-called ‘boom’ of recent years, the benefits were largely confined to the upper income brackets.應當指出，即使在所謂的'砰'的一聲巨響近年來的好處主要限於高收入括號內。 The real story of the last 30 years of neo-liberalism is not rising prosperity for all, but rather the utter destruction of the wealth and savings of the bottom half of the population.真正的故事，過去30年來的新自由主義是不是日益繁榮昌盛的所有，而是徹底摧毀了財富和儲蓄的底部一半的人口。 Outside of property, 50 per cent of the population now own just 1 per cent of the wealth whereas in 1976 it was 12 per cent.境外的財產，百分之五十的人口現在自己只是百分之一的財富，而在1976年是百分之十二。 Back in July, Ernst and Young reported that average household disposable income after tax and bills had fallen by 15% since早在7月，安永報告說，平均每個家庭可支配收入和稅後法案已經下降了15 ％的自 2003 2003年 ; a report by the ;一份報告 Campaign to End Child Poverty運動結束貧困兒童 in late August declared that “Poverty is now one of the greatest dangers faced by our children.在8月底宣布， “貧困是現在的一個最大所面臨的危險我們的孩子。 If poverty were an infection then we would be in the midst of a full-scale epidemic with all the attendant public health measures, including vaccination” ; meanwhile, Guardian columnist Polly Toynbee has written several times since June that in the five years between 2001/2 and 2006/7 those on median incomes of around £23,700 had seen their incomes grow by less than 1% a year, while between 2004/5 and 2006/7 those in the bottom third of the income distribution saw their如果貧窮是一種感染然後我們將處於一個全面的流行與所有隨之而來的公共健康措施，包括預防接種“ ;與此同時，衛報專欄作家波莉湯因比寫幾次6月以來的五年間，我們在2001 / 2和2006 / 7人中位數收入23700英鎊左右看到他們的收入增長不到1 ％，而2004年/ 5和2006 / 7那些在底部三分之一的收入分配看到他們的 incomes fall收入下降 . 。 For much of the population the downturn has long since begun (or never ended), but this has apparently not been considered as newsworthy as the travails suffered by the masters of the universe currently sucking on the taxpayers teat on Wall Street, Canary Wharf and the Square Mile.對於大部分人口衰退早已開始（或沒有結束），但這種做法顯然不被視為新聞的辛勞所遭受的主人目前對宇宙的吸吮乳頭納稅人在華爾街，金絲雀碼頭和平方英里。

But from even this inauspicious starting point, a downturn in the real economy is already in evidence.但是，從這個吉利甚至出發點，下滑的實際經濟已經證據。 The last monthly unemployment figures showed a rise of over 80,000 to 1.7m, with both the Confederation of British Industry and the Trades Union Congress predicting the figure will hit 2m before the end of the year, and incomes growth excluding bonuses has fallen to zero (過去每月失業人數則上升了8.0萬至1.7米，同英國工業聯合會和工會代表大會預測數字將達到200萬在年底前一年，收入增長還不包括獎金已經下降到零（ link鏈接 and和 link).鏈接）。 Manufacturing is experiencing its “worst operating conditions” in 17 years (製造業正在經歷“最糟糕的經營狀況”的17歲（ link鏈接 and和 link),鏈接）， economic growth has ground to a halt and the European Commission is經濟增長已陷於停頓和歐洲委員會是 predicting a recession預測經濟衰退 , and yet inflation continues to rise toward 5% (significantly higher over the past year in the case of fuel and food: those who were so quick to pass on the rise in oil prices to the consumer have being a good deal less willing to pass on the subsequent falls). ，但通貨膨脹率繼續上升的5 ％（顯著高於過去一年的情況下燃料和食品：這些是誰這麼快傳給石油價格上漲給消費者有一個良好的交易不太願意傳球在隨後的下降）。 The turn toward neo-liberalism was supposed to eliminate such ‘stagflation’ but, now faced with it, the Bank of England has thus far refused to cut interest rates because containing inflation is more important than containing unemployment (inflation is bad for business, unemployment is not).在轉向新自由主義是要消除這種'滯脹' ，但現在面臨的是，英國央行迄今已拒絕降低利率，因為控制通貨膨脹更重要的是載有失業（通貨膨脹是壞的營商環境，失業不是）。 Somewhat surprisingly, consumer spending appears to be holding up, at least according to governmental statistics (although these figures have been greeted with some skepticism by retailers,有點令人驚訝的是，消費者支出似乎是阻礙，至少根據政府的統計數字（儘管這些數字已迎接一些說法持懷疑態度，零售商， link鏈接 and和 link).鏈接）。 This, surely, cannot last: as we have seen, bubbles always burst and economic gravity cannot be defied forever.這當然不能過去：我們已經看到，泡沫破滅總是和經濟重心不能無視下去。 The Bank of England’s chief economist Spencer Dale has英格蘭銀行的首席經濟學家斯賓塞戴爾已 warned警告 of an ‘adverse feedback loop’, or negative multiplier effect, wherein the downturn in property and banking will impact on banks’ ability to create credit and to lend, resulting in lower spending and ‘bringing painful adjustments for many households and businesses’.一個'不利的反饋迴路，或消極的乘數效應，其中下調的財產和銀行將影響銀行的能力，建立信貸和貸款，從而降低開支和'帶來痛苦的調整對許多家庭和企業。 Likewise the Bank’s deputy governor, Sir John Gieve, has同樣，銀行的副行長，約翰爵士Gieve ，已 warned警告 that “damage to bank balance sheets would lead to tighter credit conditions, lower asset prices, lower consumption and investment and to a severe feedback loop into more losses for banks and so on down a spiral”.這一“損害銀行資產負債表將導致更嚴格的信貸條件，降低資產價格，降低消費和投資，並嚴重反饋環路到更多的損失，銀行等下跌的惡性循環” 。

Financialisation Financialisation

Herein lies the rub: the boom, and subsequent bust, was driven not by growth in the productive sector of the economy, but by speculation in property and finance which was largely fuelled by the easy availability of cheap credit, which of course is not and will not be so easily available from now on: as the governor of the Bank of England,這就是摩：繁榮，並隨後破滅，是推動而不是由生長在生產的經濟部門，而是由投機的財產和資金這在很大程度上助長了容易獲得廉價信貸，這當然不是不會那麼容易從現在起：作為省長，英倫銀行行長 Mervyn King,金恩， has said, the economy will have to adjust to “a more realistic pricing of credit”.曾表示，經濟將不得不調整為“更切合實際的信貸定價” 。 With a contraction in the supply of credit, what else is there to sustain current levels of effective demand and fuel economic growth?隨著收縮的供應信貸，什麼是為了維持目前水平的有效需求和燃料的經濟增長？ At the time of writing, the British FTSE 100 index had dropped 23% over the在撰寫本報告時，英國金融時報100指數已下降23 ％以上 previous year前一年 . 。 The most optimistic predictions are that, after a short, sharp period of painful readjustment, there will be a return to business as usual.最樂觀的預測是，在一個很短的急劇期間的痛苦調整，將返回照舊。 But what else is there to replace financial and property speculation as engines of growth?但是，什麼是有取代金融和房地產投機作為增長的引擎？ There is no significant manufacturing or industrial sector left to fall back on: on the continent and in Scandinavia, the industrial working class has been accommodated to a certain extent, whereas here and in the US it had to be smashed, with the result that finance has come to dominate the economy, something New Labour has been perfectly content to live with.沒有任何重大的製造業或工業部門的左回落是：對大陸和斯堪的納維亞半島，工業工人階級已被安置在一定程度上，而在這裡和在美國它已被打破，因此，金融已經佔據的經濟，而新工黨已經心滿意足一起生活。 The unusually high level of ‘financialisation’ in the UK economy (which has the additional attraction to capital of tending to concentrate wealth at the top, as outlined above, whereas manufacturing disperses it more widely) means that, contrary to Brown’s protestations, we are more vulnerable to any major financial downturn than comparable economies.不尋常的高水平的' financialisation '在英國經濟（其中有額外的吸引力資本趨於集中財富的頂端，正如上文所述，生產分散，而它更廣泛地）意味著相反，布朗的抗議，我們更容易受到任何重大的財政衰退相比，經濟。 Brown, the great Alan Greenspan devotee, bears personal responsibility for allowing what he has the nerve to call the ‘age of irresponsibility’ to happen on his watch, by enthusiastically embracing the deregulated, pro-capital model that has brought us to this pass.布朗，偉大的格林斯潘愛好者，負有個人責任的，允許什麼，他的神經致電年齡不負責任的行為，發生在他的手錶，熱情地擁抱了放鬆管制的，有利於資本模式，使我們對這一通行證。

Thanks to prompt and large-sale government intervention funded out of the public purse, we are unlikely to see a repeat of the Great Depression when capitalism went to the brink of annihilation.由於迅速和大量出售政府干預資金的公帑，我們就不可能看到一個重複的大蕭條時，資本主義到毀滅的邊緣。 The lessons that were hard learnt in the 1930s have not been forgotten: regardless of the idiotic blatherings of free-market ‘libertarians’, the wiser heads at the top from John Maynard Keynes and Franklin D. Roosevelt up to Hank Paulson today have always understood that capitalism cannot survive without state support and systematic regulation and intervention -what the historian Michael Hogan calls ‘corporative neo-capitalism’- to ensure the socialisation of costs and risks whilst still guaranteeing the privatisation of profits and control (which is why the bail-out plan will be forced through, over-riding formal democracy if need be).的經驗教訓，汲取很難在1930年代沒有被遺忘：不論白痴blatherings自由市場'竊聽' ，負責的明智的頂部由約翰梅納德凱恩斯和羅斯福最多漢克保爾森今天一直相互理解資本主義不能沒有國家支持和有系統的調控和干預是什麼歷史學家邁克爾霍根呼籲'社團新capitalism' ，以確保社會化的成本和風險，同時仍然保證私有化的利潤和控制（這就是為什麼閉塞淘汰計劃將被迫通過，壓倒一切的形式上的民主如果需要的話）。 But with nothing obvious on the horizon to make up for the credit shortfall, it is entirely possible that rather than booming again after readjustment, the economy will flatline in the longer term and we will have to get used to lower rates of accumulation, resulting in even less wealth trickling down the economy than now, with the increased distributional struggle that will come with it.但是，沒有明顯的地平線上，以彌補信貸短缺，這是完全有可能蓬勃發展，而不是後再次調整，經濟將10989.09從長遠來看，我們將不得不習慣於低利率的積累，從而導致甚至更少的財富滴了比現在經濟，增加分配的鬥爭，將它。 Similarly, the downturn will see a decrease in the government’s tax take, resulting in either tax rises (which will fall disproportionately on those on low to median incomes) or cuts in public services, particularly if further large amounts of taxpayers money are required to bail-out the同樣，衰退將減少政府的稅收，造成或者稅收增長（這將屬於那些不成比例的低，中等收入），或削減公共服務，特別是如果進一步大量納稅人的錢需要保釋出的 financial sector.金融部門。

So rather than 1929, perhaps a more useful comparison to make would be the last time we saw economic turbulence on this scale, during the 1970s.因此，而不是1929年，也許是更有益的比較，使將是我們最後一次看到經濟動盪在這個規模，在20世紀70年代。 Just as the Great Depression ushered in the era of Keynesianism and the Bretton Woods system, so the 1970s ended it and ushered in the era of neo-liberalism.正如迎來大蕭條時代的凱恩斯主義和布雷頓森林體系，因此， 20世紀70年代結束，並迎來了時代的新自由主義。 There are a number of similarities between the ‘70s and now: stagflation, a spike in oil prices, imperial overreach on the part of the US threatening the credibility of the dollar as the world’s reserve currency.有許多相似之處，現在七十年代：滯脹，一個油價飆升，超越帝國的一部分，美國威脅的可信性，美元作為世界儲備貨幣。 With the impending economic turbulence, we could well be entering a period of similar political turbulence.隨著即將到來的經濟動盪，我們完全可以進入一個時期的類似的政治動盪。 A字母a leaked memo洩露的備忘錄 has revealed that Home Secretary Jacqui Smith fears the downturn may produce “upward pressure on acquisitive crime”, an increase in support for “far right extremism and racism” and widen “the pool of those susceptible to radicalisation” (link).結果表明，內政大臣史密斯傑葵擔心衰退可能會產生“上升的壓力獲取犯罪” ，增加支持“極右翼極端主義和種族主義”和擴大“游泳池的人容易受到激進” （鏈接）。 Meanwhile, Tory leader David Cameron has與此同時，保守黨領袖卡梅倫已 said說 that “We must not let the left use this as an excuse to wreck an important part of the British and world economy”.說， “我們不能讓左邊使用此作為藉口來破壞的一個重要組成部分英國和世界經濟” 。

State control or economic democracy 國家管制或經濟民主

If there actually were a left of any significance, as there was in the 1930s and the 1970s, then Cameron may have reason to be fearful.如果確實是一個左側的任何意義，因為在20世紀30年代和70年代，當時卡梅倫可能的原因是害怕。 However, Cameron seems wilfully ignorant of the scale of the victory his side won last time round.但是，卡梅倫似乎故意無知的規模他的球隊的勝利贏得了時間輪。 The shift toward financialisation and speculation and away from industry and production not only concentrates wealth at the top, it also leaves no place or role for an organised working class: workers become atomized and have no option other than to become selfish in outlook and take care of number one.轉向financialisation和猜測，遠離工業和生產不僅財富集中在頂端，但也留下任何地方或作用，一個有組織的工人階級：工人成為霧化，並沒有其他選擇，而不是成為自私的世界觀和照顧數之一。 In this context, organising a working class challenge to capital becomes all the more difficult.在此背景下，舉辦工人階級的挑戰，資本變得更加困難。 So Cameron can rest easy: his side has successfully vanquished the left and quieted the working class, at least for now.因此，卡梅倫大可放心地：他的球隊已成功地征服左quieted工人階級，至少現在是這樣。 While there will be increased regulation of the economy, it will carry none of the unpleasant baggage of the past, because this time it will be solely on capital’s terms.雖然將增加調控的經濟，它將攜帶任何行李的不愉快的過去，因為這個時候將只對資本的條件。 In 1929 a weakened capitalist class had to contend with a strong working class that had a knife to capital’s throat.在1929年被削弱資產階級不得不與一個強大的工人階級了一把刀資本的喉嚨。 Compromise had to be reached if capitalism was to survive, but there is no such imperative now.妥協是達成，如果資本主義的生存，但沒有現在這樣迫切。 As soon as the post-war settlement between capital and labour had been reached, capital (again, from Hayek onwards) looked to break it.盡快戰後解決資本和勞動力已經達成，資本（再次，從哈耶克起）期待突破它。 The economic crises of the 1970s provided that opportunity, and since then capital has been systematically rolling back the gains won by the working class as part of that settlement.經濟危機在1970年代提供了這一機會，此後資本一直在有系統地倒退的成果贏得了工人階級的一部分，解決。 The current crisis offers capital the chance to reorganise, regroup and come up with a new regulatory framework, but this time without working class interference, something Keynes (who was perfectly honest about his loathing of the working class) would regard as an ideal.當前的危機提供了機會，資本重組，重組和拿出一個新的規管架構，但是這一次沒有工人階級的干擾，一些凱恩斯（誰是完全誠實的他厭惡工人階級）將視為理想的。 Cameron’s side has nothing to fear from nationalisation without economic democracy.卡梅隆的一方無需害怕國有化沒有經濟民主。

Old Labour sees the crisis, and New Labour’s seemingly terminal decline, as a chance to re-assert itself, to ‘take back’ the Labour party.老勞工看到了危機，新工黨看似終端下降，因為有機會重新主張自己， '收回'的勞工黨。 This is a dead-end for a number of reasons.這是一個死胡同有許多原因。 Leave aside the fact that the party is near bankrupt; that membership has halved since 1997; that “Many CLP’s [constituency Labour parties] are now husks – hollowed out shells.撇開一個事實，即黨是附近的破產; ，加入了自1997年以來減少了一半;說， “許多中電[選區工黨各方]現在殼-掏空的砲彈。 There may still be lots of members, but active membership has可能仍有大量的成員，但積極的成員 completely collapsed”徹底崩潰“ ; that even liberal cheerleaders like the Guardian’s ; ，即使自由啦啦隊等監護人的 Jackie Ashley成龍阿什利 fear “the party’s destruction as a major force in British politics”, or that Old Labour couldn’t even get a candidate on the ballot paper in last years leadership contest: the New Labour initiative has ended worthwhile democracy within the party, so there is no way of ‘taking back’ the party even if the will existed.恐懼“黨的銷毀中的一支重要力量英國政壇” ，或舊勞工甚至不能讓一名候選人在選票上在過去幾年裡領導競賽：新工黨的倡議已經結束有意義的黨內民主，使有沒有辦法'收回'黨即使將存在。 And New Labour is fully aware of the danger and has no intention of allowing the party to being taken to the left, as和新工黨充分意識到危險，也沒有打算讓黨正在採取的左側，因為 Ruth Kelly made clear露絲凱利明確 after her resignation from the Cabinet.之後，她辭去內閣。

But more than that, for all the talk of ‘reclaiming’ the Labour party, when has it ever truly been a labour party, led by and for the working class?但更重要的是，所有談論的'回收'的勞工黨，當它以往任何時候都真正是一個勞動黨領導下和工人階級？ As Robert Dahl has pointed out, there are two potentially contradictory schools of left wing economic thought: state control of the economy and workers’ control of the economy, and by the time Labour came to power in 1945 under Attlee (a public school educated social worker) it had come out decisively in favour of the middle class Fabian tradition of state control and against workers’ control正如羅伯特達爾所指出的那樣，有兩個潛在的矛盾學校的左翼經濟思想：國家控制的經濟和工人控制的經濟，時間由工黨執政下在1945年艾德禮（一所公立學校教育的社會工人）它已走出果斷有利於中產階級比恩傳統的國家控制和對工人的控制 ² ^二 . 。 Beatrice Webb, who along with her husband Sidney co-founded the Fabian Society and was one of the leading lights of the early Labour party, wrote on the second day of the 1926 General Strike that it would be “the death gasp of that pernicious doctrine of ‘workers’ control’ of public affairs”, which she considered “a proletarian distemper which had to run its course – and like other distempers, it is well to have it over and done with at the cost of a lengthy convalescence”.比阿特麗斯韋布，誰還有她的丈夫西德尼共同創建了費邊社是一家領先的燈光早期勞工黨，寫信的第二天就1926年總罷工，那將是“死亡喘息的有害理論的'工人'控制'公共事務“ ，她認為是”無產階級犬瘟熱已運行的過程-就像其他d istempers，它也有它，這樣在成本的一個漫長的恢復期。 “ Of the strikers she wrote that “There will be, not only an excuse but a justification of victimisation on a considerable scale” and praised scabs as “patriotic blacklegs!” [the exclamation mark is Webb’s][3].的前鋒，她寫道： “將，不僅是一個藉口，但受害的理由就相當規模” ，並讚揚結痂為“愛國blacklegs ！ ” [的驚嘆號是韋伯的] [ 3 ] 。 Fabianism is neither pro-working class, nor is it a winner in economic or political terms: it is a busted flush.費邊主義既不是親工人階級，這也不是贏家的經濟或政治方面：它是一個失敗沖水。 And for what it’s worth, there is nothing particularly new about New Labour: as far back as 1959 the (CIA-backed) right wing of the party wanted to dump Clause IV and change the party’s name並認為這是非常值得，沒有什麼特別的新約新工黨：早在1959年（美國中央情報局支持的）右派黨要轉儲條款四，改變黨的名稱 ⁴ ^四 , a victory it ultimately took another 35 years for the right to win under Blair and Brown. ，勝利最終採取了另一個35歲的權下贏得布萊爾和布朗。

Starting from these kind of positions, it’s small wonder the middle class left has managed to completely alienate the working class.從這些類型的職位，它的小奇蹟的中產階級左已設法完全疏遠工人階級。 As things stand, the only likely beneficiaries of any upsurge in radicalisation will be the far-right, not the left (as evinced by recent events in Austria and Italy).就目前情況來看，唯一可能的受益者的任何激進高潮將是深遠的權利，而不是左邊（如明證最近發生的事件在奧地利和意大利）。 A worthwhile, pro-working class, democratically inclined left would currently be demanding that in return for being rescued with public money, finance would have to be made subject to popular, democratic control.有價值的，有利於工人階級，民主傾向於將離開目前的要求，以換取被救出的公共資金，財政就必須服從大眾的，民主的控制。 The left is not doing this, nor has any interest in, or awareness of the possibility of, doing so.左邊是沒有這樣做，也沒有任何興趣，或認識到的可能性，但這樣做。 The left had its chance to sever capital’s jugular vein in the twentieth century.左邊有機會切斷首都的頸內靜脈在二十世紀。 It didn’t take it.它沒有考慮它。 Until the left takes a resolutely democratic, pro-working class approach, it won’t get the chance again.直到離開採取了堅決的民主，有利於工人階級的方針，將不會有機會了。 Neither will it deserve to.它也不會值得。

Notes:注：

[1] See previous IWCA Cutting Edge documents ‘Friedman and Pinochet: an appreciation’, currently available at [ 1 ]見前面IWCA刃口文件的弗里德曼和皮諾切特：一種讚賞，目前在 http://www.ukwatch.net/article/a_planned_economy; http://www.ukwatch.net/article/a_planned_economy ; and part 4 of ‘Kicking away the ladder at home and abroad: immigration, globalisation and neo-liberalism’,和第4部分的'蹬梯子以外在國內和國外：移民，全球化和新自由主義' ， http://www.iwca.info/?p=10129 . 。

[2] Robert A. Dahl, ‘Workers’ control of industry and the British Labor Party’, American Political Science Review, vol. [ 2 ]羅伯特A達爾，工人控制的行業和英國工黨，美國政治科學評論，第二卷。 41(5), October 1947. 41 （ 5 ）， 1947年10月。 See also Dahl’s A Preface to Economic Democracy, Polity Press, 1985.又見達爾的序經濟民主，政體出版社， 1985 。

[3] The Diary of Beatrice Webb, vol. [ 3 ]的日記比阿特麗斯韋布，第二卷。 4: 1924-1943 (1985), Norman and Jeanne MacKenzie (eds.) (London: Virago), p76, 77. 4 ： 24年至43年（ 1985年），諾曼和珍妮麥肯齊（合編）（倫敦：潑婦）， p76 ， 77 。

[4] Richard Fletcher (1978), ‘How CIA money took the teeth out of British socialism’ in Philip Agee and Louis Wolf (eds.), Dirty Work: the CIA in Western Europe (London: Zed Press), also available at [ 4 ]理查德弗萊徹（ 1978 ）， '如何錢了美國中央情報局的牙齒了英國的社會主義'的菲利普Agee和路易狼（合編），骯髒的工作：中情局在西歐（倫敦：化出版社），也可在 http://www.wcml.org.uk/internat/wattw.htm . 。 See also Hugh Wilford (2003), The CIA , the British Left and the Cold War (London: Frank Cass).又見休威爾福德（ 2003年），美國中央情報局，英國左翼和冷戰（倫敦：弗蘭克卡斯）。

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The death of the ‘dream’ of global free-market capitalism死亡的'夢'的全球自由市場資本主義