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Friday, October 3rd, 2008 星期五， 2008年一十月3日

Earthquakes on a fault zone 在地震断裂带

Back in March, the chief economics correspondent of the Financial Times, Martin Wolf, wrote: “Remember Friday March 14 2008: it was the day the dream of global free-market capitalism died.早在3月的首席经济学通讯员金融时报，马丁•沃尔夫写道： “请记住今天08年3月14号：这是每天的梦想全球自由市场资本主义死亡。 For three decades we have moved towards market-driven financial systems.三十年来我们已经转向以市场为导向的金融体系。 By its decision to rescue Bear Sterns, the Federal Reserve, the institution responsible for monetary policy in the US, chief protagonist of free-market capitalism, declared this era over.由它决定拯救贝尔斯登Sterns ，联邦储备委员会，该机构负责货币政策在美国，首席主角的自由市场资本主义，宣布这一时代的结束。 It showed in deeds its agreement with the remark by这表明在行动上它同意的话 Josef Ackermann,约瑟夫阿克曼， chief executive of Deutsche Bank, that ‘I no longer believe in the market’s self-healing power’.首席执行官德意志银行，即'我不再相信市场的自我修复能力。 Deregulation has reached its limits”.放松管制已经达到了极限。 “

The events of the last two weeks, which have the seen the disappearance of two of the four remaining major independent Wall Street investment banks, with the two left voluntarily giving up investment bank status and scurrying toward the Federal Reserve事件过去两个星期，也就是看到了失踪的两名其余的四个主要的独立华尔街投资银行，与这两个自愿离开放弃投资银行的地位和匆忙对美国联邦储备 for protection为保护 ; the biggest bank failure in US history, and large scale state intervention the world over to prevent the total collapse of the global financial system (the bailout of AIG following the de-facto nationalisation of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae; the injection of billions upon billions of pounds of taxpayers funds into the money markets by the world’s major central banks to prevent those markets from grinding to a halt, ;的大银行故障在美国历史上，大规模的国家干预世界各地，以防止完全崩溃的全球金融系统（ 美国国际集团纾困之后，事实上国有化的联邦住宅贷款抵押公司和联邦抵押协会;注射后数十亿数十亿英镑的纳税人资金进入货币市场，世界主要中央银行，以防止这些市场从磨削停止， because因为 “nobody trusted any credit other than the government’s” ; the temporary banning of short-selling on both sides of the Atlantic; the state co-ordinated takeovers of Merrill Lynch by Bank of America and of HBOS by Lloyds, which was “没有人值得信赖任何信贷以外的其他政府的”临时禁止卖空对大西洋两岸的;国家统筹，并购美林证券的美国银行和HBOS的由劳，这是 waved through通过挥手 by the British state on public interest grounds in order to “ensure the stability of the UK financial system”, and now the nationalisations of Bradford & Bingley here and Fortis on the continent) represent the final nail in that dream’s coffin.由英国国家的公共利益理由是为了“确保稳定的英国金融体系” ，以及现在的nationalisations的Bradford ＆ Bingley的在这里和富通大陆）代表最后钉在这个梦想的棺木。 This has all culminated in the extraordinary bail-out plan, devised by the most right-wing administration in US history in collaboration with Wall Street, to spend $700bn of taxpayers money on the systematic nationalisation of risk in the US financial system, a plan这一切最终导致非凡的挽救计划，制定最右翼政府在美国历史上与华尔街，斥资700bn的纳税人的钱对国有化的系统性风险，美国的金融体系，一个计划 described by the Financial Times描述金融时报 as “the most extensive peacetime expansion of the role of government in the financial system since the Great Depression”.作为“最广泛的和平发挥更大的作用政府在金融体系大萧条以来的” 。

Indeed, there is only one possible criticism that can be made of Wolf’s coroners report: rather than a ‘dream’, the concept of ‘free-market capitalism’ is perhaps better thought of as a hallucination, or an oxymoron.事实上，只有一种可能的批评，可狼的法医报告：而不是'梦想'的概念， '自由市场资本主义'也许是更好地认为是一种幻觉，或矛盾。 There is no such thing as a large-scale industrial free-market economy, and there never has been, something the economist William Lazonick refers to, quite correctly, as ‘the myth of the market economy’.没有这样的事作为一个大型工业自由市场经济，有从来，一些经济学家威廉Lazonick指的，非常正确，因为'的神话，市场经济' 。 It has been rhetorically useful for the right, from Hayek onwards, to equate the private control of capital with free markets, and free markets with individual liberty, but in reality capitalist development has always depended upon state assistance and the abrogation of free-market principles这是有益的言论的权利，从哈耶克起，等同私人资本控制的自由市场，自由市场与个人自由，但在现实中资本主义发展一直依靠国家的援助和废除自由市场原则 ^{1 1} , as current events are amply demonstrating.作为目前事件正在充分展示。 The neo-liberal experiment with deregulation of the financial sector of the economy that we have seen over the last thirty years has been taken as far as possible, and will now be reined back in:新自由主义试验放宽对金融部门的经济，我们看到在过去三十年一直采取尽可能，现在将被遏制在： as Wolf has put it,作为沃尔夫所说， “In deregulated financial systems crises are inevitable, like earthquakes on a fault zone. “在放松管制的金融体系的危机是不可避免的，如地震的断裂带。 Only timing is uncertain”只有时间是不确定的“

But what does this mean for the rest of us?但是，这是什么意思，其余的我们吗？ Will the crisis of finance capital cross over to the real economy and result in recession, large scale unemployment and a drop in living standards for the mass of the population?将危机的金融资本跨越的实际经济，并导致经济衰退，大规模失业和下降的生活水平大规模的人口？ Are we going to see some repeat of the depression that followed the great crash of 1929, the last time Anglo-Saxon capitalism suffered a comparable financial shock?我们要看到一些重复的抑郁症后坠毁的伟大的1929年，上一次是盎格鲁撒克逊资本主义遭受了类似的金融冲击？ It should be pointed out that even during the so-called ‘boom’ of recent years, the benefits were largely confined to the upper income brackets.应当指出，即使在所谓的'砰'的一声巨响近年来的好处主要限于高收入括号内。 The real story of the last 30 years of neo-liberalism is not rising prosperity for all, but rather the utter destruction of the wealth and savings of the bottom half of the population.真正的故事，过去30年来的新自由主义是不是日益繁荣昌盛的所有，而是彻底摧毁了财富和储蓄的底部一半的人口。 Outside of property, 50 per cent of the population now own just 1 per cent of the wealth whereas in 1976 it was 12 per cent.境外的财产，百分之五十的人口现在自己只是百分之一的财富，而在1976年是百分之十二。 Back in July, Ernst and Young reported that average household disposable income after tax and bills had fallen by 15% since早在7月，安永报告说，平均每个家庭可支配收入和税后法案已经下降了15 ％的自 2003 2003年 ; a report by the ;一份报告 Campaign to End Child Poverty运动结束贫困儿童 in late August declared that “Poverty is now one of the greatest dangers faced by our children.在8月底宣布， “贫困是现在的一个最大所面临的危险我们的孩子。 If poverty were an infection then we would be in the midst of a full-scale epidemic with all the attendant public health measures, including vaccination” ; meanwhile, Guardian columnist Polly Toynbee has written several times since June that in the five years between 2001/2 and 2006/7 those on median incomes of around £23,700 had seen their incomes grow by less than 1% a year, while between 2004/5 and 2006/7 those in the bottom third of the income distribution saw their如果贫穷是一种感染然后我们将处于一个全面的流行与所有随之而来的公共健康措施，包括预防接种“ ;与此同时，卫报专栏作家波莉汤因比写几次6月以来的五年间，我们在2001 / 2和2006 / 7人中位数收入23700英镑左右看到他们的收入增长不到1 ％ ，而2004年/ 5和2006 / 7那些在底部三分之一的收入分配看到他们的 incomes fall收入下降 . 。 For much of the population the downturn has long since begun (or never ended), but this has apparently not been considered as newsworthy as the travails suffered by the masters of the universe currently sucking on the taxpayers teat on Wall Street, Canary Wharf and the Square Mile.对于大部分人口衰退早已开始（或没有结束） ，但这种做法显然不被视为新闻的辛劳所遭受的主人目前对宇宙的吸吮乳头纳税人在华尔街，金丝雀码头和平方英里。

But from even this inauspicious starting point, a downturn in the real economy is already in evidence.但是，从这个吉利甚至出发点，下滑的实际经济已经证据。 The last monthly unemployment figures showed a rise of over 80,000 to 1.7m, with both the Confederation of British Industry and the Trades Union Congress predicting the figure will hit 2m before the end of the year, and incomes growth excluding bonuses has fallen to zero (过去每月失业人数则上升了8.0万至1.7米，同英国工业联合会和工会代表大会预测数字将达到200万在年底前一年，收入增长还不包括奖金已经下降到零（ link链接 and和 link).链接） 。 Manufacturing is experiencing its “worst operating conditions” in 17 years (制造业正在经历“最糟糕的经营状况”的17岁（ link链接 and和 link),链接） ， economic growth has ground to a halt and the European Commission is经济增长已陷于停顿和欧洲委员会是 predicting a recession预测经济衰退 , and yet inflation continues to rise toward 5% (significantly higher over the past year in the case of fuel and food: those who were so quick to pass on the rise in oil prices to the consumer have being a good deal less willing to pass on the subsequent falls). ，但通货膨胀率继续上升的5 ％ （显着高于过去一年的情况下燃料和食品：这些是谁这么快传给石油价格上涨给消费者有一个良好的交易不太愿意传球在随后的下降） 。 The turn toward neo-liberalism was supposed to eliminate such ‘stagflation’ but, now faced with it, the Bank of England has thus far refused to cut interest rates because containing inflation is more important than containing unemployment (inflation is bad for business, unemployment is not).在转向新自由主义是要消除这种'滞胀' ，但现在面临的是，英国央行迄今已拒绝降低利率，因为控制通货膨胀更重要的是载有失业（通货膨胀是坏的营商环境，失业不是） 。 Somewhat surprisingly, consumer spending appears to be holding up, at least according to governmental statistics (although these figures have been greeted with some skepticism by retailers,有点令人惊讶的是，消费者支出似乎是阻碍，至少根据政府的统计数字（尽管这些数字已迎接一些说法持怀疑态度，零售商， link链接 and和 link).链接） 。 This, surely, cannot last: as we have seen, bubbles always burst and economic gravity cannot be defied forever.这当然不能过去：我们已经看到，泡沫破灭总是和经济重心不能无视下去。 The Bank of England’s chief economist Spencer Dale has英格兰银行的首席经济学家斯宾塞戴尔已 warned警告 of an ‘adverse feedback loop’, or negative multiplier effect, wherein the downturn in property and banking will impact on banks’ ability to create credit and to lend, resulting in lower spending and ‘bringing painful adjustments for many households and businesses’.一个'不利的反馈回路，或消极的乘数效应，其中下调的财产和银行将影响银行的能力，建立信贷和贷款，从而降低开支和'带来痛苦的调整对许多家庭和企业。 Likewise the Bank’s deputy governor, Sir John Gieve, has同样，银行的副行长，约翰爵士Gieve ，已 warned警告 that “damage to bank balance sheets would lead to tighter credit conditions, lower asset prices, lower consumption and investment and to a severe feedback loop into more losses for banks and so on down a spiral”.这一“损害银行资产负债表将导致更严格的信贷条件，降低资产价格，降低消费和投资，并严重反馈环路到更多的损失，银行等下跌的恶性循环” 。

Financialisation Financialisation

Herein lies the rub: the boom, and subsequent bust, was driven not by growth in the productive sector of the economy, but by speculation in property and finance which was largely fuelled by the easy availability of cheap credit, which of course is not and will not be so easily available from now on: as the governor of the Bank of England,这就是摩：繁荣，并随后破灭，是推动而不是由生长在生产的经济部门，而是由投机的财产和资金这在很大程度上助长了容易获得廉价信贷，这当然不是不会那么容易从现在起：作为省长，英伦银行行长 Mervyn King,金恩， has said, the economy will have to adjust to “a more realistic pricing of credit”.曾表示，经济将不得不调整为“更切合实际的信贷定价” 。 With a contraction in the supply of credit, what else is there to sustain current levels of effective demand and fuel economic growth?随着收缩的供应信贷，什么是为了维持目前水平的有效需求和燃料的经济增长？ At the time of writing, the British FTSE 100 index had dropped 23% over the在撰写本报告时，英国金融时报100指数已下降23 ％以上 previous year前一年 . 。 The most optimistic predictions are that, after a short, sharp period of painful readjustment, there will be a return to business as usual.最乐观的预测是，在一个很短的急剧期间的痛苦调整，将返回照旧。 But what else is there to replace financial and property speculation as engines of growth?但是，什么是有取代金融和房地产投机作为增长的引擎？ There is no significant manufacturing or industrial sector left to fall back on: on the continent and in Scandinavia, the industrial working class has been accommodated to a certain extent, whereas here and in the US it had to be smashed, with the result that finance has come to dominate the economy, something New Labour has been perfectly content to live with.没有任何重大的制造业或工业部门的左回落是：对大陆和斯堪的纳维亚半岛，工业工人阶级已被安置在一定程度上，而在这里和在美国它已被打破，因此，金融已经占据的经济，而新工党已经心满意足一起生活。 The unusually high level of ‘financialisation’ in the UK economy (which has the additional attraction to capital of tending to concentrate wealth at the top, as outlined above, whereas manufacturing disperses it more widely) means that, contrary to Brown’s protestations, we are more vulnerable to any major financial downturn than comparable economies.不寻常的高水平的' financialisation '在英国经济（其中有额外的吸引力资本趋于集中财富的顶端，正如上文所述，生产分散，而它更广泛地）意味着相反，布朗的抗议，我们更容易受到任何重大的财政衰退相比，经济。 Brown, the great Alan Greenspan devotee, bears personal responsibility for allowing what he has the nerve to call the ‘age of irresponsibility’ to happen on his watch, by enthusiastically embracing the deregulated, pro-capital model that has brought us to this pass.布朗，伟大的格林斯潘爱好者，负有个人责任的，允许什么，他的神经致电年龄不负责任的行为，发生在他的手表，热情地拥抱了放松管制的，有利于资本模式，使我们对这一通行证。

Thanks to prompt and large-sale government intervention funded out of the public purse, we are unlikely to see a repeat of the Great Depression when capitalism went to the brink of annihilation.由于迅速和大量出售政府干预资金的公帑，我们就不可能看到一个重复的大萧条时，资本主义到毁灭的边缘。 The lessons that were hard learnt in the 1930s have not been forgotten: regardless of the idiotic blatherings of free-market ‘libertarians’, the wiser heads at the top from John Maynard Keynes and Franklin D. Roosevelt up to Hank Paulson today have always understood that capitalism cannot survive without state support and systematic regulation and intervention -what the historian Michael Hogan calls ‘corporative neo-capitalism’- to ensure the socialisation of costs and risks whilst still guaranteeing the privatisation of profits and control (which is why the bail-out plan will be forced through, over-riding formal democracy if need be).的经验教训，汲取很难在1930年代没有被遗忘：不论白痴blatherings自由市场'窃听' ，负责的明智的顶部由约翰梅纳德凯恩斯和罗斯福最多汉克保尔森今天一直相互理解资本主义不能没有国家支持和有系统的调控和干预是什么历史学家迈克尔霍根呼吁'社团新capitalism' ，以确保社会化的成本和风险，同时仍然保证私有化的利润和控制（这就是为什么闭塞淘汰计划将被迫通过，压倒一切的形式上的民主如果需要的话） 。 But with nothing obvious on the horizon to make up for the credit shortfall, it is entirely possible that rather than booming again after readjustment, the economy will flatline in the longer term and we will have to get used to lower rates of accumulation, resulting in even less wealth trickling down the economy than now, with the increased distributional struggle that will come with it.但是，没有明显的地平线上，以弥补信贷短缺，这是完全有可能蓬勃发展，而不是后再次调整，经济将10989.09从长远来看，我们将不得不习惯于低利率的积累，从而导致甚至更少的财富滴了比现在经济，增加分配的斗争，将它。 Similarly, the downturn will see a decrease in the government’s tax take, resulting in either tax rises (which will fall disproportionately on those on low to median incomes) or cuts in public services, particularly if further large amounts of taxpayers money are required to bail-out the同样，衰退将减少政府的税收，造成或者税收增长（这将属于那些不成比例的低，中等收入） ，或削减公共服务，特别是如果进一步大量纳税人的钱需要保释出的 financial sector.金融部门。

So rather than 1929, perhaps a more useful comparison to make would be the last time we saw economic turbulence on this scale, during the 1970s.因此，而不是1929年，也许是更有益的比较，使将是我们最后一次看到经济动荡在这个规模，在20世纪70年代。 Just as the Great Depression ushered in the era of Keynesianism and the Bretton Woods system, so the 1970s ended it and ushered in the era of neo-liberalism.正如迎来大萧条时代的凯恩斯主义和布雷顿森林体系，因此， 20世纪70年代结束，并迎来了时代的新自由主义。 There are a number of similarities between the ‘70s and now: stagflation, a spike in oil prices, imperial overreach on the part of the US threatening the credibility of the dollar as the world’s reserve currency.有许多相似之处，现在七十年代：滞胀，一个油价飙升，超越帝国的一部分，美国威胁的可信性，美元作为世界储备货币。 With the impending economic turbulence, we could well be entering a period of similar political turbulence.随着即将到来的经济动荡，我们完全可以进入一个时期的类似的政治动荡。 A字母a leaked memo泄露的备忘录 has revealed that Home Secretary Jacqui Smith fears the downturn may produce “upward pressure on acquisitive crime”, an increase in support for “far right extremism and racism” and widen “the pool of those susceptible to radicalisation” (link).结果表明，内政大臣史密斯杰葵担心衰退可能会产生“上升的压力获取犯罪” ，增加支持“极右翼极端主义和种族主义”和扩大“游泳池的人容易受到激进” （链接） 。 Meanwhile, Tory leader David Cameron has与此同时，保守党领袖卡梅伦已 said说 that “We must not let the left use this as an excuse to wreck an important part of the British and world economy”.说， “我们不能让左边使用此作为借口来破坏的一个重要组成部分英国和世界经济” 。

State control or economic democracy 国家管制或经济民主

If there actually were a left of any significance, as there was in the 1930s and the 1970s, then Cameron may have reason to be fearful.如果确实是一个左侧的任何意义，因为在20世纪30年代和70年代，当时卡梅伦可能的原因是害怕。 However, Cameron seems wilfully ignorant of the scale of the victory his side won last time round.但是，卡梅伦似乎故意无知的规模他的球队的胜利赢得了时间轮。 The shift toward financialisation and speculation and away from industry and production not only concentrates wealth at the top, it also leaves no place or role for an organised working class: workers become atomized and have no option other than to become selfish in outlook and take care of number one.转向financialisation和猜测，远离工业和生产不仅财富集中在顶端，但也留下任何地方或作用，一个有组织的工人阶级：工人成为雾化，并没有其他选择，而不是成为自私的世界观和照顾数之一。 In this context, organising a working class challenge to capital becomes all the more difficult.在此背景下，举办工人阶级的挑战，资本变得更加困难。 So Cameron can rest easy: his side has successfully vanquished the left and quieted the working class, at least for now.因此，卡梅伦大可放心地：他的球队已成功地征服左quieted工人阶级，至少现在是这样。 While there will be increased regulation of the economy, it will carry none of the unpleasant baggage of the past, because this time it will be solely on capital’s terms.虽然将增加调控的经济，它将携带任何行李的不愉快的过去，因为这个时候将只对资本的条件。 In 1929 a weakened capitalist class had to contend with a strong working class that had a knife to capital’s throat.在1929年被削弱资产阶级不得不与一个强大的工人阶级了一把刀资本的喉咙。 Compromise had to be reached if capitalism was to survive, but there is no such imperative now.妥协是达成，如果资本主义的生存，但没有现在这样迫切。 As soon as the post-war settlement between capital and labour had been reached, capital (again, from Hayek onwards) looked to break it.尽快战后解决资本和劳动力已经达成，资本（再次，从哈耶克起）期待突破它。 The economic crises of the 1970s provided that opportunity, and since then capital has been systematically rolling back the gains won by the working class as part of that settlement.经济危机在1970年代提供了这一机会，此后资本一直在有系统地倒退的成果赢得了工人阶级的一部分，解决。 The current crisis offers capital the chance to reorganise, regroup and come up with a new regulatory framework, but this time without working class interference, something Keynes (who was perfectly honest about his loathing of the working class) would regard as an ideal.当前的危机提供了机会，资本重组，重组和拿出一个新的规管架构，但是这一次没有工人阶级的干扰，一些凯恩斯（谁是完全诚实的他厌恶工人阶级）将视为理想的。 Cameron’s side has nothing to fear from nationalisation without economic democracy.卡梅隆的一方无需害怕国有化没有经济民主。

Old Labour sees the crisis, and New Labour’s seemingly terminal decline, as a chance to re-assert itself, to ‘take back’ the Labour party.老劳工看到了危机，新工党看似终端下降，因为有机会重新主张自己， '收回'的劳工党。 This is a dead-end for a number of reasons.这是一个死胡同有许多原因。 Leave aside the fact that the party is near bankrupt; that membership has halved since 1997; that “Many CLP’s [constituency Labour parties] are now husks – hollowed out shells.撇开一个事实，即党是附近的破产; ，加入了自1997年以来减少了一半;说， “许多中电[选区工党各方]现在壳-掏空的炮弹。 There may still be lots of members, but active membership has可能仍有大量的成员，但积极的成员 completely collapsed”彻底崩溃“ ; that even liberal cheerleaders like the Guardian’s ; ，即使自由啦啦队等监护人的 Jackie Ashley成龙阿什利 fear “the party’s destruction as a major force in British politics”, or that Old Labour couldn’t even get a candidate on the ballot paper in last years leadership contest: the New Labour initiative has ended worthwhile democracy within the party, so there is no way of ‘taking back’ the party even if the will existed.恐惧“党的销毁中的一支重要力量英国政坛” ，或旧劳工甚至不能让一名候选人在选票上在过去几年里领导竞赛：新工党的倡议已经结束有意义的党内民主，使有没有办法'收回'党即使将存在。 And New Labour is fully aware of the danger and has no intention of allowing the party to being taken to the left, as和新工党充分意识到危险，也没有打算让党正在采取的左侧，因为 Ruth Kelly made clear露丝凯利明确 after her resignation from the Cabinet.之后，她辞去内阁。

But more than that, for all the talk of ‘reclaiming’ the Labour party, when has it ever truly been a labour party, led by and for the working class?但更重要的是，所有谈论的'回收'的劳工党，当它以往任何时候都真正是一个劳动党领导下和工人阶级？ As Robert Dahl has pointed out, there are two potentially contradictory schools of left wing economic thought: state control of the economy and workers’ control of the economy, and by the time Labour came to power in 1945 under Attlee (a public school educated social worker) it had come out decisively in favour of the middle class Fabian tradition of state control and against workers’ control正如罗伯特达尔所指出的那样，有两个潜在的矛盾学校的左翼经济思想：国家控制的经济和工人控制的经济，时间由工党执政下在1945年艾德礼（一所公立学校教育的社会工人）它已走出果断有利于中产阶级比恩传统的国家控制和对工人的控制 ^{2 二} . 。 Beatrice Webb, who along with her husband Sidney co-founded the Fabian Society and was one of the leading lights of the early Labour party, wrote on the second day of the 1926 General Strike that it would be “the death gasp of that pernicious doctrine of ‘workers’ control’ of public affairs”, which she considered “a proletarian distemper which had to run its course – and like other distempers, it is well to have it over and done with at the cost of a lengthy convalescence”.比阿特丽斯韦布，谁还有她的丈夫西德尼共同创建了费边社是一家领先的灯光早期劳工党，写信的第二天就1926年总罢工，那将是“死亡喘息的有害理论的'工人'控制'公共事务“ ，她认为是”无产阶级犬瘟热已运行的过程-就像其他d istempers，它也有它，这样在成本的一个漫长的恢复期。 “ Of the strikers she wrote that “There will be, not only an excuse but a justification of victimisation on a considerable scale” and praised scabs as “patriotic blacklegs!” [the exclamation mark is Webb’s][3].的前锋，她写道： “将，不仅是一个借口，但受害的理由就相当规模” ，并赞扬结痂为“爱国blacklegs ！ ” [的惊叹号是韦伯的] [ 3 ] 。 Fabianism is neither pro-working class, nor is it a winner in economic or political terms: it is a busted flush.费边主义既不是亲工人阶级，这也不是赢家的经济或政治方面：它是一个失败冲水。 And for what it’s worth, there is nothing particularly new about New Labour: as far back as 1959 the (CIA-backed) right wing of the party wanted to dump Clause IV and change the party’s name并认为这是非常值得，没有什么特别的新约新工党：早在1959年（美国中央情报局支持的）右派党要转储条款四，改变党的名称 ^{4 四} , a victory it ultimately took another 35 years for the right to win under Blair and Brown. ，胜利最终采取了另一个35岁的权下赢得布莱尔和布朗。

Starting from these kind of positions, it’s small wonder the middle class left has managed to completely alienate the working class.从这些类型的职位，它的小奇迹的中产阶级左已设法完全疏远工人阶级。 As things stand, the only likely beneficiaries of any upsurge in radicalisation will be the far-right, not the left (as evinced by recent events in Austria and Italy).就目前情况来看，唯一可能的受益者的任何激进高潮将是深远的权利，而不是左边（如明证最近发生的事件在奥地利和意大利） 。 A worthwhile, pro-working class, democratically inclined left would currently be demanding that in return for being rescued with public money, finance would have to be made subject to popular, democratic control.有价值的，有利于工人阶级，民主倾向于将离开目前的要求，以换取被救出的公共资金，财政就必须服从大众的，民主的控制。 The left is not doing this, nor has any interest in, or awareness of the possibility of, doing so.左边是没有这样做，也没有任何兴趣，或认识到的可能性，但这样做。 The left had its chance to sever capital’s jugular vein in the twentieth century.左边有机会切断首都的颈内静脉在二十世纪。 It didn’t take it.它没有考虑它。 Until the left takes a resolutely democratic, pro-working class approach, it won’t get the chance again.直到离开采取了坚决的民主，有利于工人阶级的方针，将不会有机会了。 Neither will it deserve to.它也不会值得。

Notes:注：

[1] See previous IWCA Cutting Edge documents ‘Friedman and Pinochet: an appreciation’, currently available at [ 1 ]见前面IWCA刃口文件的弗里德曼和皮诺切特：一种赞赏，目前在 http://www.ukwatch.net/article/a_planned_economy; http://www.ukwatch.net/article/a_planned_economy ; and part 4 of ‘Kicking away the ladder at home and abroad: immigration, globalisation and neo-liberalism’,和第4部分的'蹬梯子以外在国内和国外：移民，全球化和新自由主义' ， http://www.iwca.info/?p=10129 . 。

[2] Robert A. Dahl, ‘Workers’ control of industry and the British Labor Party’, American Political Science Review, vol. [ 2 ]罗伯特A达尔，工人控制的行业和英国工党，美国政治科学评论，第二卷。 41(5), October 1947. 41 （ 5 ） ， 1947年10月。 See also Dahl’s A Preface to Economic Democracy, Polity Press, 1985.又见达尔的序经济民主，政体出版社， 1985 。

[3] The Diary of Beatrice Webb, vol. [ 3 ]的日记比阿特丽斯韦布，第二卷。 4: 1924-1943 (1985), Norman and Jeanne MacKenzie (eds.) (London: Virago), p76, 77. 4 ： 24年至43年（ 1985年） ，诺曼和珍妮麦肯齐（合编） （伦敦：泼妇） ， p76 ， 77 。

[4] Richard Fletcher (1978), ‘How CIA money took the teeth out of British socialism’ in Philip Agee and Louis Wolf (eds.), Dirty Work: the CIA in Western Europe (London: Zed Press), also available at [ 4 ]理查德弗莱彻（ 1978 ） ， '如何钱了美国中央情报局的牙齿了英国的社会主义'的菲利普Agee和路易狼（合编） ，肮脏的工作： 中情局在西欧（伦敦：化出版社） ，也可在 http://www.wcml.org.uk/internat/wattw.htm . 。 See also Hugh Wilford (2003), The CIA , the British Left and the Cold War (London: Frank Cass).又见休威尔福德（ 2003年） ， 美国中央情报局，英国左翼和冷战（伦敦：弗兰克卡斯） 。

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