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  | Translate: 翻譯：               Obama, Bush & The War Crimes奧巴馬，布什和戰爭罪行 Tuesday, November 25th, 2008 星期二， 08年11月25日
By通過 Ari Melber阿里Melber | Many Washington Republicans and Democrats agree on one maxim for President-elect Barack Obama: This is no time to look back at the past administration’s rocky record on executive power and the rule of law. |許多美國共和黨人和民主黨人達成一致意見的一個格言當選總統奧巴馬：這是沒有時間回顧過去政府的岩石記錄對行政權力和法治。 Republicans caution against protracted, “partisan” investigations.共和黨人對曠日持久的謹慎， “黨派”的調查。 Democrats urge Obama to tackle pressing economic and foreign policy challenges — if that leaves an unusually powerful executive branch in place, so be it. Both camps are民主黨奧巴馬敦促解決緊迫的經濟和外交政策的挑戰-如果留下了非同一般的行政部門的地方，那就這樣做吧。兩個難民營 wrong 錯誤的 . 。 Obama must奧巴馬必須 scrutinize and disassemble審查和彙編 the post-Sept.後的9月。 11 imperial presidency, even if he reduces his own power in the process. 11日帝國總統，即使他降低了自己的權力的過程中。 The Bush administration opened several lines of attack against the rule of law and the integrity of an independent Justice Department.布什政府開了線的攻擊法治和完整性的一個獨立的司法部。 The scandals are so famous that they’ve been reduced to shorthand: Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo, NSA, Attorneygate.這些醜聞是如此著名，他們已經減少到速記：阿布格萊布監獄，監獄，國家安全局， Attorneygate 。 No matter what, these incidents will remain a blot on our nation’s history.不管如何，這些事件仍將是一個污點，我們國家的歷史。 But we can achieve a measure of closure and justice by pursuing legal accountability for anyone involved who broke the law.但是，我們可以實現一定程度的關閉和正義的追求法律責任的任何涉及誰違反了法律。 The initiation of proper legal proceedings — both investigations and prosecutions — simply cannot depend on whether the accused are powerful.開展適當的法律程序-調查和起訴-根本不能取決於被告是否是強有力的。 The bipartisan immunity lobby, however, insists that route could divide the country.兩黨豁免遊說，但是，堅持這條路線可以分裂國家。 The image of government officials going to jail, they say, is simply unthinkable.形象的政府官員去監獄，他們說，是根本不可想像的。 It is a remarkably unserious argument — as if our laws and Constitution are a distant second to the imagined trauma of watching politicos go to jail like any other lawbreaker.這是一個顯著unserious的論點-因為如果我們的法律和憲法是一個遙遠的第二次創傷的想像看政客去坐牢像任何其他壞人。 It is especially odd now, coming after several politicians have been prosecuted, defeated and imprisoned on corruption charges.這是現在特別是奇數之後，幾個政客被起訴，打敗監禁的腐敗指控。 The immunity crowd has one more card to play.人群的免疫力有一個更多的牌可打。 Crimes committed on behalf of national security, they say, are different.犯下的罪行代表國家安全，他們說，是不同的。 On closer inspection, that claim also dissolves into an elitist pitch for the powerful.仔細檢查，這種說法也溶解到球場精英的強大。 The fact is that there are US soldiers sitting in jail right now for what happened at Abu Ghraib.事實是，有美軍士兵坐在監獄目前所發生在阿布格萊布監獄。 The question is not whether to prosecute those crimes; that process has already begun.問題不在於是否要起訴那些犯罪;這一進程已經開始。 The question is whether the Bush administration correctly prosecuted the people actually responsible for the conduct — or whether the entire episode was blamed on those low on the chain of command.現在的問題是布什政府是否正確起訴的實際負責人的行為-或者是否在整個事件被認為是那些低指揮鏈。 Likewise, the politicization of the Justice Department is already a live issue in court.同樣的，政治的司法部已經是一個生活在法庭上的問題。 Former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales is currently fighting a civil suit alleging that he politicized the Justice Department.前司法部長阿爾韋托岡薩雷斯目前正在打一場民事訴訟，指控他政治司法部。 In fact, taxpayers are even footing the bill for his private lawyers.事實上，即使納稅人買單為他的私人律師。 (Up to $24,000 a month, under an arrangement with the Bush administration.) （最多二點四〇 〇萬美元一個月，根據安排，布什政府） 。 The new administration, however, cannot afford to sit on the sidelines as private parties fight over Gonzales’ sins.新政府，但不能坐在場邊的私人當事方的鬥爭岡薩雷斯的罪孽。 There is an overwhelming public interest in accountability for and a complete investigation into the US attorney firings, including, potentially, criminal penalties for any senior officials who broke the law.目前絕大多數公共利益的責任和一個完整的調查，美國聯邦檢察官解僱，包括潛在的，刑事處罰的任何高級官員誰違反了法律。 As Sen. Arlen Specter, the top Republican on the Judiciary Committee, recently explained, Bush officials undermined the “credibility and effectiveness of the Justice Department” by politicizing their roles.正如參議員斯佩克特，前共和黨司法委員會，最近解釋說，布什政府官員破壞了“可信性和有效性，司法部”的政治角色。 Regardless of who won this election, any new inhabitant of the Justice Department would have to rebuild that credibility.無論誰贏得這次選舉，任何新的居民，美國司法部將不得不重建的信譽。 It starts at home.它開始在家裡。 After all, why should citizens have faith in the department’s new leaders if their first act is to join in the whitewashing abuse by their predecessors?畢竟，為什麼要公民有信心在該部門的新領導人如果他們的第一個行動是加入粉飾虐待他們的前輩？ The New York Times recently captured this problem: “Because every president eventually leaves office, incoming chief executives have an incentive to quash investigations into their predecessor’s tenure.” 紐約時報最近抓獲這個問題： “由於每位總統最終離任，新任首席執行官激勵撤銷調查其前任的任期。 ” This is one time, however, that the new president cannot afford to look like every other self-serving chief executive.這是一個時間，然而，新總統不能像其他自我服務的首席執行官。 Obama can show that America’s promise of equality not only means that anyone can reach the highest office in the land — it also means that everyone is equally subject to the law.奧巴馬可以表明，美國的承諾，平等不僅意味著，任何人都可以達到的最高職位的土地-這也意味著每個人都同樣受到法律。 Experts and leaders in both parties herald the work of the 9/11 Commission, which bored down into a period many would rather not relive.專家和領導在預示著雙方的工作， 9 / 11委員會，該委員會鑽孔成一個時期許多不想重溫。 Now what we need is a Response to 9/11 Commission — a subpoena-powered investigation of the torture, rendition, detention and spying that was presented as an essential response to terrorism.現在我們需要的是一個響應9 / 11委員會-傳票供電的調查酷刑，移交逃犯，拘留和間諜這是作為一個重要的應對恐怖主義。 Obama should also assign a special prosecutor to explore the related crimes and take necessary action, independent of the new attorney general’s agenda.奧巴馬還應當指定一名特別檢察官，探討有關的罪行，並採取必要行動，獨立的新的總檢察長的議程。 Once the legal process is complete, of course, the president retains the right to commute or pardon convicted criminals.一旦法律程序完成後，當然，總統有權以通勤或赦免罪犯。 In some cases, there may be good reason to do so.在某些情況下，可能會有很好的理由這樣做。 But under the rule of law, there is never a reason to immunize government officials in advance, removing the most critical check on the power they wield in our name.但是，在法治之下，有沒有一個理由免疫政府官員，事先消除最關鍵的檢查，他們的權力行使我們的名字。 The past eight years reveal the grave costs of that approach, and it is past time for a change.在過去八年中揭示了嚴重的成本的這種做法，這是過去的時間發生變化。 Have Your Say: Obama, Bush & The War Crimes 你說：奧巴馬，布什和戰爭罪行 Please read our請仔細閱讀我們的 posting guidelines before posting張貼在發布前的指導方針 . 。 Alternatively或者 you can discuss this report here你可以討論這份報告在這裡 . 。 Related News 相關新聞
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