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Obama, Bush & de Misdaden van de Oorlog

Dinsdag, 25 November, 2008

Door Ari Melber? | Vele Republikeinen en Democraten van Washington gaan met één stelregel voor Nieuwgekozen president Barack Obama: akkoord Dit is geen tijd om terug het rotsachtige verslag van het afgelopen beleid op uitvoerende macht en de rechtsstaat te bekijken.

De republikeinen waarschuwen tegen voortgezet, „partij“ onderzoeken. De democraten sporen Obama aan om dringende economisch en buitenlands beleidsuitdagingen aan te pakken - als die bladeren een ongebruikelijk krachtige uitvoerende tak op zijn plaats, zo zij het. Beide kampen zijn verkeerd.

Obama moet onderzoek in detail en demonteer post-sept. keizervoorzitterschap 11, zelfs als hij zijn eigen macht in het proces vermindert.

Het beleid van Bush opende verscheidene lijnen van aanval tegen de rechtsstaat en integriteit van een onafhankelijke Afdeling van de Rechtvaardigheid. De schandalen zijn zo beroemd dat zij tot stenografie zijn verminderd: Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo, NSA, Attorneygate.

Geen kwestie wat, deze incidenten een vlek op de geschiedenis van onze natie zal blijven. Maar wij kunnen een maatregel van sluiting en rechtvaardigheid bereiken door wettelijke verantwoordingsplicht voor iedereen na te streven in kwestie wie de wet brak. De initiatie van juiste gerechtelijke procedures - zowel onderzoeken als vervolgingen - kan eenvoudig niet van of afhangen beschuldigd krachtig is.

De tweeledige immuniteitshal, echter, dringt erop aan dat de route het land kon verdelen. Het beeld van overheidsambtenaren die gaan gevangen zetten, zeggen zij, is eenvoudig ondenkbaar.

Het is een opmerkelijk unserious argument - alsof onze wetten en Grondwet verre tweede aan het ingebeelde trauma van het letten op politicos gaan als een andere lawbreaker gevangen zetten zijn. Het is nu vooral oneven, komend nadat verscheidene politici zijn vervolgd, verslagen en op corruptielasten gevangengenomen.

De immuniteitsmenigte heeft één meer kaart te spelen. De misdaden toegewijd namens nationale veiligheid, zeggen zij, zijn verschillend. Voor dichtere inspectie, die de eis ook in een elitaire hoogte voor krachtig oplost.

Het feit is dat er de V.S. zijn. militairen die zitten in gevangenis op dit ogenblik voor wat in Abu Ghraib gebeurde.

De vraag is niet of om die misdaden te vervolgen; dat proces is reeds begonnen. De vraag is of het beleid van Bush correct de mensen eigenlijk verantwoordelijk voor het gedrag vervolgde - of of de volledige episode op die laag op de ketting van bevel werd beschuldigd.

Eveneens, is de politisering van de Afdeling van de Rechtvaardigheid reeds voor het gerecht een levende kwestie. De vroegere Procureur Algemene Alberto Gonzales bestrijdt momenteel een burgerlijk kostuum bewerend dat hij de Afdeling van de Rechtvaardigheid politiseerde. In fact, taxpayers are even footing the bill for his private lawyers. (Up to $24,000 a month, under an arrangement with the Bush administration.)

The new administration, however, cannot afford to sit on the sidelines as private parties fight over Gonzales’ sins. There is an overwhelming public interest in accountability for and a complete investigation into the U.S. attorney firings, including, potentially, criminal penalties for any senior officials who broke the law.

As Sen. Arlen Specter, the top Republican on the Judiciary Committee, recently explained, Bush officials undermined the “credibility and effectiveness of the Justice Department” by politicizing their roles. Regardless of who won this election, any new inhabitant of the Justice Department would have to rebuild that credibility. It starts at home. After all, why should citizens have faith in the department’s new leaders if their first act is to join in the whitewashing abuse by their predecessors?

The New York Times recently captured this problem: “Because every president eventually leaves office, incoming chief executives have an incentive to quash investigations into their predecessor’s tenure.”

This is one time, however, that the new president cannot afford to look like every other self-serving chief executive. Obama can show that America’s promise of equality not only means that anyone can reach the highest office in the land — it also means that everyone is equally subject to the law.

Experts and leaders in both parties herald the work of the 9/11 Commission, which bored down into a period many would rather not relive. Now what we need is a Response to 9/11 Commission — a subpoena-powered investigation of the torture, rendition, detention and spying that was presented as an essential response to terrorism. Obama should also assign a special prosecutor to explore the related crimes and take necessary action, independent of the new attorney general’s agenda.

Once the legal process is complete, of course, the president retains the right to commute or pardon convicted criminals. In some cases, there may be good reason to do so. But under the rule of law, there is never a reason to immunize government officials in advance, removing the most critical check on the power they wield in our name. The past eight years reveal the grave costs of that approach, and it is past time for a change.


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This entry was posted on Tuesday, November 25th, 2008 at 9:30 pm and is filed under Contributions & Guests . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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