RINF.COM: L'ALTERNATIVE DE RUPTURE DE NOUVELLES
Vendredi 1er août 2008
RINF.COM: L'ALTERNATIVE DE RUPTURE DE NOUVELLES
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RUPTURE DES NOUVELLES |
Censure militaire de la guerre en Irak
Vendredi 1er août 2008 Discutez ce rapport dans les forum de RINF > Par Naomi Spencer | Cinq ans de métier sanglant des USA ont vu de nombreux crimes contre l'humanité dévoiler en Irak. Des millions de civils irakiens ont été tués et enroulé, avec des millions de plus a transformé en des réfugiés. Des villes antiques et une fois-vibrantes ont été détruites par des raids aériens et des armes chimiques. Les milliers d'Irakiens ont emprisonné par les militaires des USA en conditions barbares, et dans beaucoup de cas torturé. En effectuant le métier, plus de 4.400 personnels-plus militaires de eux Américain-sont morts et des dizaines de milliers ont été blessées. Peu de réflexion de ces réalités doit être trouvée, cependant, dans les médias des USA, en particulier en forme visuelle. La censure par militaire-et individu-censure par des médias sortie-est une partie d'un effort par l'élite régnante d'aseptiser la guerre et de maintenir le public américain dans l'obscurité au sujet de sa vraie nature. Comme accentué dans un morceau du 26 juillet dans Temps de New York, intitulé Les « 4.000 États-Unis Les décès, et une poignée d'images, » très peu de photographies du métier se sont écoulées goutte à goutte dehors des journalistes militaire-incorporés et ont libéré par les médias américains. Les militaires et l'administration de Bush ont imposé des règles excepté des photos des cercueils drapeau-drapés, aussi bien que la documentation des accidents de champ de bataille dans lesquels les visages, les rangs, ou d'autres marques sont évidents. Périodes les notes, « même des services commémoratifs pour les soldats tués, une fois par habitude ouverts, sont de plus en plus outre des limites. Des détenus ont été largement photographiés en premières années de la guerre, mais le département de la défense, citant des prisonniers' droites, a récemment arrêté cette pratique aussi bien. » On a également interdit des journalistes de libérer montrer d'images ce que les militaires considèrent pour être sensible information-quelque chose d'une image des armements américains au lendemain d'une grève insurgée.
Journalistes interviewés par Périodes dit qu'encore des règles plus serrées ont imposées l'année dernière, exigeant la permission écrite des soldats blessés avant que leurs images pourraient être employées, étaient impossibles presque à satisfaire dans le cas des soldats sérieusement blessés et mourants. « Tandis qu'enfoncez les restrictions permettent à des photographies des soldats morts d'être une fois éditée famille on a annoncé que des membres, » Périodes commentés, « dans la pratique, les militaires ont exigé le hâtiment aux occasions rares que de telles images sont apparues. » Clairement, aucune de ces restrictions n'a n'importe quoi faire avec des « prisonniers' redresse » ou respect pour les familles des soldats tombés. To the contrary, the military’s intent is to obscure from the American people the hellish reality in which prisoners and US soldiers alike have found themselves. Indeed, while employing typical military jargon and doublespeak, Defense Department officials make no secret of the subject: free and easy access to photographs, print journalism, and first-hand accounts of the war are a “vulnerability” for US imperialism because it fuels antiwar sentiment in the population and within the military. The Times article invites a comparison of Vietnam war-era photojournalism and coverage of the present occupation in Iraq: “If the conflict in Vietnam was notable for open access given to journalists—too much, many critics said, as the war played out nightly in bloody newscasts—the Iraq war may mark an opposite extreme: after five years and more than 4,000 American combat deaths, searches and interviews turned up fewer than a half-dozen graphic photographs of dead American soldiers.” Significantly, the Times was able to document only five published images of war dead that had been released by embedded journalists. In four of those cases, the paper notes, “the photographer was immediately kicked out of his or her embed following publication of such photos.” The number of embedded journalists has been cut drastically in the last five years. At the time of the invasion in 2003, 770 journalists accompanied US forces. Currently, according to the newspaper industry journal Editor & Publisher, only a dozen embedded journalists remain, about half of whom are photographers. Even if they were granted complete liberty to witness and document the occupation, the idea that 12 journalists could adequately cover the operations of 150,000 troops around the country is absurd. The first “disembedded” photojournalist documented by the Times was Stefan Zaklin, then of the European Pressphoto Agency, who was barred from working with the US Army after publishing a photo of a dead US officer in Fallujah in 2004. In 2005, Chris Hondros of Getty Images was “kicked out of his embed” with an Army unit after photographing a young girl, screaming and covered in blood, after US soldiers killed her parents.
Two Times journalists were barred in January 2007 after the paper printed a photo of a fatally wounded soldier. The soldier died within hours of being wounded, but the military insisted that the Times reporters violated rules by not getting his written permission to use his image. The most recent barring of a photojournalist followed a devastating suicide bombing June 26 in Anbar province. The bombing killed 20 people, including three Marines. The photographer, Zoriah Miller, who goes by his first name, was among the first on the scene after the blast. He documented scattered body parts, pools of blood and debris, and wounded and shocked survivors. According to a July 17 piece in Photo District News, a photography industry magazine, Zoriah was told to “stop photographing, delete his memory cards, [and] surrender his cameras”. Three days after family members had been notified of the Marine deaths, Zoriah published the images on his independent website. The next morning, the Times reported, “high-ranking Marine public affairs officers demanded that Mr. Miller remove the photos. When he refused, his embed was terminated.” Zoriah wrote on his blog that officers claimed the military “would not allow even the pants or shoes of an injured or killed Marine to be depicted in images.” On July 3, the photographer was handed a letter claiming he had violated embed rules by publishing photos that revealed “tactics, techniques and procedures witnessed during operations,” and provided “information on the effectiveness of enemy techniques.”
“Specifically, Mr. Miller provided our enemy with an after-action report on the effectiveness of their attack and on the response procedures of U.S. and Iraqi forces,” Marine spokesman Lt. Col. Chris Hughes told the Times. Another Marine officer, Captain Esteban Vickers, waxed indignant to the paper: “Mr. Miller’s complete lack of respect to these marines, their friends, and families is shameful… How do we explain to their children or families these disturbing pictures just days after it happened?” Zoriah countered: “The fact that the images I took of the suicide bombing—which are just photographs of something that happens every day all across the country—the fact that these photos have been so incredibly shocking to people, says that whatever they are doing to limit this type of photo getting out, it is working.” “It is absolutely censorship,” the photographer told the Times. “I took pictures of something they didn’t like, and they removed me. Deciding what I can and cannot document, I don’t see a clearer definition of censorship.” In an earlier interview with PDN magazine, Zoriah commented: “They embedded a war photographer, and when I took a photo of war, they disembedded me. It’s as if it’s okay to take pictures of them handing lollipops to kids on the street and providing medical care, but photographing the actual war is unacceptable.” Indeed, the claim that documenting casualties aids the enemy is crafted to stifle information about almost any situation. It has also been used to justify the military targeting of independent journalists and media outlets that document American atrocities. The US bombings of independent Arab media Al-Jazeera offices in Kabul, Afghanistan, and in Baghdad served to quash critical coverage of the wars. Photographers have been increasingly held back from combat zones. James Lee, a photojournalist embedded with a Marine unit, told the Times that he was thwarted by commanders from entering Basra during the massive air assault and raid offensive in April. He was told the military brass “did not want any Western eyes down there.” As with Fallujah in 2004, the sieges on Basra and Sadr City constituted major war crimes. Over the course of a few days, hundreds of civilians and militiamen were slaughtered. During the siege in Basra, hospital and health officials were prohibited from speaking to independent journalists. American media dutifully reported Pentagon talking points, referring to killed civilians—even when children were counted among the dead—as “terrorists,” or at best “collateral damage.” Such suppression of the truth is an expression of the larger crime of the war. More fundamentally, however, military censorship and the self-censoring of the media reflect the immense and growing militarization of American political life. Discuss this report in the RINF forums > Have Your Say: Military censorship of the war in Iraq This entry was posted on Friday, August 1st, 2008 at 12:00 am and is filed under Contributions & Guests, War & Terrorism News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site. |
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