大眾傳播媒介和大眾政治

Thursday, November 6th, 2008 星期四， 2008年11月6號

By James Petras |詹姆斯佩特拉斯|

The role of the mass media (MM) in influencing mass and class behavior has been a central concern among critical writers, especially since the turn of the Twentieth century. Debates and studies on the MM have focused on its political bias, ownership and links to big business, relationships and ties to the state, relative openness and diversity, promotion of wars and corporate interests among other major issues affecting the relations of power, wealth and empire. Of particular interest to writers opposing and supporting the role of the MM is the impact of the MM in influencing mass outlook, opinions and behaviors. Essays, monographs and empirical studies have been published as to the extent of MM influence, the time frame in which it retains control, the ‘depth’ of loyalty to MM inculcated opinions, and the ‘place’ in which MM messages have the greatest influence in inducing mass opinion in conformity with ruling class interests.的作用，大眾傳播媒介（毫米），影響質量和一流的行為一直是中央關注的重要作家，尤其是自之交的二十世紀。辯論和研究莫斯利都集中在其政治偏見，所有權和聯繫大企業，關係和聯繫的狀態，相對的開放性和多樣性，促進戰爭和公司利益的其他重大問題影響的關係，權力，財富和帝國。特別感興趣的作家反對和支持的作用， MM是影響毫米，影響群眾觀，意見和行為。論文集，專著和實證研究已發表的程度莫斯利的影響力，時限，其中保留了控制， '深入'的忠誠，莫斯利灌輸的意見，和'地方' ，其中莫斯利的信息影響最大誘導群眾意見符合統治階級的利益。

An understanding of the role and power of the MM in contemporary capitalist society requires us to organize the debate according to three major schools – conservative, liberal and Marxist – before proceeding to a critical analysis and finally presenting notes towards setting alternatives to elite-controlled communications networks.理解的作用和力量，莫斯利在當代資本主義社會，要求我們組織的辯論按照三個主要的學校-保守，自由主義和馬克思主義-然後再進行嚴謹的分析，最後提出對設置注意到替代精英控制的通信網絡。

Competing Paradigms: Conservative, Liberal and Marxist競爭範式：保守黨，自由黨和馬克思主義

There are three paradigms on the role, power and relation of the mass media to mass opinion and action: the conservative, liberal and Marxist.有三種模式中的作用，權力和關係，大眾媒體的大規模輿論和行動：保守的，自由和馬克思主義者。

The Conservative, or ‘pluralist’ paradigm, propagated largely by US and European social scientists emphasizes the multiple voices, competing networks and outlets and diversity of opinions. The conservative – ‘pluralists’, contend that even if the ownership of the mass media is concentrated and its message biased in favor of the status quo, the mass media are simply one ‘resource’, countered by other ‘resources’ such as ‘large numbers’ of low income voters. Though conceding the unequal access to the mass media between labor and capital, pro-war regimes and anti-war opposition, they argue the opposition does have some outlets, numerous writers and publicists: Control over the mass media is ‘unequal but dispersed’. Moreover, they argue, that with the growth of the internet, there are multiple sources of information, and the mass media monopoly has been severely diluted, in effect ‘democratizing’ the ‘communication system’. The more astute pluralist ideologues cite empirical studies, which show that most individuals’ views are shaped by their family, friends and neighbors – face-to-face relations, much more so than the ‘impersonal media’. In summary, the conservative argue there is no all powerful mass media power elite, and to the extent that it exists, it is counterbalanced by alternative media, local opinion and its own tolerance of diverse and competing opinions.保守的，或'多元化'的範例，宣傳主要由美國和歐洲的社會科學家強調多種聲音，競爭的網絡和渠道和不同的意見。保守的-' p luralists' ，認為即使擁有大眾傳播媒介集中和它的信息偏袒現狀，大眾傳播媒介只是一個'資源' ，對付其他的資源，如'大量'的低收入選民。雖然讓步的機會不平等大眾傳播媒介之間的勞動和資本，有利於政權的戰爭和反戰爭的反對，他們認為反對黨也有一些商店，有許多作家和公關：控制大眾傳播媒介是'不平等的，但分散' 。此外，他們認為，這與增長的互聯網有多種來源的信息，和大眾媒體的壟斷受到了嚴重削弱，實際上'民主化'的'通信系統。更精明的多元化理論家舉實證研究，結果表明，大多數人的觀點是狀其家庭，朋友和鄰居-面對面的關係，以便更比'客觀的媒體。總之，保守的主張沒有任何所有強大的大眾傳播媒介權力精英，以及在多大程度上它的存在，這是抵消其他媒體，地方的意見和自己的容忍不同和競爭的意見。

The Liberal Paradigm of the Mass Media自由主義範式的大眾傳播媒介

The liberal paradigm describes the MM as the key instrument of ruling class domination in a liberal democracy. Beginning with a historical account of the concentration of ownership in the hands of a small number of corporations interlocked with business and the state, the MM is seen as an essential component in the ‘system of control’ which perpetuates the ruling class and empire-building by its control and indoctrination of mass opinion. The majority are converted into a malleable mass, induced to conformity to the interests and policies of the ruling class, thus preventing change and perpetuating the rule by the corporate elite. For the liberals the top-down control by the mass media explains the ‘paradox’ of a highly unequal, military-driven empire in the context of a free and democratic political system. The principle role of the academics is to convince other academics to unmask the media, to expose its fabrications, deceptions and hypocrisy, by emphasizing the ‘contradictions’ between ‘our’ democratic values and the lies of the powerful. The more radical version of the ‘liberal’ view of the mass media attributes the high degree of consensus between elite and masses in the United States to the omnipresence and omniscience of the mass media.自由主義範式描述了莫斯利的關鍵手段統治階級統治的自由民主。從歷史到了所有權集中手中的一小部分企業互鎖與企業和國家， MM是被視為一個基本組成部分中的'控制系統'的長期統治階級和帝國建設，其控制和灌輸大眾的意見。多數是轉換成可鍛鑄質量，符合誘導的利益和政策的統治階級，從而防止變化和延續規則的企業精英。對於自由派自上而下的控制，大眾傳播媒介解釋了'悖論'的高度不平等，軍事驅動的帝國在一個自由和民主的政治系統。原則作用的學者是說服其他學者揭露媒體，揭露其謊言，欺騙和虛偽性，強調了'矛盾'與'我們的'民主價值觀和謊言的強大。更為激進的版本的'自由派認為大眾媒體的屬性的高度共識，精英和人民群眾在美國的無所不在和全知的大眾傳播媒介。

Marxist Critique馬克思主義的批判

The Marxist approach to the mass media begins necessarily with a critique of the conservative and liberal perspectives. Against the conservative critique, it points out that ‘power’ is not a disembodied resource but a relationship in which the owners of wealth and power can multiply and accumulate political and economic assets. The presumption that ‘everyone’ or all groups can have some influence overlooks the fact that ownership of the means of communication is linked to other powerful economic groups, which wield power over banks, investment, trust funds, and these, in turn, influence political leaders and parties controlling legislation, candidate selection and government spending and agendas: this undermines the foundations and validity of the pluralist paradigm. On all the major events of our time, the mass media loyally echoed the political line of the capitalist state, justifying the invasion of Iraq, the demonizing of Iran and echoing the state line on Iran’s nuclear program, Israel’s blockade of Palestine and invasion of Lebanon and the bailout of Wall Street. In all the major events, a unified mass media played a leading role in propagating the message of the ruling class, among the masses, with varying degrees of success.馬克思主義的辦法，大眾傳播媒介開始不一定與批判的保守和自由派的觀點。反對保守的批評，但指出，權力'是不是一個disembodied資源的關係，但在其中的業主財富和權力，並能繁殖積累的政治和經濟的資產。推定'大家'或所有團體可以有一定的影響忽略了一個事實，擁有的通訊手段與其它強大的經濟集團，其中掌權的銀行，投資，信託基金，這些反過來，影響政治領導人和政黨控制的立法，候選人甄選和政府開支和議程：這破壞了基礎和有效性的多元化模式。在所有重大活動的時間，大眾傳播媒介忠實地反映了政治路線的資本主義國家，理由入侵伊拉克，妖魔化伊朗和呼應國家線伊朗的核計劃，以色列對巴勒斯坦的封鎖和侵略黎巴嫩和拯救華爾街。在所有重大的事件，一個統一的大眾傳播媒介中發揮了主導作用的信息傳播的統治階級，在群眾中，不同程度的成功。

The liberal paradigm of ‘mass media determinism’ appears to have more credibility as its diagnosis of the structure of power and ownership of the MM corresponds to reality, as does its role in propagandizing the lies of the state on war and the economy. However, when we turn to the liberals’ image of MM control over mass opinion and attitudes, the assertions of all-powerful, all-controlling mass media successfully manipulating the public, these assumptions are questionable.自由主義範式的'大眾傳播媒介決定論'似乎有更多的信譽作為其診斷的權力結構和所有權的瘤符合現實，因為它的作用在於宣傳國家關於戰爭和經濟的發展。然而，當我們轉向自由派形象莫斯利控制質量的意見和態度，主張所有強大的，所有控制大眾傳播媒介成功地操縱公眾，這些假設是有疑問的。

Historically, monopoly-oligopoly control of the mass media has been unsuccessful in shaping mass attitudes and action in a number of important political contexts. This is true even in the United States. For example, despite unanimous MM support for the privatization of the Federal Social Security Program, the huge public bailout of Wall Street, the continuation of the military occupation of Iraq and military escalation in Afghanistan and the current private for profit health system, the great majority of the US public is strongly opposed to the MM line. Despite the fact that the leaders and the majorities of both ruling political parties do not reflect mass opinion, a majority of Americans have consistently backed a national, universal public health care, the withdrawal of US troops and they have vehemently opposed the Congressional support for Wall Street and the big finance industry. An analysis reveals that the MM are influential in shaping mass opinion in line with ruling class and state policies on foreign policies, particularly the war policy, at the start of a war, aggression or militarist posture before the economic and human costs are brought home to US citizens in their everyday lives. The MM is relatively ineffective when it supports domestic measures, which adversely affect the everyday socio-economic life of the mass of the American people. The MM operate most successfully when they dominate the flow and access of information, as in foreign policy, where they can fabricate, distort and emotionally charge what is heard and seen by the public. In contrast, MM ruling class propaganda is severely weakened by the evidence of empirical experience, which Americans live in relation to their health, pensions, wages and employment. Marxists would argue that particular economic conditions create a class awareness, which counterbalances the power of the MM.從歷史上看，壟斷寡頭控制的大眾傳播媒體已成功塑造大眾的態度和行動的一些重要的政治背景。這是真正即使是在美國。例如，儘管一致莫斯利支持私有化的聯邦社會安全計劃，龐大的公共救助的華爾街，繼續軍事佔領伊拉克的軍事行動升級，並在阿富汗和目前的私人利潤的保健制度，絕大多數美國公眾強烈反對莫斯利線。儘管事實上，各國領導人和多數朝野政黨不反映群眾的意見，大多數美國人一貫支持一個國家，普遍的公共保健，撤出美國軍隊，他們強烈反對國會的支持華爾街和大金融業。分析表明，莫斯利是在塑造有影響力的群眾意見符合統治階級和國家政策的外交政策，尤其是戰爭政策，開始對戰爭，侵略或軍國主義的姿態在經濟和人力費用是帶回家給美國公民在日常生活中。的MM是相對無效時，國內支持措施，這些情況嚴重影響日常的社會經濟生活質量的美國人民。莫斯利運作的最成功的當他們的流動佔主導地位和獲得的信息，如在外交政策，在這裡他們可以捏造，歪曲和感情上收費是聽到和看到受市民歡迎。相比之下，莫斯利統治階級的宣傳是嚴重削弱了證據的實證經驗，美國人的生活中他們的健康，養老金，工資和就業。馬克思主義者會爭辯，特別是經濟條件下建立一個一流的意識，這抗衡的力量毫米。

The weakness of the liberal view of the dominance of the mass media is found in its failure to take account of the impact of class contexts, the constraints of economic crises , the costs of war, the impact of downward mobility and the importance of basic social security in measuring or describing the operations of the mass media. Most liberal theory of the mass media is based on a selective view of contexts, issues, time and places to back their theory. For example, mass media and mass conformity ‘fits’ with the period of an expanding economy, upward social mobility, relative peace or less costly military interventions, particularly with regard to foreign policy issues. The MM’s long term backing for capitalism or the ‘free market’ dominates mass opinion up to the collapse of capitalism: With the crises and breakdown of the financial system and especially the loss by millions of people of their pensions, even some propagandists in the MM realize that position is indefensible. The liberal view of MM omnipotence and dominance of mass opinion is deeply flawed and fails to account for political-economic changes resulting from mass opinion which strongly deviates from MM propaganda.疲軟的自由主義觀點的主導地位的大眾傳播媒介中發現其沒有考慮到的影響，階級背景，制約經濟危機，戰爭費用的影響，向下流動的重要性和基本的社會安全衡量或描述業務的大眾傳播媒介。最自由的理論，大眾傳播媒介是基於一種選擇性意見的情況，問題，時間和地點，以他們的理論。例如，大眾媒體和大眾符合'適合'同期間不斷擴大的經濟，向上的社會流動性，相對的和平或成本較低的軍事干預，特別是關於外交政策的問題。的MM的長期支持資本主義或'自由市場'主宰了大眾輿論的崩潰資本主義：隨著危機和崩潰的金融體系，尤其是損失數以百萬計的人的退休金，甚至一些宣傳中的莫斯利實現這一立場是站不住腳的。自由主義認為莫斯利無所不能和優勢的大規模輿論的嚴重缺陷和沒有考慮到政治經濟的變化造成的大規模輿論強烈偏離莫斯利的宣傳。

The Marxist Perspective on the Mass Media馬克思主義的觀點對大眾傳播媒介

The Marxist perspective relativizes the influence of the MM making its power over the mass contingent on the degree to which the working and allied classes depend exclusively on the MM for information and for defining their political interests and social action. Marxists argue that the MM exercises maximum influence where there is little or no class organization or class struggle (like in the US). In contrast, where there is or was class organization, as in Venezuela or Bolivia, Chile in the 1970’s, and Central America in the 1980’s, the mass media have a far weaker impact on mass public opinion. Marxists argue that where there is a history and culture of working class, peasant, Indian or other class-based movements and class solidarity the ruling class/state propaganda promoted by the MM has only a weak effect. The masses have a preexistent framework, communication network and local opinion leaders, which filter out messages/propaganda that violate social/class/ethnic/national solidarity.馬克思主義的觀點relativizes的影響，莫斯利其權力的大規模特遣隊在何種程度上的工作和盟軍班完全取決於對莫斯利的信息和確定自己的政治利益和社會行動。馬克思主義認為，莫斯利演習最高那裡的影響是很少或根本沒有一流的組織或階級鬥爭（如在美國）。與此相反，在那裡，或者是一流的組織，作為在委內瑞拉或玻利維亞，智利在20世紀70年代，中美洲在1980年' s時，大眾媒體產生深遠的影響較弱的大眾輿論。馬克思主義認為，那裡是一個歷史和文化的工人階級，農民，印度或其他階級為基礎的運動和階級團結統治階級/州宣傳所提倡莫斯利只有一個弱的效果。人民群眾有一個preexistent框架，通信網絡和當地的輿論領袖，而過濾掉的郵件/宣傳，違反社會/階級/種族/民族團結。

For example, in Chile during the Presidency of Salvador Allende (1970-73), the vast majority of the print and broadcast media were violently opposed to the Democratic Socialist President—yet President Allende won the election, the left increased its vote in subsequent municipal and congressional elections based on overwhelming support from the workers, poor peasants, Indians and unemployed shanty town residents.例如，在智利期間，主席薩爾瓦多阿連德（ 1970至1973年），絕大多數的印刷和廣播媒體的強烈反對民主社會主義總統尚未總統阿連德贏得了選舉，左側增加了其在隨後的表決市政選舉和國會選舉的基礎上壓倒多數的支持，工人，貧苦農民，印第安人和失業棚戶區居民。

More recently in Venezuela, the vast majority of MM has opposed President Chavez (1998-2008) in every congressional and municipal election, yet he has won massive electoral victories. In both cases, socio-economic programs (vast increases in health and education, programs, land distribution, upward mobility, progressive income programs, nationalization of basic resources), strong class based organized support and mass mobilizations creating class consciousness undermined the effectiveness of the mass media.最近在委內瑞拉，絕大多數的莫斯利一直反對總統查韋斯（ 1998年至2008年）在每個國會和市政選舉，但他贏得了大規模的選舉勝利。在這兩種情況下，社會經濟計劃（大量增加衛生和教育，計劃，土地分配，向上流動的，漸進的收入計劃，國有化的基本資源），強大的階級基礎的組織的支持和動員群眾創造階級意識破壞的有效性大眾傳播媒介。

Throughout Latin America during the first decade of the new millennium, powerful popular movements grew in membership and organization despite the intense demonizing by all the major MM. In Brazil, the Landless Rural Workers expanded its membership and support for land occupations despite the criminalization of its activity by the MM. The same was true of the miners, workers, peasant and Indian movements in Bolivia – leading to the overthrow of MM-backed neo-liberal presidents. Similar mass uprisings overthrowing MM-backed Presidents took place in Argentina (2001) and Ecuador (2000 and 2005).整個拉丁美洲第一個十年中在新的千年，強大的群眾運動增長成員和組織，儘管激烈的妖魔化所有主要毫米。在巴西，土地的農村工人擴大了它的成員和支持土地的職業，儘管其定罪活動由毫米。也是如此的礦工，工人，農民和印第安人運動的玻利維亞-領導推翻莫斯利支持新自由主義的總統。類似的大規模起義推翻莫斯利支持的總統發生在阿根廷（ 2 001）和厄瓜多爾（ 2000年和2005年）。

These cases illustrate the contingent and circumstantial conditions, which influence MM dominance of mass opinion. There are several common conditions in all these cases:這些情況說明特遣隊和環境條件，影響莫斯利主導的大規模的意見。有幾個常見的條件在所有這些情況下：

1. History, cultural, community and family linkages may create a ‘block’or ‘filter’ on MM propaganda, especially on socio-economic issues affecting workplace, neighborhood and living standards. 1 。歷史，文化，社會和家庭的聯繫，可以建立一個' block'or '過濾器'對莫斯利的宣傳，尤其是對社會經濟問題影響工作場所，街道和生活水平。

2. Class struggle creates horizontal class bonds, especially in response to state and ruling class repression, declining living standards, concentration of wealth and mass evictions and displacement. Class struggle creates positive responses to messages reinforcing the struggle and a negative rejection to messages from publicly identified media taking the side of the ruling class. 2 。階級鬥爭創造了一流水平的債券，特別是在響應國家和統治階級的壓迫，生活水準下降，財富的集中和大規模驅逐和流離失所。階級鬥爭創造了積極的回應郵件的鬥爭中加強和消極拒絕公開信息媒體同時指出一側的統治階級。

3. Class organizations provide an alternative framework for understanding events,and for defining mass interests in class terms which resonate with their everyday experience and provide information and interpretation that counters the MM. The higher the degree of class organization, the greater class solidarity and struggle the weaker the MM impact on mass opinion. The converse is also true. Whereas in the US, trade unions are run by officials drawing $300,000 dollars or more a year, who emphasize collaboration with the bosses (and publicly reject class struggle politics) and fail to organize 93% of the private workforce, the MM have an easier time influencing mass opinion. 3 。類組織提供一種替代的框架理解的活動，並確定群眾利益的階級條件共鳴他們的日常經驗和提供信息和解釋，櫃檯的毫米。程度越高一流組織，一流的更大的團結和鬥爭較弱的莫斯利對群眾的意見。相反也是如此。鑑於在美國，工會是由官員利用三〇〇〇〇〇美元美元或更多的一年，誰強調與老闆（和公開反對階級鬥爭政治）和失敗組織93 ％的私人勞動力，在莫斯利有一個容易影響大眾的意見。

4. The stronger the alternative class networks of opinion formation, the weaker the influence of the MM. Where social movements develop local cadre, opinion leaders and community rooted activists, the less likely the masses will take their ‘cues’ on events from the formal, distant MM. In many cases the masses selectively tune into the MM for entertainment (sports, soap operas, comedies) while rejecting their news reports and editorials. Multi-generational families living in close proximity, located in homogenous occupational neighborhoods, with strong histories of class-based construction of communities generate class solidarity and social messages which come in conflict with the ruling class messages which promote ‘private initiative’ and ‘successful micro-capitalism’ or the criminalization of collective class action. Both liberal and conservative views of the MM fail to account for the class context of media receptivity and power; the pluralists understate its capacity to dominate in times of weak class organization; the liberals overstate the power of the MM by ignoring the countervailing power of class-based organization, class struggle, culture, history and family traditions and solidarity that link individuals to their class and undermine receptivity to the ruling class message of the MM. 4 。更強的替代一流的網絡輿論的形成，較弱的影響力毫米。凡社會運動發展當地的幹部，輿論領袖和社會根深蒂固的活動家，不太可能群眾將他們的'線索'事件從正規，遠處毫米。在許多情況下，人民群眾選擇性調整到毫米娛樂（體育，肥皂劇，喜劇），而拒絕它們的新聞報導和社論。多的家庭世代居住在靠近設在居民區同質職業，具有很強的歷史階級為基礎的社區建設創造一流的團結和社會信息而發生衝突的統治階級的訊息，促進私人主動'和'成功的微型資本主義'或定罪的集體訴訟。兩個自由派與保守派的意見莫斯利無法解釋的階級背景的媒體接受和權力;的pluralists低估其能力，以佔主導地位的時候一流的組織薄弱;自由派誇大的力量莫斯利無視抵銷力量的階級為基礎的組織，階級鬥爭，歷史，文化和家庭傳統和團結，聯繫個人的階級和破壞接受統治階級發出的信息毫米。

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Mass Media and Mass Politics大眾傳播媒介和大眾政治