大众传播媒介和大众政治

Thursday, November 6th, 2008 星期四， 2008年11月6号

By James Petras |詹姆斯佩特拉斯|

The role of the mass media (MM) in influencing mass and class behavior has been a central concern among critical writers, especially since the turn of the Twentieth century. Debates and studies on the MM have focused on its political bias, ownership and links to big business, relationships and ties to the state, relative openness and diversity, promotion of wars and corporate interests among other major issues affecting the relations of power, wealth and empire. Of particular interest to writers opposing and supporting the role of the MM is the impact of the MM in influencing mass outlook, opinions and behaviors. Essays, monographs and empirical studies have been published as to the extent of MM influence, the time frame in which it retains control, the ‘depth’ of loyalty to MM inculcated opinions, and the ‘place’ in which MM messages have the greatest influence in inducing mass opinion in conformity with ruling class interests.的作用，大众传播媒介（毫米），影响质量和一流的行为一直是中央关注的重要作家，尤其是自之交的二十世纪。辩论和研究莫斯利都集中在其政治偏见，所有权和联系大企业，关系和联系的状态，相对的开放性和多样性，促进战争和公司利益的其他重大问题影响的关系，权力，财富和帝国。特别感兴趣的作家反对和支持的作用， MM是影响毫米，影响群众观，意见和行为。论文集，专着和实证研究已发表的程度莫斯利的影响力，时限，其中保留了控制， '深入'的忠诚，莫斯利灌输的意见，和'地方' ，其中莫斯利的信息影响最大诱导群众意见符合统治阶级的利益。

An understanding of the role and power of the MM in contemporary capitalist society requires us to organize the debate according to three major schools – conservative, liberal and Marxist – before proceeding to a critical analysis and finally presenting notes towards setting alternatives to elite-controlled communications networks.理解的作用和力量，莫斯利在当代资本主义社会，要求我们组织的辩论按照三个主要的学校-保守，自由主义和马克思主义-然后再进行严谨的分析，最后提出对设置注意到替代精英控制的通信网络。

Competing Paradigms: Conservative, Liberal and Marxist竞争范式：保守党，自由党和马克思主义

There are three paradigms on the role, power and relation of the mass media to mass opinion and action: the conservative, liberal and Marxist.有三种模式中的作用，权力和关系，大众媒体的大规模舆论和行动：保守的，自由和马克思主义者。

The Conservative, or ‘pluralist’ paradigm, propagated largely by US and European social scientists emphasizes the multiple voices, competing networks and outlets and diversity of opinions. The conservative – ‘pluralists’, contend that even if the ownership of the mass media is concentrated and its message biased in favor of the status quo, the mass media are simply one ‘resource’, countered by other ‘resources’ such as ‘large numbers’ of low income voters. Though conceding the unequal access to the mass media between labor and capital, pro-war regimes and anti-war opposition, they argue the opposition does have some outlets, numerous writers and publicists: Control over the mass media is ‘unequal but dispersed’. Moreover, they argue, that with the growth of the internet, there are multiple sources of information, and the mass media monopoly has been severely diluted, in effect ‘democratizing’ the ‘communication system’. The more astute pluralist ideologues cite empirical studies, which show that most individuals’ views are shaped by their family, friends and neighbors – face-to-face relations, much more so than the ‘impersonal media’. In summary, the conservative argue there is no all powerful mass media power elite, and to the extent that it exists, it is counterbalanced by alternative media, local opinion and its own tolerance of diverse and competing opinions.保守的，或'多元化'的范例，宣传主要由美国和欧洲的社会科学家强调多种声音，竞争的网络和渠道和不同的意见。保守的-' p luralists' ，认为即使拥有大众传播媒介集中和它的信息偏袒现状，大众传播媒介只是一个'资源' ，对付其他的资源，如'大量'的低收入选民。虽然让步的机会不平等大众传播媒介之间的劳动和资本，有利于政权的战争和反战争的反对，他们认为反对党也有一些商店，有许多作家和公关：控制大众传播媒介是'不平等的，但分散' 。此外，他们认为，这与增长的互联网有多种来源的信息，和大众媒体的垄断受到了严重削弱，实际上'民主化'的'通信系统。更精明的多元化理论家举实证研究，结果表明，大多数人的观点是状其家庭，朋友和邻居-面对面的关系，以便更比'客观的媒体。总之，保守的主张没有任何所有强大的大众传播媒介权力精英，以及在多大程度上它的存在，这是抵消其他媒体，地方的意见和自己的容忍不同和竞争的意见。

The Liberal Paradigm of the Mass Media自由主义范式的大众传播媒介

The liberal paradigm describes the MM as the key instrument of ruling class domination in a liberal democracy. Beginning with a historical account of the concentration of ownership in the hands of a small number of corporations interlocked with business and the state, the MM is seen as an essential component in the ‘system of control’ which perpetuates the ruling class and empire-building by its control and indoctrination of mass opinion. The majority are converted into a malleable mass, induced to conformity to the interests and policies of the ruling class, thus preventing change and perpetuating the rule by the corporate elite. For the liberals the top-down control by the mass media explains the ‘paradox’ of a highly unequal, military-driven empire in the context of a free and democratic political system. The principle role of the academics is to convince other academics to unmask the media, to expose its fabrications, deceptions and hypocrisy, by emphasizing the ‘contradictions’ between ‘our’ democratic values and the lies of the powerful. The more radical version of the ‘liberal’ view of the mass media attributes the high degree of consensus between elite and masses in the United States to the omnipresence and omniscience of the mass media.自由主义范式描述了莫斯利的关键手段统治阶级统治的自由民主。从历史到了所有权集中手中的一小部分企业互锁与企业和国家， MM是被视为一个基本组成部分中的'控制系统'的长期统治阶级和帝国建设，其控制和灌输大众的意见。多数是转换成可锻铸质量，符合诱导的利益和政策的统治阶级，从而防止变化和延续规则的企业精英。对于自由派自上而下的控制，大众传播媒介解释了'悖论'的高度不平等，军事驱动的帝国在一个自由和民主的政治系统。原则作用的学者是说服其他学者揭露媒体，揭露其谎言，欺骗和虚伪性，强调了'矛盾'与'我们的'民主价值观和谎言的强大。更为激进的版本的'自由派认为大众媒体的属性的高度共识，精英和人民群众在美国的无所不在和全知的大众传播媒介。

Marxist Critique马克思主义的批判

The Marxist approach to the mass media begins necessarily with a critique of the conservative and liberal perspectives. Against the conservative critique, it points out that ‘power’ is not a disembodied resource but a relationship in which the owners of wealth and power can multiply and accumulate political and economic assets. The presumption that ‘everyone’ or all groups can have some influence overlooks the fact that ownership of the means of communication is linked to other powerful economic groups, which wield power over banks, investment, trust funds, and these, in turn, influence political leaders and parties controlling legislation, candidate selection and government spending and agendas: this undermines the foundations and validity of the pluralist paradigm. On all the major events of our time, the mass media loyally echoed the political line of the capitalist state, justifying the invasion of Iraq, the demonizing of Iran and echoing the state line on Iran’s nuclear program, Israel’s blockade of Palestine and invasion of Lebanon and the bailout of Wall Street. In all the major events, a unified mass media played a leading role in propagating the message of the ruling class, among the masses, with varying degrees of success.马克思主义的办法，大众传播媒介开始不一定与批判的保守和自由派的观点。反对保守的批评，但指出，权力'是不是一个disembodied资源的关系，但在其中的业主财富和权力，并能繁殖积累的政治和经济的资产。推定'大家'或所有团体可以有一定的影响忽略了一个事实，拥有的通讯手段与其它强大的经济集团，其中掌权的银行，投资，信托基金，这些反过来，影响政治领导人和政党控制的立法，候选人甄选和政府开支和议程：这破坏了基础和有效性的多元化模式。在所有重大活动的时间，大众传播媒介忠实地反映了政治路线的资本主义国家，理由入侵伊拉克，妖魔化伊朗和呼应国家线伊朗的核计划，以色列对巴勒斯坦的封锁和侵略黎巴嫩和拯救华尔街。在所有重大的事件，一个统一的大众传播媒介中发挥了主导作用的信息传播的统治阶级，在群众中，不同程度的成功。

The liberal paradigm of ‘mass media determinism’ appears to have more credibility as its diagnosis of the structure of power and ownership of the MM corresponds to reality, as does its role in propagandizing the lies of the state on war and the economy. However, when we turn to the liberals’ image of MM control over mass opinion and attitudes, the assertions of all-powerful, all-controlling mass media successfully manipulating the public, these assumptions are questionable.自由主义范式的'大众传播媒介决定论'似乎有更多的信誉作为其诊断的权力结构和所有权的瘤符合现实，因为它的作用在于宣传国家关于战争和经济的发展。然而，当我们转向自由派形象莫斯利控制质量的意见和态度，主张所有强大的，所有控制大众传播媒介成功地操纵公众，这些假设是有疑问的。

Historically, monopoly-oligopoly control of the mass media has been unsuccessful in shaping mass attitudes and action in a number of important political contexts. This is true even in the United States. For example, despite unanimous MM support for the privatization of the Federal Social Security Program, the huge public bailout of Wall Street, the continuation of the military occupation of Iraq and military escalation in Afghanistan and the current private for profit health system, the great majority of the US public is strongly opposed to the MM line. Despite the fact that the leaders and the majorities of both ruling political parties do not reflect mass opinion, a majority of Americans have consistently backed a national, universal public health care, the withdrawal of US troops and they have vehemently opposed the Congressional support for Wall Street and the big finance industry. An analysis reveals that the MM are influential in shaping mass opinion in line with ruling class and state policies on foreign policies, particularly the war policy, at the start of a war, aggression or militarist posture before the economic and human costs are brought home to US citizens in their everyday lives. The MM is relatively ineffective when it supports domestic measures, which adversely affect the everyday socio-economic life of the mass of the American people. The MM operate most successfully when they dominate the flow and access of information, as in foreign policy, where they can fabricate, distort and emotionally charge what is heard and seen by the public. In contrast, MM ruling class propaganda is severely weakened by the evidence of empirical experience, which Americans live in relation to their health, pensions, wages and employment. Marxists would argue that particular economic conditions create a class awareness, which counterbalances the power of the MM.从历史上看，垄断寡头控制的大众传播媒体已成功塑造大众的态度和行动的一些重要的政治背景。这是真正即使是在美国。例如，尽管一致莫斯利支持私有化的联邦社会安全计划，庞大的公共救助的华尔街，继续军事占领伊拉克的军事行动升级，并在阿富汗和目前的私人利润的保健制度，绝大多数美国公众强烈反对莫斯利线。尽管事实上，各国领导人和多数朝野政党不反映群众的意见，大多数美国人一贯支持一个国家，普遍的公共保健，撤出美国军队，他们强烈反对国会的支持华尔街和大金融业。分析表明，莫斯利是在塑造有影响力的群众意见符合统治阶级和国家政策的外交政策，尤其是战争政策，开始对战争，侵略或军国主义的姿态在经济和人力费用是带回家给美国公民在日常生活中。的MM是相对无效时，国内支持措施，这些情况严重影响日常的社会经济生活质量的美国人民。莫斯利运作的最成功的当他们的流动占主导地位和获得的信息，如在外交政策，在这里他们可以捏造，歪曲和感情上收费是听到和看到受市民欢迎。相比之下，莫斯利统治阶级的宣传是严重削弱了证据的实证经验，美国人的生活中他们的健康，养老金，工资和就业。马克思主义者会争辩，特别是经济条件下建立一个一流的意识，这抗衡的力量毫米。

The weakness of the liberal view of the dominance of the mass media is found in its failure to take account of the impact of class contexts, the constraints of economic crises , the costs of war, the impact of downward mobility and the importance of basic social security in measuring or describing the operations of the mass media. Most liberal theory of the mass media is based on a selective view of contexts, issues, time and places to back their theory. For example, mass media and mass conformity ‘fits’ with the period of an expanding economy, upward social mobility, relative peace or less costly military interventions, particularly with regard to foreign policy issues. The MM’s long term backing for capitalism or the ‘free market’ dominates mass opinion up to the collapse of capitalism: With the crises and breakdown of the financial system and especially the loss by millions of people of their pensions, even some propagandists in the MM realize that position is indefensible. The liberal view of MM omnipotence and dominance of mass opinion is deeply flawed and fails to account for political-economic changes resulting from mass opinion which strongly deviates from MM propaganda.疲软的自由主义观点的主导地位的大众传播媒介中发现其没有考虑到的影响，阶级背景，制约经济危机，战争费用的影响，向下流动的重要性和基本的社会安全衡量或描述业务的大众传播媒介。最自由的理论，大众传播媒介是基于一种选择性意见的情况，问题，时间和地点，以他们的理论。例如，大众媒体和大众符合'适合'同期间不断扩大的经济，向上的社会流动性，相对的和平或成本较低的军事干预，特别是关于外交政策的问题。的MM的长期支持资本主义或'自由市场'主宰了大众舆论的崩溃资本主义：随着危机和崩溃的金融体系，尤其是损失数以百万计的人的退休金，甚至一些宣传中的莫斯利实现这一立场是站不住脚的。自由主义认为莫斯利无所不能和优势的大规模舆论的严重缺陷和没有考虑到政治经济的变化造成的大规模舆论强烈偏离莫斯利的宣传。

The Marxist Perspective on the Mass Media马克思主义的观点对大众传播媒介

The Marxist perspective relativizes the influence of the MM making its power over the mass contingent on the degree to which the working and allied classes depend exclusively on the MM for information and for defining their political interests and social action. Marxists argue that the MM exercises maximum influence where there is little or no class organization or class struggle (like in the US). In contrast, where there is or was class organization, as in Venezuela or Bolivia, Chile in the 1970’s, and Central America in the 1980’s, the mass media have a far weaker impact on mass public opinion. Marxists argue that where there is a history and culture of working class, peasant, Indian or other class-based movements and class solidarity the ruling class/state propaganda promoted by the MM has only a weak effect. The masses have a preexistent framework, communication network and local opinion leaders, which filter out messages/propaganda that violate social/class/ethnic/national solidarity.马克思主义的观点relativizes的影响，莫斯利其权力的大规模特遣队在何种程度上的工作和盟军班完全取决于对莫斯利的信息和确定自己的政治利益和社会行动。马克思主义认为，莫斯利演习最高那里的影响是很少或根本没有一流的组织或阶级斗争（如在美国）。与此相反，在那里，或者是一流的组织，作为在委内瑞拉或玻利维亚，智利在20世纪70年代，中美洲在1980年' s时，大众媒体产生深远的影响较弱的大众舆论。马克思主义认为，那里是一个历史和文化的工人阶级，农民，印度或其他阶级为基础的运动和阶级团结统治阶级/州宣传所提倡莫斯利只有一个弱的效果。人民群众有一个preexistent框架，通信网络和当地的舆论领袖，而过滤掉的邮件/宣传，违反社会/阶级/种族/民族团结。

For example, in Chile during the Presidency of Salvador Allende (1970-73), the vast majority of the print and broadcast media were violently opposed to the Democratic Socialist President—yet President Allende won the election, the left increased its vote in subsequent municipal and congressional elections based on overwhelming support from the workers, poor peasants, Indians and unemployed shanty town residents.例如，在智利期间，主席萨尔瓦多阿连德（ 1970至1973年），绝大多数的印刷和广播媒体的强烈反对民主社会主义总统尚未总统阿连德赢得了选举，左侧增加了其在随后的表决市政选举和国会选举的基础上压倒多数的支持，工人，贫苦农民，印第安人和失业棚户区居民。

More recently in Venezuela, the vast majority of MM has opposed President Chavez (1998-2008) in every congressional and municipal election, yet he has won massive electoral victories. In both cases, socio-economic programs (vast increases in health and education, programs, land distribution, upward mobility, progressive income programs, nationalization of basic resources), strong class based organized support and mass mobilizations creating class consciousness undermined the effectiveness of the mass media.最近在委内瑞拉，绝大多数的莫斯利一直反对总统查韦斯（ 1998年至2008年）在每个国会和市政选举，但他赢得了大规模的选举胜利。在这两种情况下，社会经济计划（大量增加卫生和教育，计划，土地分配，向上流动的，渐进的收入计划，国有化的基本资源），强大的阶级基础的组织的支持和动员群众创造阶级意识破坏的有效性大众传播媒介。

Throughout Latin America during the first decade of the new millennium, powerful popular movements grew in membership and organization despite the intense demonizing by all the major MM. In Brazil, the Landless Rural Workers expanded its membership and support for land occupations despite the criminalization of its activity by the MM. The same was true of the miners, workers, peasant and Indian movements in Bolivia – leading to the overthrow of MM-backed neo-liberal presidents. Similar mass uprisings overthrowing MM-backed Presidents took place in Argentina (2001) and Ecuador (2000 and 2005).整个拉丁美洲第一个十年中在新的千年，强大的群众运动增长成员和组织，尽管激烈的妖魔化所有主要毫米。在巴西，土地的农村工人扩大了它的成员和支持土地的职业，尽管其定罪活动由毫米。也是如此的矿工，工人，农民和印第安人运动的玻利维亚-领导推翻莫斯利支持新自由主义的总统。类似的大规模起义推翻莫斯利支持的总统发生在阿根廷（ 2 001）和厄瓜多尔（ 2000年和2005年）。

These cases illustrate the contingent and circumstantial conditions, which influence MM dominance of mass opinion. There are several common conditions in all these cases:这些情况说明特遣队和环境条件，影响莫斯利主导的大规模的意见。有几个常见的条件在所有这些情况下：

1. History, cultural, community and family linkages may create a ‘block’or ‘filter’ on MM propaganda, especially on socio-economic issues affecting workplace, neighborhood and living standards. 1 。历史，文化，社会和家庭的联系，可以建立一个' block'or '过滤器'对莫斯利的宣传，尤其是对社会经济问题影响工作场所，街道和生活水平。

2. Class struggle creates horizontal class bonds, especially in response to state and ruling class repression, declining living standards, concentration of wealth and mass evictions and displacement. Class struggle creates positive responses to messages reinforcing the struggle and a negative rejection to messages from publicly identified media taking the side of the ruling class. 2 。阶级斗争创造了一流水平的债券，特别是在响应国家和统治阶级的压迫，生活水准下降，财富的集中和大规模驱逐和流离失所。阶级斗争创造了积极的回应邮件的斗争中加强和消极拒绝公开信息媒体同时指出一侧的统治阶级。

3. Class organizations provide an alternative framework for understanding events,and for defining mass interests in class terms which resonate with their everyday experience and provide information and interpretation that counters the MM. The higher the degree of class organization, the greater class solidarity and struggle the weaker the MM impact on mass opinion. The converse is also true. Whereas in the US, trade unions are run by officials drawing $300,000 dollars or more a year, who emphasize collaboration with the bosses (and publicly reject class struggle politics) and fail to organize 93% of the private workforce, the MM have an easier time influencing mass opinion. 3 。类组织提供一种替代的框架理解的活动，并确定群众利益的阶级条件共鸣他们的日常经验和提供信息和解释，柜台的毫米。程度越高一流组织，一流的更大的团结和斗争较弱的莫斯利对群众的意见。相反也是如此。鉴于在美国，工会是由官员利用三十万美元美元或更多的一年，谁强调与老板（和公开反对阶级斗争政治）和失败组织93 ％的私人劳动力，在莫斯利有一个容易影响大众的意见。

4. The stronger the alternative class networks of opinion formation, the weaker the influence of the MM. Where social movements develop local cadre, opinion leaders and community rooted activists, the less likely the masses will take their ‘cues’ on events from the formal, distant MM. In many cases the masses selectively tune into the MM for entertainment (sports, soap operas, comedies) while rejecting their news reports and editorials. Multi-generational families living in close proximity, located in homogenous occupational neighborhoods, with strong histories of class-based construction of communities generate class solidarity and social messages which come in conflict with the ruling class messages which promote ‘private initiative’ and ‘successful micro-capitalism’ or the criminalization of collective class action. Both liberal and conservative views of the MM fail to account for the class context of media receptivity and power; the pluralists understate its capacity to dominate in times of weak class organization; the liberals overstate the power of the MM by ignoring the countervailing power of class-based organization, class struggle, culture, history and family traditions and solidarity that link individuals to their class and undermine receptivity to the ruling class message of the MM. 4 。更强的替代一流的网络舆论的形成，较弱的影响力毫米。凡社会运动发展当地的干部，舆论领袖和社会根深蒂固的活动家，不太可能群众将他们的'线索'事件从正规，远处毫米。在许多情况下，人民群众选择性调整到毫米娱乐（体育，肥皂剧，喜剧），而拒绝它们的新闻报道和社论。多的家庭世代居住在靠近设在居民区同质职业，具有很强的历史阶级为基础的社区建设创造一流的团结和社会信息而发生冲突的统治阶级的讯息，促进私人主动'和'成功的微型资本主义'或定罪的集体诉讼。两个自由派与保守派的意见莫斯利无法解释的阶级背景的媒体接受和权力;的pluralists低估其能力，以占主导地位的时候一流的组织薄弱;自由派夸大的力量莫斯利无视抵销力量的阶级为基础的组织，阶级斗争，历史，文化和家庭传统和团结，联系个人的阶级和破坏接受统治阶级发出的信息毫米。

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