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Tuesday, July 1st, 2008 週二， 2008年7月1日

Socialist Review社會主義檢討 | It’s hard to remember that only nine months ago 1 May was projected as a likely general election day. |它的強硬要記住，只有9個月前， 5月1日，預計作為一個可能的一般選舉日。 Then, the theory went, Gordon Brown would be able to take Labour to a fourth election victory, strengthen his position as elected prime minister and continue for another four or five years.然後，理論每到一地，財政大臣布朗將能夠採取勞工，以第四次大選的勝利，鞏固他的地位，作為民選總理，並繼續為另外四或五年。 Brown was at that time – again hard to remember – enjoying a honeymoon following the unlamented departure of Tony Blair.布朗是在那個時間-再次努力記住-享受的蜜月之後，u n lamented離境的托尼布萊爾。

Instead the local elections in parts of England, Wales and London on 1 May, alongside the Crewe and Nantwich by-election, were terrible defeats for Labour.相反，地方選舉在部分英格蘭，威爾士和倫敦5月1日，伴隨著crewe和nantwich由選舉，被可怕的失敗，為勞工。 On the basis of these results, the Tories would have a 116 majority in parliament if there were a general election now.在此基礎上的這些結果，保守黨將有116多數在議會中如果有一換屆選舉。 We can therefore be pretty certain that there will be no election, if Labour has anything to do with it, until late in this parliament.因此，我們可以相當肯定的是，將不會有任何選舉，如果勞工有什麼用它做，直到晚在這個議會。

These elections mark a watershed in a number of ways.這些選舉標誌著一個分水嶺，在若干方面。 Most importantly, they presage the return of a Tory government for the first time in more than a decade.最重要的是，他們預示著返回一個保守黨政府為第一次在十年以上。 May also saw the election of a Tory mayor, after eight years in office for Ken Livingstone, who won first as an independent against Labour in 2000, and then as the Labour candidate four years later.也可以看到選舉一名保守黨市長， 8年後，在辦公室利文斯通，誰贏得了第一次作為一個獨立的對勞工在2000年，然後作為勞工的候選人，四年後。 Alongside the election of Boris Johnson, the fascist BNP won a seat on the London Assembly.除了選舉鮑里斯約翰遜，法西斯法國贏得了一個席位的倫敦大會。

None of this is good news for the left.沒有這是一個好消息，為左。 While some right wing candidates made advances in the London elections (the notable exceptions being UKIP and the English Democrats) candidates from the Lib Dems leftwards either lost votes or only just maintained their previous ground (as in the case of the Greens).而一些右翼候選人取得了進展，在倫敦的選舉（顯著的例外被ukip和英語同盟）的候選人，自由民主黨leftwards要么失去選票，或只是維持其先前的地面（如在案件綠黨） 。

It would, however, be a mistake to see the result as simply a shift to the right.它將但是，是一個錯誤，看看結果作為根本轉向的權利。 Much more it represented a collapse of support for Labour with the Tories being the main beneficiaries.更為它代表了崩潰的支持，勞工與保守黨正的主要受益者。 Why did that happen?為什麼這種情況發生呢？ Firstly, the election as a whole was fought on the basis of right wing politics.第一，選舉作為一個整體，是爭取在此基礎上的右翼政治。 Crime and immigration dominated the issues being discussed, and this was a deliberate decision on the part of the main parties.犯罪和移民佔主導地位的問題正在討論，這是一個深思熟慮的決定對部分主要當事方。 When that happens it is much harder for a space to the left to open up, especially when Labour goes along with the consensus of more police on the streets and being tougher on crime.當這種情況發生，這是困難得多一個空間，以左邊的開放，尤其是當勞工雲隨的共識，更多的警察在街上被更嚴厲的關於犯罪。

More fundamentally, traditional Labour voters were punishing Labour for the 10p tax, the rise of food and utility prices, the housing crisis and much more besides.更根本的，傳統的勞工選民懲治勞工為10便士稅，增加糧食和公用事業價格，住房危機和更為此外。 In the circumstances of a right wing and unpopular Labour government, staggering on after 11 wasted years, it is unsurprising that some voters saw little difference between Labour and the Tories.在這種情況下的一個右翼勢力和不受歡迎的工黨政府，對後，驚人的浪費了11年，這是unsurprising說，有些選民認為差別不大勞動和保守黨。

It is instructive to consider two feature articles which both appeared on the same day a week after the election results.這是有啟發性考慮兩篇專題文章，其中都出現在同一天，一個星期後，選舉結果。 One, by Ken Livingstone in the Guardian , heralded his support for and in the City of London.一，利文斯通在監護人的，預示著他的支持和在倫敦金融城。 The second, by David Cameron in the Independent , appealed to all those who were progressive on green or equality issues to join the Tories.第二，由朱金馬倫在獨立 ，呼籲所有那些誰被逐步對綠色或平等問題加入保守黨。 No wonder voters were confused.怪不得選民混淆。

At the same time as these electoral gains for the right, there was another story during the election period.在同一時間，因為這些選舉的收益權，還有一個故事，在選舉期間。 Teachers, lecturers and civil servants struck and demonstrated on 24 April.教師，講師和公務員架構，並展示了4月24日。 The demonstrations on that day were some of the youngest and most militant workers’ demonstrations for at least a generation.遊行示威，這一天被一些年輕的和最激進的工人示威，在至少一個世代。

The carnival held in London’s Victoria Park the weekend before the elections attracted 100,000 in opposition to the BNP .嘉年華會在倫敦舉行的維多利亞公園週末的大選前吸引了10.0萬，在反對以法國 。

Immigration 入境事務處

In addition, there is no evidence that attitudes on a range of issues – from privatisation to war – have changed in the course of the election or that the results are likely to lead to such a change of views.此外，還有沒有證據表明的態度，就一系列問題-從私有化的戰爭-已改變在這個過程中的選舉，或結果很可能導致這種變化的意見。 In many instances the general public remains to the left of politicians on these questions and on many more.在許多情況一般市民仍然是左側的政客在這些問題上和在許多更多。 There is one major exception to this – immigration.有一個重大的例外，這一點-入境。

The consensus here is much more right wing, with even those who claim to be anti-racist and pro-diversity (which even Tories like Johnson now boast) saying that there have to be limits on immigration.的共識，這是更為右翼，甚至那些誰自稱為反種族主義和親多樣性（甚至保守黨一樣，約翰遜現在誇耀）說，有被限制，入境事務處。 Or, as it’s sometimes put, “the country’s full up”.或者，因為它的有時， “該國的充分” 。 This, plus the growing wave of Islamophobia, has given a base for the BNP to grow.這一點，再加上日益增長的波伊斯蘭恐懼症，給予了相應的為法國增長。 Even liberal opinion has played its part in this.即使是自由的意見，發揮了它的一部分，在這方面。 The BBC’s White Season showed a concern for the “white working class” not evident when reporting strikes, or the class bias in education, or the housing crisis.英國廣播公司的白色季節表明，關注的“白人工人階層”並不明顯匯報時，罷工，或階級偏見，在教育，或住房危機。

Even in the case of the BNP vote, however, it is clear that for many it represented a protest against the Labour government by people who felt they had been ignored or left behind by Labour.即使是在案件的銀行進行表決，不過，很顯然，對於許多它代表了抗議工黨政府的人誰覺得他們被忽視或所遺留下來的勞工。 That does not mean we should dismiss the vote.這並不意味著我們應該解僱表決。 While the proportion of the vote was not much higher than four years ago, the absolute number of votes was higher, and the election of an assembly member for the BNP gives them a profile and a level of confidence which they have not had in London for many years.而比例的選票並不遠高於四年前，絕對的選票數目較高，和選舉大會的成員為法國讓他們有一個形象和某種程度的信心，他們沒有在倫敦為許多年。

The BNP vote also highlights the contradictory nature of the politics in the recent elections.在法國投票還突出強調了矛盾的性質，政治，在最近的選舉。 There is a sense of frustration and disgust with the policies of the mainstream parties and politicians, who are widely seen as corrupt and only in it for themselves, and this sentiment can be channelled in different directions.有一種感覺沮喪和反感與政策的主流政黨和政界人士，誰被廣泛視為舞弊及只有在它為自己，這種情緒可以輸送不同的方向。 In these last elections the main beneficiaries were right wing parties, particularly over the question of immigration.在這些上次選舉中的主要受益者，被右翼政黨，特別是移民問題。 But this was at least partly because the main parties have taken up and promoted anti-immigrant policies.不過，這是至少部分原因是主要當事方已採取行動，推動反移民政策。

Most shamefully, New Labour continued to do so in the Crewe and Nantwich by-election, held just weeks after the local elections.最可恥，新的勞工繼續這樣做，在crewe和nantwich由選舉，舉行了僅數週後，地方選舉。 Literature for the Labour candidate highlighted “concerns” over immigration and invited voters to consider, “What do you think is the biggest problem facing the area?” offering “immigration” as a tick box reply.文學為勞工候選人強調的“關切”入境，並邀請選民的考慮， “您怎麼看，是面臨的最大問題領域的呢？ ”要約“移民” ，作為一個剔框的答复。

The left failed to meet the challenge presented by this election.左邊的失敗，迎接挑戰，由本次選舉。 In London it became a Boris and Ken show, with little substantive differences on most policies, and some of those not to Labour’s advantage (for example on ID cards or conductors on buses).在倫敦成為鮑里斯和Ken顯示，很少有實質性分歧，大部分的政策，和一些人不勞動的優勢（例如身份證或導體在巴士上） 。 The other parties were squeezed, especially UKIP whose vote fell most dramatically from over 100,000 to just over 20,000 and who lost two seats previously held on the assembly; and the vote I received in 2004 for Respect at around 61,000 first preferences fell to under 17,000 this time.其他各方擠，特別是ukip其投票下降最顯著，從10.0萬到剛剛超過20000 ，誰失去了兩個議席，先前舉行的大會;和表決，我收到在2004年為尊重在61000左右，第一偏好，下跌至17000 ，根據這時間。 It’s clear that many voters did not want to risk voting for a smaller party for mayor in case it led to the defeat of their favoured candidate.很明顯，許多選民不想投票的風險較小，黨市長的情況下它導致的失敗，他們贊成的人選。

While this squeeze affected the votes for mayor, the split in Respect and the divisions on the left did no one any favours in the list elections when they were in direct competition.雖然這擠壓受影響的選票，市長，分裂，在尊重和分歧就在左邊沒有任何人的任何有利於在清單中選舉時，他們在直接的競爭。 The left vote was therefore split in London, with neither the Left List nor George Galloway’s Respect getting close to winning.左邊的表決，因此分裂，在倫敦，無論是左的名單，也不喬治加洛韋的尊重，貼近得獎。 There was clearly great confusion over the name.顯然存在很大混亂，超過的名稱。 In addition, any division leads to political confusion with some people taking the view that they will vote for neither.此外，任何分工導致政治混亂，與一些人以認為，他們會投贊成票兩者都不是。 The Left List vote was disappointing.左邊的名單進行表決，令人失望。 It is clear that the weeks which we had to publicise a new name were not sufficient and that some people voted for Respect thinking they were voting for us.這是明確指出，週，我們要宣傳一個新的名稱並不足夠，而且有些人投贊成票，尊重思想，他們為我們投票。

It was, however, right to stand in the elections.然而，它的權利的立場，在選舉中。 When we took part in hustings we made a real impact, helped to pull the campaign to the left and put distinctive policies on housing, crime and immigration onto the agenda.當我們參加了在hustings ，我們作出了真正的影響，有助於拉動運動到左邊，把鮮明的政策對住房，犯罪和移民上日程。 We were also able to intervene around the teachers’ strikes and against the BNP putting a political alternative.我們還能夠進行干預左右，教師罷工和對銀行施加的政治選擇。 It would have been wrong to take part in an election campaign where no one challenged the dominant consensus.它將已採取錯誤的一部分，在競選活動的地方，沒有人質疑，佔主導地位的共識。

At the same time, it was also right not to put all our emphasis on elections.在同一時間內，它也有權不把所有我們的重點放在選舉。 Elections are a very useful snapshot of consciousness among working class people at any one time, but they don’t tell the whole story.選舉是一個非常有用的快照意識，勞工階層的人在任何一個時間，但他們並沒有告訴整個故事。 Of necessity, they reflect the past more than the present in the sense that people still vote mostly on past loyalties or on issues which particular parties have or have not taken up in the past.有必要的，它們反映了過去較目前在意義上仍有人投票，大多是對過去的忠誠或對問題，特別是當事方，或沒有採取的行動在過去的。 The different groups of workers going on strike over pay, or the 100,000 who attended the carnival, or those becoming radicalised over the banking and economic crisis and the high cost of food and commodities, or the students who have campaigned for fighting unions, have a specific weight regardless of if or how they vote.不同類別的工人罷工的薪酬，或100000誰出席了嘉年華會，或在那些成為激進超過銀行業和經濟危機和成本高的食物和商品，或學生誰有競選的戰鬥工會，有一個具體的重量，無論如果或他們如何投票。

Any socialist or left organisation has to relate to them, as well as to ethnic minorities suffering immigration raids, or the Muslim community suffering racism and attacks on civil liberties.任何社會主義或離開組織，要涉及到他們，以及為少數族裔人士的痛苦入境事務處進行掃蕩行動，或穆斯林社區的痛苦，種族主義和攻擊，對公民自由。 Opposition to the war continues, as does defence of women’s rights, especially over abortion and the reactionary attempt to reduce the time limit.反對戰爭繼續下去，作為是否捍衛婦女權利，特別是在墮胎和反動的企圖，以減少時間限制。 The outcome of the various struggles that take place in the coming months can have a greater impact on the balance of class forces, on people’s lives and their willingness to engage in further struggle than where they put their cross on a ballot paper.結果，各種鬥爭，採取的地方，在未來的幾個月中能有一個更大的影響平衡的階級力量，對人民的生命和他們願意進行進一步的鬥爭比他們把十字架的一張選票。

Where does the left go from here?那麼，左何去何從？ Firstly, this is a time when many on the left want to discuss why Livingstone lost, whether a Tory government is inevitable and how the left can organise to defend ourselves.首先，這是一個時間的時候，許多在左邊要討論，為什麼利文斯通遺失，是否保守黨政府是無可避免的，以及如何離開，可以舉辦，以保衛自己。 We have had nearly a decade when the movement has seemed on the rise, since Seattle in 1999, and this is a reverse which requires explanation and serious analysis if it is not to lead some to despair.我們已將近十年，當運動，似乎在上升，因為在1999年的西雅圖，這是一個扭轉，需要解釋，並認真分析，如果不是導致一些絕望。

Secondly, we have to engage in activity which can counter despair and point a way forward for the left: whether against fascism, for higher pay or over housing needs.第二，我們要從事的活動可以反絕望和A點的前進方向，左：是否反對法西斯，而薪酬較高的僱員或以上的房屋需求。 But that activity on its own is not enough.但這項活動對自己是不夠的。 We also need political solutions to the major ideological and political questions that face us.我們還需要政治解決的重大思想政治問題，我們面臨的。 Socialists are well placed to do this: we have a set of ideas which attempt to understand the world in order to change it, also because we take a wider view of the working class movement.社會主義者都是有利的位置，做到這一點：我們有一整套想法，企圖了解世界，為了改變它，也是因為我們採取更廣泛的意見，廣大勞工階層的運動。

The crucial questions facing the movement today are how do we develop successful struggles and how do we build an alternative to Labour which has so badly failed generations of working people?關鍵的問題，所面臨的運動，今天我們如何發展成功的鬥爭，以及我們如何建立一個替代勞工，其中有這麼嚴重失敗幾代勞動人民的呢？ The election results were bad for the left overall in London – although even here there were some very good votes in north and east London which show the left can present an alternative – but in parts of the country the results were extremely good, for example in Sheffield and Preston.選舉結果壞左整體在倫敦-儘管這裡有一些很好的選票，在北部和東部的倫敦，顯示左側可以替代目前的一- ，但在該國部分地區，結果非常好，例如在謝菲爾德和Preston 。 Other results, for example the anti-academies councillors in Barrow, who won four seats, show there is space to the left of Labour that needs to be filled.其他比賽結果，例如反院校議員在鮑磊，誰贏得了四個席位，顯示有空間，以左側的勞動，需要加以填補。

That is why it would be a mistake to abandon the electoral field, and why the Left List should continue to organise locally, through meetings, networks and activities which can allow us to build a base in the localities.這就是為什麼將是一個錯誤，放棄選舉領域，為什麼左邊的名單應繼續舉辦本地，通過會議，網絡和活動可以讓我們建立一個基地，在各地。 In London we began to establish very good networks among different ethnic minorities and trade unionists, but in this election they did not translate into votes.在倫敦，我們開始建立了很好的網絡之間不同的少數族裔人士及工會，但在這次選舉中他們沒有轉化為選票。 We have to build on our areas of success to find a way of winning more votes in future.我們也必須建立在我們的領域，成功找到一種方式贏得更多的選票在未來的。

The left also needs to build links and organisation on every issue which confronts us – war, fascism, a growing housing crisis, attacks on living standards – which at present will fall short of total electoral or programmatic unity, but which should aim to go beyond single-issue campaigns.左邊的，還需要建立聯繫和組織對每一個問題，我們面臨的-戰爭，法西斯主義，越來越多的住房危機，攻擊的生活水平-目前將低於總選舉或方案的團結，但是其目的應該是要超越單一問題運動。 Labour MP John McDonnell has put forward a list of demands that Labour should adopt to win the next election and these sorts of issues are ones which can unite the left.勞工國會議員約翰麥克唐納提出了一個清單，要求勞工應採取贏得下次選舉和對這類問題都是可以團結的左側。

Finally, socialists are too few in number to bring about the changes and policies we need.最後，社會主義者太少，在編號，以帶來的變化和政策，我們所需要的。 That has to change, both by winning more people directly to socialist ideas, and by deepening our influence where we can make a difference and where we have already shown the importance of socialist organisation.已經改變，都贏得更多的人直接向社會主義的思想，通過深化我們的影響，我們可以作出不同的，而我們已表現出的重要性，社會主義組織。 That also means spreading our influence geographically, especially to areas such as outer London where the fascists have gained support in recent years.這也意味著我們的蔓延，在地理上的影響，特別是要等領域外倫敦哪裡法西斯得到支持，在最近幾年。

The world is changing very fast.世界正在改變，非常快。 We do not know the full extent of the economic crisis – only that it is already affecting jobs, wages and housing.我們不知道的全部範圍的經濟危機-只是它已經影響到就業機會，工資和住房。 We can see the terrible impact of neoliberal policies as people riot in different parts of the world to gain enough to eat.我們可以看到的可怕影響新自由主義政策，作為人民的暴亂在世界不同地區獲得足夠的食品。 We know that there is great disillusion with existing politics and a sometimes inchoate desire for change.我們知道，有很大的幻滅與現有的政治和有時不完整渴望改變。 Socialists can give a lead and make a real difference by fighting on the economic, political and ideological fronts.社會主義者可以起帶頭作用和作出真正的差異，爭取對我國的經濟，政治和思想戰線。

See More: 看到更多的： UK News 英國新聞

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