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Tuesday, July 1st, 2008 周二， 2008年7月1日

Socialist Review社会主义检讨 | It’s hard to remember that only nine months ago 1 May was projected as a likely general election day. |它的强硬要记住，只有9个月前， 5月1日，预计作为一个可能的一般选举日。 Then, the theory went, Gordon Brown would be able to take Labour to a fourth election victory, strengthen his position as elected prime minister and continue for another four or five years.然后，理论每到一地，财政大臣布朗将能够采取劳工，以第四次大选的胜利，巩固他的地位，作为民选总理，并继续为另外四或五年。 Brown was at that time – again hard to remember – enjoying a honeymoon following the unlamented departure of Tony Blair.布朗是在那个时间-再次努力记住-享受的蜜月之后，u n lamented离境的托尼布莱尔。

Instead the local elections in parts of England, Wales and London on 1 May, alongside the Crewe and Nantwich by-election, were terrible defeats for Labour.而不是地方选举中部分英格兰，威尔士和伦敦5月1日，伴随着crewe和nantwich由选举，被可怕的失败，为劳工。 On the basis of these results, the Tories would have a 116 majority in parliament if there were a general election now.在此基础上的这些结果，保守党将有116多数在议会中如果有一换届选举。 We can therefore be pretty certain that there will be no election, if Labour has anything to do with it, until late in this parliament.因此，我们可以相当肯定的是，将不会有任何选举，如果劳工有什么用它做，直到晚在这个议会。

These elections mark a watershed in a number of ways.这些选举标志着一个分水岭，在若干方面。 Most importantly, they presage the return of a Tory government for the first time in more than a decade.最重要的是，他们预示着返回一个保守党政府为第一次在十年以上。 May also saw the election of a Tory mayor, after eight years in office for Ken Livingstone, who won first as an independent against Labour in 2000, and then as the Labour candidate four years later.也可以看到选举一名保守党市长， 8年后，在办公室利文斯通，谁赢得了第一次作为一个独立的对劳工在2000年，然后作为劳工的候选人，四年后。 Alongside the election of Boris Johnson, the fascist BNP won a seat on the London Assembly.除了选举鲍里斯约翰逊，法西斯法国赢得了一个席位的伦敦大会。

None of this is good news for the left.没有这是一个好消息，为左。 While some right wing candidates made advances in the London elections (the notable exceptions being UKIP and the English Democrats) candidates from the Lib Dems leftwards either lost votes or only just maintained their previous ground (as in the case of the Greens).而一些右翼候选人取得了进展，在伦敦的选举（显着的例外被ukip和英语同盟）的候选人，自由民主党leftwards要么失去选票，或只是维持其先前的地面（如在案件绿党） 。

It would, however, be a mistake to see the result as simply a shift to the right.它将但是，是一个错误，看看结果作为根本转向的权利。 Much more it represented a collapse of support for Labour with the Tories being the main beneficiaries.更为它代表了崩溃的支持，劳工与保守党正的主要受益者。 Why did that happen?为什么这种情况发生呢？ Firstly, the election as a whole was fought on the basis of right wing politics.第一，选举作为一个整体，是争取在此基础上的右翼政治。 Crime and immigration dominated the issues being discussed, and this was a deliberate decision on the part of the main parties.犯罪和移民占主导地位的问题正在讨论，这是一个深思熟虑的决定对部分主要当事方。 When that happens it is much harder for a space to the left to open up, especially when Labour goes along with the consensus of more police on the streets and being tougher on crime.当这种情况发生，这是困难得多一个空间，以左边的开放，尤其是当劳工云随的共识，更多的警察在街上被更严厉的关于犯罪。

More fundamentally, traditional Labour voters were punishing Labour for the 10p tax, the rise of food and utility prices, the housing crisis and much more besides.更根本的，传统的劳工选民惩治劳工为10便士税，增加粮食和公用事业价格，住房危机和更为此外。 In the circumstances of a right wing and unpopular Labour government, staggering on after 11 wasted years, it is unsurprising that some voters saw little difference between Labour and the Tories.在这种情况下的一个右翼势力和不受欢迎的工党政府，对后，惊人的浪费了11年，这是unsurprising说，有些选民认为差别不大劳动和保守党。

It is instructive to consider two feature articles which both appeared on the same day a week after the election results.这是有启发性考虑两篇专题文章，其中都出现在同一天，一个星期后，选举结果。 One, by Ken Livingstone in the Guardian , heralded his support for and in the City of London.一，利文斯通在监护人的，预示着他的支持和在伦敦金融城。 The second, by David Cameron in the Independent , appealed to all those who were progressive on green or equality issues to join the Tories.第二，由朱金马伦在独立 ，呼吁所有那些谁被逐步对绿色或平等问题加入保守党。 No wonder voters were confused.怪不得选民混淆。

At the same time as these electoral gains for the right, there was another story during the election period.在同一时间，因为这些选举的收益权，还有一个故事，在选举期间。 Teachers, lecturers and civil servants struck and demonstrated on 24 April.教师，讲师和公务员架构，并展示了4月24日。 The demonstrations on that day were some of the youngest and most militant workers’ demonstrations for at least a generation.游行示威，这一天被一些年轻的和最激进的工人示威，在至少一个世代。

The carnival held in London’s Victoria Park the weekend before the elections attracted 100,000 in opposition to the BNP .嘉年华会在伦敦举行的维多利亚公园周末的大选前吸引了10.0万，在反对以法国 。

Immigration 入境事务处

In addition, there is no evidence that attitudes on a range of issues – from privatisation to war – have changed in the course of the election or that the results are likely to lead to such a change of views.此外，还有没有证据表明的态度，就一系列问题-从私有化的战争-已改变在这个过程中的选举，或结果很可能导致这种变化的意见。 In many instances the general public remains to the left of politicians on these questions and on many more.在许多情况一般市民仍然是左侧的政客在这些问题上和在许多更多。 There is one major exception to this – immigration.有一个重大的例外，这一点-入境。

The consensus here is much more right wing, with even those who claim to be anti-racist and pro-diversity (which even Tories like Johnson now boast) saying that there have to be limits on immigration.的共识，这是更为右翼，甚至那些谁自称为反种族主义和亲多样性（甚至保守党一样，约翰逊现在夸耀）说，有被限制，入境事务处。 Or, as it’s sometimes put, “the country’s full up”.或者，因为它的有时， “该国的充分” 。 This, plus the growing wave of Islamophobia, has given a base for the BNP to grow.这一点，再加上日益增长的波伊斯兰恐惧症，给予了相应的为法国增长。 Even liberal opinion has played its part in this.即使是自由的意见，发挥了它的一部分，在这方面。 The BBC’s White Season showed a concern for the “white working class” not evident when reporting strikes, or the class bias in education, or the housing crisis.英国广播公司的白色季节表明，关注的“白人工人阶层”并不明显汇报时，罢工，或阶级偏见，在教育，或住房危机。

Even in the case of the BNP vote, however, it is clear that for many it represented a protest against the Labour government by people who felt they had been ignored or left behind by Labour.即使是在案件的银行进行表决，不过，很显然，对于许多它代表了抗议工党政府的人谁觉得他们被忽视或所遗留下来的劳工。 That does not mean we should dismiss the vote.这并不意味着我们应该解雇表决。 While the proportion of the vote was not much higher than four years ago, the absolute number of votes was higher, and the election of an assembly member for the BNP gives them a profile and a level of confidence which they have not had in London for many years.而比例的选票并不远高于四年前，绝对的选票数目较高，和选举大会的成员为法国让他们有一个形象和某种程度的信心，他们没有在伦敦为许多年。

The BNP vote also highlights the contradictory nature of the politics in the recent elections.在法国投票还突出强调了矛盾的性质，政治，在最近的选举。 There is a sense of frustration and disgust with the policies of the mainstream parties and politicians, who are widely seen as corrupt and only in it for themselves, and this sentiment can be channelled in different directions.有一种感觉沮丧和反感与政策的主流政党和政界人士，谁被广泛视为舞弊及只有在它为自己，这种情绪可以输送不同的方向。 In these last elections the main beneficiaries were right wing parties, particularly over the question of immigration.在这些上次选举中的主要受益者，被右翼政党，特别是移民问题。 But this was at least partly because the main parties have taken up and promoted anti-immigrant policies.不过，这是至少部分原因是主要当事方已采取行动，推动反移民政策。

Most shamefully, New Labour continued to do so in the Crewe and Nantwich by-election, held just weeks after the local elections.最可耻，新的劳工继续这样做，在crewe和nantwich由选举，举行了仅数周后，地方选举。 Literature for the Labour candidate highlighted “concerns” over immigration and invited voters to consider, “What do you think is the biggest problem facing the area?” offering “immigration” as a tick box reply.文学为劳工候选人强调的“关切”入境，并邀请选民的考虑， “您怎么看，是面临的最大问题领域的呢？ ”要约“移民” ，作为一个剔框的答复。

The left failed to meet the challenge presented by this election.左边的失败，迎接挑战，由本次选举。 In London it became a Boris and Ken show, with little substantive differences on most policies, and some of those not to Labour’s advantage (for example on ID cards or conductors on buses).在伦敦成为鲍里斯和Ken显示，很少有实质性分歧，大部分的政策，和一些人不劳动的优势（例如身份证或导体在巴士上） 。 The other parties were squeezed, especially UKIP whose vote fell most dramatically from over 100,000 to just over 20,000 and who lost two seats previously held on the assembly; and the vote I received in 2004 for Respect at around 61,000 first preferences fell to under 17,000 this time.其他各方挤，特别是ukip其投票下降最显着，从10.0万到刚刚超过20000 ，谁失去了两个议席，先前举行的大会;和表决，我收到在2004年为尊重在61000左右，第一偏好，下跌至17000 ，根据这时间。 It’s clear that many voters did not want to risk voting for a smaller party for mayor in case it led to the defeat of their favoured candidate.很明显，许多选民不想投票的风险较小，党市长的情况下它导致的失败，他们赞成的人选。

While this squeeze affected the votes for mayor, the split in Respect and the divisions on the left did no one any favours in the list elections when they were in direct competition.虽然这挤压受影响的选票，市长，分裂，在尊重和分歧就在左边没有任何人的任何有利于在清单中选举时，他们在直接的竞争。 The left vote was therefore split in London, with neither the Left List nor George Galloway’s Respect getting close to winning.左边的表决，因此分裂，在伦敦，无论是左的名单，也不乔治加洛韦的尊重，贴近得奖。 There was clearly great confusion over the name.显然存在很大混乱，超过的名称。 In addition, any division leads to political confusion with some people taking the view that they will vote for neither.此外，任何分工导致政治混乱，与一些人以认为，他们会投赞成票两者都不是。 The Left List vote was disappointing.左边的名单进行表决，令人失望。 It is clear that the weeks which we had to publicise a new name were not sufficient and that some people voted for Respect thinking they were voting for us.这是明确指出，周，我们要宣传一个新的名称并不足够，而且有些人投赞成票，尊重思想，他们为我们投票。

It was, however, right to stand in the elections.然而，它的权利的立场，在选举中。 When we took part in hustings we made a real impact, helped to pull the campaign to the left and put distinctive policies on housing, crime and immigration onto the agenda.当我们参加了在hustings ，我们作出了真正的影响，有助于拉动运动到左边，把鲜明的政策对住房，犯罪和移民上日程。 We were also able to intervene around the teachers’ strikes and against the BNP putting a political alternative.我们还能够进行干预左右，教师罢工和对银行施加的政治选择。 It would have been wrong to take part in an election campaign where no one challenged the dominant consensus.它将已采取错误的一部分，在竞选活动的地方，没有人质疑，占主导地位的共识。

At the same time, it was also right not to put all our emphasis on elections.在同一时间内，它也有权不把所有我们的重点放在选举。 Elections are a very useful snapshot of consciousness among working class people at any one time, but they don’t tell the whole story.选举是一个非常有用的快照意识，劳工阶层的人在任何一个时间，但他们并没有告诉整个故事。 Of necessity, they reflect the past more than the present in the sense that people still vote mostly on past loyalties or on issues which particular parties have or have not taken up in the past.有必要的，它们反映了过去较目前在意义上仍有人投票，大多是对过去的忠诚或对问题，特别是当事方，或没有采取的行动在过去的。 The different groups of workers going on strike over pay, or the 100,000 who attended the carnival, or those becoming radicalised over the banking and economic crisis and the high cost of food and commodities, or the students who have campaigned for fighting unions, have a specific weight regardless of if or how they vote.不同类别的工人罢工的薪酬，或100000谁出席了嘉年华会，或在那些成为激进超过银行业和经济危机和成本高的食物和商品，或学生谁有竞选的战斗工会，有一个具体的重量，无论如果或他们如何投票。

Any socialist or left organisation has to relate to them, as well as to ethnic minorities suffering immigration raids, or the Muslim community suffering racism and attacks on civil liberties.任何社会主义或离开组织，要涉及到他们，以及为少数族裔人士的痛苦入境事务处进行扫荡行动，或穆斯林社区的痛苦，种族主义和攻击，对公民自由。 Opposition to the war continues, as does defence of women’s rights, especially over abortion and the reactionary attempt to reduce the time limit.反对战争继续下去，作为是否捍卫妇女权利，特别是在堕胎和反动的企图，以减少时间限制。 The outcome of the various struggles that take place in the coming months can have a greater impact on the balance of class forces, on people’s lives and their willingness to engage in further struggle than where they put their cross on a ballot paper.结果，各种斗争，采取的地方，在未来的几个月中能有一个更大的影响平衡的阶级力量，对人民的生命和他们愿意进行进一步的斗争比他们把十字架的一张选票。

Where does the left go from here?那么，左何去何从？ Firstly, this is a time when many on the left want to discuss why Livingstone lost, whether a Tory government is inevitable and how the left can organise to defend ourselves.首先，这是一个时间的时候，许多在左边要讨论，为什么利文斯通遗失，是否保守党政府是无可避免的，以及如何离开，可以举办，以保卫自己。 We have had nearly a decade when the movement has seemed on the rise, since Seattle in 1999, and this is a reverse which requires explanation and serious analysis if it is not to lead some to despair.我们已将近十年，当运动，似乎在上升，因为在1999年的西雅图，这是一个扭转，需要解释，并认真分析，如果不是导致一些绝望。

Secondly, we have to engage in activity which can counter despair and point a way forward for the left: whether against fascism, for higher pay or over housing needs.第二，我们要从事的活动可以反绝望和A点的前进方向，左：是否反对法西斯，而薪酬较高的雇员或以上的房屋需求。 But that activity on its own is not enough.但这项活动对自己是不够的。 We also need political solutions to the major ideological and political questions that face us.我们还需要政治解决的重大思想政治问题，我们面临的。 Socialists are well placed to do this: we have a set of ideas which attempt to understand the world in order to change it, also because we take a wider view of the working class movement.社会主义者都是有利的位置，做到这一点：我们有一整套想法，企图了解世界，为了改变它，也是因为我们采取更广泛的意见，广大劳工阶层的运动。

The crucial questions facing the movement today are how do we develop successful struggles and how do we build an alternative to Labour which has so badly failed generations of working people?关键的问题，所面临的运动，今天我们如何发展成功的斗争，以及我们如何建立一个替代劳工，其中有这么严重失败几代劳动人民的呢？ The election results were bad for the left overall in London – although even here there were some very good votes in north and east London which show the left can present an alternative – but in parts of the country the results were extremely good, for example in Sheffield and Preston.选举结果坏左整体在伦敦-尽管这里有一些很好的选票，在北部和东部的伦敦，显示左侧可以替代目前的一- ，但在该国部分地区，结果非常好，例如在谢菲尔德和Preston 。 Other results, for example the anti-academies councillors in Barrow, who won four seats, show there is space to the left of Labour that needs to be filled.其他比赛结果，例如反院校议员在鲍磊，谁赢得了四个席位，显示有空间，以左侧的劳动，需要加以填补。

That is why it would be a mistake to abandon the electoral field, and why the Left List should continue to organise locally, through meetings, networks and activities which can allow us to build a base in the localities.这就是为什么将是一个错误，放弃选举领域，为什么左边的名单应继续举办本地，通过会议，网络和活动可以让我们建立一个基地，在各地。 In London we began to establish very good networks among different ethnic minorities and trade unionists, but in this election they did not translate into votes.在伦敦，我们开始建立了很好的网络之间不同的少数族裔人士及工会，但在这次选举中他们没有转化为选票。 We have to build on our areas of success to find a way of winning more votes in future.我们也必须建立在我们的领域，成功找到一种方式赢得更多的选票在未来的。

The left also needs to build links and organisation on every issue which confronts us – war, fascism, a growing housing crisis, attacks on living standards – which at present will fall short of total electoral or programmatic unity, but which should aim to go beyond single-issue campaigns.左边的，还需要建立联系和组织对每一个问题，我们面临的-战争，法西斯主义，越来越多的住房危机，攻击的生活水平-目前将低于总选举或方案的团结，但是其目的应该是要超越单一问题运动。 Labour MP John McDonnell has put forward a list of demands that Labour should adopt to win the next election and these sorts of issues are ones which can unite the left.劳工国会议员约翰麦克唐纳提出了一个清单，要求劳工应采取赢得下次选举和对这类问题都是可以团结的左侧。

Finally, socialists are too few in number to bring about the changes and policies we need.最后，社会主义者太少，在编号，以带来的变化和政策，我们所需要的。 That has to change, both by winning more people directly to socialist ideas, and by deepening our influence where we can make a difference and where we have already shown the importance of socialist organisation.已经改变，都赢得更多的人直接向社会主义的思想，通过深化我们的影响，我们可以作出不同的，而我们已表现出的重要性，社会主义组织。 That also means spreading our influence geographically, especially to areas such as outer London where the fascists have gained support in recent years.这也意味着我们的蔓延，在地理上的影响，特别是要等领域外伦敦哪里法西斯得到支持，在最近几年。

The world is changing very fast.世界正在改变，非常快。 We do not know the full extent of the economic crisis – only that it is already affecting jobs, wages and housing.我们不知道的全部范围的经济危机-只是它已经影响到就业机会，工资和住房。 We can see the terrible impact of neoliberal policies as people riot in different parts of the world to gain enough to eat.我们可以看到的可怕影响新自由主义政策，作为人民的暴乱在世界不同地区获得足够的食品。 We know that there is great disillusion with existing politics and a sometimes inchoate desire for change.我们知道，有很大的幻灭与现有的政治和有时不完整渴望改变。 Socialists can give a lead and make a real difference by fighting on the economic, political and ideological fronts.社会主义者可以起带头作用和作出真正的差异，争取对我国的经济，政治和思想战线。

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