World News 世界新聞 | | Forum 論壇 | | UK News 英國新聞 | | USA News 美國新聞 | | Global News 環球財經 | | Political News 政治新聞 | | Sci-Tech News 科技新聞 | | War & Terrorism News 戰爭與恐怖主義的新聞 | | Sports News 體育新聞 | | Multimedia 多媒體 | | Set Homepage 設為首頁

Translate: 翻譯：

Sunday, November 16th, 2008 星期天， 08年11月16日

By通過 Nick Lowles尼克Lowles | Conventional wisdom suggests that the British National Party will benefit politically from a recession. |傳統的智慧認為，英國民族黨將有利於從政治上陷入衰退。 Government ministers certainly seem to think so.政府部長們肯定這麼認為。 Journalists think so.記者這樣認為。 And the BNP themselves certainly think so.和銀行本身當然這麼認為。

With unemployment likely to hit two million by the end of the year and house prices dropping 15% in the past 12 months, most people are feeling the pinch.由於失業率可能達到200萬人在今年年底和房價下降15 ％ ，在過去12個月中，大部分人都感受到了壓力。 The government’s response to the credit crunch might have boosted its poll ratings in the short term but it could be the far-right BNP that benefits when the recession really bites.政府的應對信貸緊縮可能將其民調在短期內，但它可能是極右翼銀行利益的衰退時，真的叮咬。

“Economic meltdowns are one of the drivers of political revolutions, and the BNP must be ready to take advantage of the mess all of the other parties have made of the economy,” David Hannam, the BNP deputy treasurer, told a party meeting recently. “經濟崩潰是一個司機的政治革命，和銀行必須隨時準備利用食堂的所有其他各方作出的經濟， ”大衛漢南，該銀行副司庫說，最近黨會議。

He went on to explain the party’s line of attack.他解釋黨的路線的攻擊。 “Each immigrant who entered Britain decreased job prospects for native British workers. “誰每個移民進入英國的就業前景降低本地英國工人。 Our freedom is linked to the financial state of the country, and in a recession it is the workers who are first and hardest hit.我們的自由是與財務狀況的國家，在經濟衰退是工人誰首先是首當其衝。 The truth is that in an economically declining society, the worker is hit, but even in a so-called economically growing society, it is the worker who also gets hit.事實是，在經濟下降的社會，工人擊中，但即使在所謂的經濟社會發展，這是工人誰也獲得成功。 Successful monopolies are a by-product of globalism, and it is monopolies that decrease the demand for workers.”成功壟斷的副產品全球，這是壟斷減少對工人的需求。 “

His view is backed by party leader Nick Griffin who is confidently boasting that the BNP will benefit enormously from an economic downturn.他的觀點得到了黨領袖尼克格里芬誰正在滿懷信心地吹噓說， 法國將有利於從一個巨大的經濟衰退。

The belief of a far-right gain is supported by the Labour MP Jon Cruddas.相信一個極右獲得支持的工黨議員喬恩Cruddas 。 “I’ve got a sense of foreboding about what lies ahead,” he told the BBC . “我有一個不祥的預感什麼擺在面前， ”他告訴 BBC 。 “It will make a qualitative difference in terms of the context within which they’re allowed to perpetuate their scapegoating and myth-making.” “這將發生質的變化方面的環境，使他們讓維持他們的替罪羊和神話的決策。 ”

The government, meanwhile, is worried that an economic downturn would result in increased racial tension and violence between communities and even terrorism.政府同時，擔心經濟衰退將導致更多的種族緊張局勢和暴力社區之間，甚至恐怖主義。 In a 12-page internal memo, leaked to the Conservatives two months ago, Home Secretary Jacqui Smith relayed her concern over the consequences of an economic crisis.在一個12頁的內部備忘錄，洩露給保守黨兩個月前，傑葵內政大臣史密斯轉達她的關切，後果的經濟危機。 “There is a risk of a downturn increasing the appeal of far-right extremism and racism, which presents a threat as there is evidence that grievances based on experiencing racism are one of the factors that can lead to people becoming terrorists.” “有一個風險日益下滑的呼籲極右翼極端主義和種族主義，其中提出了一種威脅，因為有證據表明，申訴的基礎上經歷種族主義的因素之一，可導致人成為恐怖分子。 ”

The memo added that a downturn would affect the need for migrant workers, particularly in jobs such as construction where they make up a large proportion of the workforce.這份備忘錄說，衰退將影響需要移民工人，特別是在工作，如地方建設作出了很大比例的勞動力。 “Increased public hostility to migrants” was predicted to result from heightened competition for employment. “提高公眾對移民的敵意”的預測，結果加劇了競爭的就業機會。

The government is so concerned that it has recently established a new police taskforce to monitor racist violence.政府非常關心，它最近設立了一個新的警察工作隊監測種族主義暴力行為。

Controversy 爭議

Last month the new Immigration Minister controversially weighed into the debate.上個月，新的移民部長權衡爭議的辯論。 Phil Woolas told The Times that immigration became an “extremely thorny” subject if people were losing their jobs.菲爾Woolas告訴泰晤士報，移民成為一個“非常棘手”問題，如果人失去工作。

“It’s been too easy to get into this country in the past and it’s going to get harder,” he said. “這是太容易進入這個國家在過去，它會得到更難， ”他說。

Employers should, he believes, put British people first, or they will risk fuelling racism.雇主應，他認為，把英國人首先，否則會助長種族主義的危險。 “In times of economic difficulties, racial stereotyping becomes stronger but also if you’ve got skills shortages you should, as a government, attempt to fill those skills shortages with your indigenous population.” “在經濟逆境的時候，種族成見就越強，而且如果你有技能短缺你應該，作為一個政府，企圖填補這些技能短缺與您的土著人口。 ”

Woolas was careful to include all British people in his British first policy, highlighting the high levels of unemployment affecting the British Bangladeshi community. Woolas謹慎地包括所有英國人在英國的第一個政策，突出了高失業率影響孟加拉國的英國社會。 He claimed that it was all too easy for an employer to hire a migrant to fill a job rather than to retrain British people of all races.他聲稱，這一切太容易了，雇主僱用移民，以填補工作，而不是再英國人的所有比賽。

While Woolas was actually addressing some tough issues, including many which have wrongly been ignored for too long, he left himself open to attack with a series of incendiary quotes which he should have known would cause offence.雖然Woolas實際上是解決一些棘手問題，其中包括許多有錯誤被忽略了太久，他離開自己的攻擊打開了一系列的燃燒尋獲，他應該知道會導致犯罪。 He promised not to allow Britain’s population to rise above 70 million and attacked “health tourism”.他承諾不會允許英國的人口將超過7000萬美元，並攻擊“保健旅遊” 。

“It’sa national health service – it’s not an international health service,” he said. “這是一個國家衛生服務-這不是一個國際醫療服務， ”他說。

Woolas has not been alone in raising difficult and controversial issues. Woolas還沒有單獨在提高困難和有爭議的問題。 Trevor Phillips, head of the Equality and Human Rights Commission, also weighed into the debate last month.特雷弗菲利浦，負責平等和人權委員會，亦令到上個月的辯論。 Speaking ahead of an address to a CBI conference, Phillips said: “After forty years in which it was impolite to speak frankly about immigration policy, we now must be able to address this fundamental aspect of economic policy without embarrassment or without fear of being labelled closet racists or open-border fantasists.在談到今後的地址到英國工業聯合會會議上，菲利普斯說： “經過四十年，其中不禮貌，以坦率地談論移民政策，我們現在必須能夠解決這個基本方面的經濟政策不無尷尬或害怕被標籤壁櫥種族主義者或開放邊界fantasists 。

“In what is to come, the best defence against prejudice against immigrants will be to make those who resent them competitive, to give them a place in society. “在什麼是來，最好的防禦對移民偏見將會使這些怨恨他們誰競爭力，讓他們在社會中的地位。

“We may need to do so with the sort of special measures we’ve previously targeted at ethnic minorities. “我們可能需要這樣做的某種特殊措施以前，我們針對少數族裔。 But the name of the game today is to tackle inequality, not racial special pleading.”但是，名稱的比賽今天是解決不平等，而不是種族特殊的懇求。 “

This was not his first foray into this terrain.這不是他首次涉足這一領域。 He had previously stressed the importance of positive action to help white working class communities through the economic crisis.他曾強調，必須採取積極行動，以幫助白人工人階級社區的經濟危機。 “What we are seeing is that there is a whole group of people, a large proportion of whom are white, who are going to suffer from this crisis who are going to be the people we should want to help, particularly because they come from the wrong side of town,” he said. “我們看到的是，整個一群人，很大一部分人是白人，誰將會受到這場危機誰將是人民，我們應該要幫助，尤其是因為它們來自站在錯誤的一方小鎮， “他說。

“We are going to have to do something special for them. “我們將不得不做一些特別為他們。 We are going to have to put extra resources where young people can’t compete with migrants’ skills.我們必須把額外資源，青年人無法與移民的技能。

“And in some parts of the country, it is clear that what defines disadvantage won’t be black or brown, it will be white. “在該國某些地區，很顯然，界定哪些不利將不會黑色或褐色，這將是白色的。 And we will have to take positive action to help some white groups, what we might call the white underclass.”我們必須採取積極行動，以幫助一些白色的群體，我們可稱之為白色的底層。 “

Nothing is certain 沒有什麼是一定的

However, there are dissenting voices to the view that the far right will necessarily gain from an economic downturn.然而，有反對的聲音，以認為，極右勢力一定會受益於經濟衰退。 “Although there tends to be a bit of moral panic about it, it’s never really happened in a way that, in any sense, threatens the domination of the political scene by the main parties,” Professor Colin Rallings, from Plymouth University, says. “雖然往往是位道德恐慌，那是從來沒有真正發生的一種方式，在任何意義上說，威脅統治的政治舞台上的主要當事方， ”教授科林Rallings ，來自普利茅斯大學，說。

He went on to stress that previous economic downturns had been accompanied by only short-term boosts for the right and were often geographically patchy.他強調，以往經濟衰退了，伴隨而來的只是短期提高的權利，而且往往地域不平衡。

Is Rawlings right?羅林斯是正確的？ Will any boost for the far right be patchy and short-lived?任何將推動最右邊的是零散的和短期的？ Certainly recent history is on his side.當然，最近的歷史上是他的身邊。 The 1970s economic crisis failed to give any long-lasting boost to the National Front. 20世紀70年代的經濟危機沒有給任何持久的推動國民陣線。 Indeed, if anything, the political fortunes of the NF were already on the wane at the height of the crisis and certainly by the early 1980s, when unemployment topped three million and bank base rate was in double figures and reached over 15%, the NF hardly existed.事實上，如果有的話，政治命運的因子已經衰落的高度危機，當然由20世紀80年代初，當失業率超過300萬和銀行基準利率是在雙位數，達到了15 ％ ，核很難存在。

During the recession of the early 1990s, and despite widespread media-fuelled concern over refugees, the BNP remained a largely inconsequential political force.在經濟衰退的20世紀90年代初，儘管媒體的廣泛燃料關注難民問題， 銀行在很大程度上仍然是一個無關緊要的政治力量。

A different world 一個不同的世界

There is reason to believe that events might be different this time around.人們有理由相信，事件可能是不同的這一次。 Britain of today is very different from that of the late 1970s.今天英國有很大的不同，在20世紀70年代末。 The Cold War overshadowed British and indeed world politics.冷戰陰影英國乃至世界的政治。 There was a vibrant left in Britain and a strong and very active trade union movement.有一個充滿活力的留在英國和強有力的和非常積極的工會運動。 The Second World War was still strong in public consciousness and nationalism was a dirty word.第二次世界大戰是仍然強勁的公眾意識和民族主義是一個骯髒的詞彙。

Since then the Soviet Union has collapsed and Europe fragmented.自那時起，蘇聯已經崩潰和歐洲支離破碎。 Nationalism has become the driving ideology of the past 20 years and socialism and social democracy are experiencing an identity crisis of huge proportions.民族主義已成為推動思想過去20年來，社會主義和社會民主正在經歷認同危機的巨大比例。 In the past year alone eight out of ten social democratic parties have been driven from power in Europe, partly to the benefit of the far right.僅在過去一年中的8個， 10個社會民主政黨都被趕出權力在歐洲，部分利益的極右勢力。 Fascist and rightwing populist parties have been rising across western Europe and there is no reason to suggest that the same cannot happen in Britain.法西斯主義和右翼民粹主義政黨一直在上升西歐和我們沒有理由認為，也不能發生在英國。

Additionally, the BNP of today is quite different from the NF of the 1970s.此外， 法國的今天是完全不同的NF從上世紀70年代。 The NF contested elections, but only in a half-hearted manner.在核爭議的選舉，但只能在一個半心半意的方式進行。 For the NF leaders John Tyndall and Martin Webster elections were simply an organising tool but real power was going to be gained through control of the streets and by positioning themselves as ready to answer society’s call to restore social order.對於核領導人約翰廷德爾和馬丁韋伯斯特選舉只是一個工具，但組織真正的權力是要通過控制取得的街道和定位自己隨時準備回答社會的呼籲，恢復社會秩序。

By contrast, the BNP has understood some political realities.相比之下， 法國理解一些政治現實。 It has publicly dropped some of its hardline policies, such as compulsory repatriation, which it knew would not be accepted by the vast majority of the population, and it has turned to local politics.它已經公開下降一些強硬的政策，如強制遣返，它知道將不會接受的絕大多數人口，它已成為當地的政治。 As a result the BNP is positioning itself as a real and lasting challenge to the main political parties, particularly Labour.由於該銀行把自己定位在為真正的和持久的挑戰，主要政黨，特別是勞工。

More importantly, the political terrain has changed.更重要的是，政治的地形已經改變。 Disillusionment with the mainstream parties is at an all-time high, voting at an all-time low and active participation in political parties is, in too many communities, seemingly non-existent.幻滅與主流政黨正處於歷史最高水平，參加表決的歷史低點，並積極參與政黨，在很多社區，似乎是不存在的。

It is into this disillusionment that the BNP message is resonating.這是這個失望的消息是銀行共鳴。 Race remains the cornerstone of BNP politics but its appeal is far wider and deeper.比賽仍然是基石， 法國政治，但其吸引力遠遠更廣泛和更深入。 It is precisely because of this that the BNP could benefit enormously from an economic downturn.正是因為如此， 銀行可以大大受益的經濟衰退。

In Stoke-on-Trent the BNP believes it can take control of the council within two years.在斯托克的銀行認為，可以採取控制的議會在兩年之內。 If there had been a mayoral contest next spring there were many, including some government ministers, who believed the BNP could win.如果出現了市長競賽明年春季有許多，其中包括一些政府部長，誰相信， 銀行可以取勝。 At 6% of the local population the non-white community is tiny compared to many other towns and cities across the country.在6 ％的當地居民的非白人社會相比微不足道其他許多城鎮和城市在全國各地。 Immigration and race are not the causes of the city’s problems but simply the prism through which the BNP allows local people to understand their problems and anger.移民和種族的原因不是城市的問題，而只是棱鏡通過該銀行允許當地人民了解他們的問題和憤怒。

The same is true for many other areas where the BNP is doing well.這同樣適用於其他許多地區的銀行表現不錯。 The former mining communities of Rotherham, Heanor and Nuneaton, three other areas of BNP success, have relatively small BME populations but deep-rooted structural economic problems.前採礦社區羅瑟勒姆， Heanor和納尼頓， 3個其他地區的銀行的成功，有相對較小的生物醫學工程的人口，但根深蒂固的結構性經濟問題。

Compare that to the NF of the 1970s, which drew the bulk of its support from towns and cities, such as Leicester and Bradford, which experienced the greatest influx of non-white immigrants.相比之下，對核的20世紀70年代，其中提請其大部分支持城鎮和城市，如萊斯特和布拉德福德，其中經歷了最大的湧入的非白人移民。

There are two other issues that differentiate the present from the 1970s.有兩個其他問題，區分本從20世紀70年代。 The Cold War has been replaced by a world defined by the “war on terror” and just as a recession could boost the far right, so fundamentalist religious groups will prosper.冷戰已經取而代之的是世界上定義的“反恐戰爭”和公正的衰退可能提高極右勢力，所以原教旨主義宗教團體會蓬勃發展。

As unemployment rises and disillusionment with mainstream parties deepens, friction between new and old communities will grow.至於失業率上升和失望與主流政黨的深化，摩擦的新的和舊的社區將會增加。 Winding this up will be the BNP and other fascist groups on one side and fundamentalist religious groups, bent on demonising other communities and religions, on the other.繞組這一行動將是銀行和其他法西斯集團一方和原教旨主義的宗教群體，執意妖魔化其他社區和宗教問題。 There is a symbiotic relationship between these extremes, with both needing the other to justify their own existence.有一種共生關係，這些極端的，既有需要的其他證明自己的存在。

This could play out on the streets, as we saw so vividly in Oldham and Burnley in 2001, or through a rise in domestic terrorism.這可以發揮街上，我們看到這樣生動地在奧爾德姆和伯恩利在2001年，或通過增加國內恐怖主義。 It is this fear that is gripping the Home Office.正是這種擔心，是引人入勝的家庭辦公室。 We are already beginning to see a rise in violent racism and this is only likely to accelerate as the economy nosedives.我們已經開始看到上升的種族主義和暴力，這是唯一可能加速的經濟nosedives 。

There has also been a rise in terrorism in recent times.人們還恐怖主義上升近倍。 While every Muslim plot attracts massive media attention, less known has been the increase in attempted far-right terrorism, both in Britain and across the continent.雖然每個穆斯林情節吸引了大批媒體的關注，很少有人知道一直在試圖增加極右的恐怖主義，無論是在英國和整個歐洲大陸。 In 2007, ten people were arrested in alleged rightwing plots in Britain.在2007年， 10人被逮捕涉嫌右翼陰謀在英國。 While all were stopped before they were executed, it does raise the likelihood that rightwing terrorism, be it by individuals or small groups, will continue to grow.雖然都是停在他們被處決，但提高的可能性，右翼恐怖主義，不論是個人或小團體，將繼續增長。 One can only imagine the consequences of a fascist bombing campaign against Muslim targets in Britain.一個只能想像的後果法西斯轟炸行動對穆斯林在英國的目標。 Likewise, while the feel good factor following the decision to award London the Olympics probably helped to defuse a backlash against the London bombs of 2005, a similar bombing campaign amid an economic downturn might have a different outcome.同樣，雖然感覺良好的因素後，決定授予倫敦奧運會可能有助於緩解侵害反彈的倫敦炸彈， 2005年，一項類似的轟炸戰役由於經濟低迷，可能有不同的結果。

In the 1970s the trade unions played a crucial role in defeating the NF and today they have once again indicated their willingness to take a lead.在1970年代工會發揮了至關重要的作用打敗的NF ，今天他們再次表示他們願意起帶頭作用。 But today’s world, particularly in the workplace, is very different from that of 30 years ago.但是，今天的世界上，尤其是在工作場所，是非常不同於30年前。 The unions are weaker, more workplaces are un-unionised and also fragmented.工會較弱，更是聯合國的工作場所，工會也支離破碎。

“The workplace is different from the 1970s,” says Paul Meszaros, secretary of Bradford Trades Council. “工作場所是不同於20世紀70年代，說： ”保羅梅薩羅斯書記布拉德福德貿易理事會。 “Back then workplaces were bigger and more unionised so it was more common for Asian and white people to work alongside each other. “當時工作場所有更大，更工會所以這是較常見的為亞洲和白人一道對方。 We were able to debate, argue and eventually find common ground.我們可以辯論，爭論，並最終找到共同點。

“Today, workplaces are smaller and with communities living more separate lives and in different neighbourhoods within the city there are fewer opportunities for people to come together.” “今天，較小的工作場所和社區的生活更獨立的生活，在不同街區的城市的機會就比較少的人走到一起。 ”

Recession might be a gift to the BNP but whether it will exploit the opportunity remains to be seen.經濟衰退可能是一個禮物給銀行 ，但是否會利用這一機會，仍有待觀察。 Despite its growing sophistication the BNP still struggles to win first-past-the-post elections.儘管其日益複雜的鬥爭銀行仍然贏得第一多數票當選的選舉。 It has even performed poorly in recent by-elections, including some in traditional strongholds.它甚至表現不佳，在最近的選舉，其中包括一些在傳統的據點。

How opponents of the BNP react will also determine the potential electoral boost for the far right and this is where things need to change.如何反對法國的反應也將決定選舉的潛力推動的極右勢力，這是那裡的東西需要改變。 The criticism of Woolas and Phillips has been strong and sometimes correct but it has also highlighted two fundamental issues.批評Woolas和菲利普斯一直強勁，有時正確的，但也強調兩個基本問題。 Firstly, a common unwillingness to debate difficult but very real issues and secondly an acknowledgement that progressives have partly contributed to the problem.首先，一個共同不願意辯論困難，但非常現實的問題，其次承認，有部分進步作出貢獻的問題。

The error of identity politics 錯誤的認同政治

It is easy to criticise Woolas for his comments and of course some of his remarks echo the disastrous “British jobs for British workers” approach adopted by Gordon Brown last year.人們很容易批評Woolas的評論，當然還有他的一些言論迴聲災難性的“英國就業，英國的工人”採用的辦法是英國財政大臣布朗去年。 However, he was trying to grapple with some difficult issues, which all too many people prefer to ignore.然而，他正在試圖克服一些困難的問題，使所有的人太多寧願忽視。

Likewise, Phillips’s call for preferential treatment for white working class communities has been met by a barrage of criticism, some of it justified, some not.同樣，菲利普斯的要求優惠待遇白色工人階級社區已經達到了一連串的批評，一些有正當理由，有些不是。 Phillips is totally correct in saying that a growing number of white working class people feel ignored, abandoned and unrepresented.菲利普斯是完全正確的，他說，越來越多的白人工人階層人民感到被忽視，被遺棄和任職。 As I myself have argued previously, the BNP is providing an identity for sections of this group.至於我本人也認為以前， 銀行提供的身份各款的這一組。

However, accepting the existence of these sub-groups and calling for preferential treatment is part of the problem in the first place.但是，接受這些存在的小組，並要求優惠待遇，是問題的一部分擺在首位。 We no longer talk of a working class without sub-dividing it along racial lines.我們不再談論工人階級無分除以按民族劃分。 Playing identity politics is a very dangerous game and it is now coming back to haunt us.播放認同政治是一個非常危險的遊戲，現在是回來困擾我們。 Too much government policy and spending, locally and nationally, is directed through the prism of race, which is unwittingly helping to create this “white” identity, which is in turn being exploited by the BNP .太多的政府政策和支出，地方和國家，是針對通過棱鏡的比賽，這是無意中幫助創造這種“白色”的身份，而這又是被剝削的銀行 。 Too many progressive people have been complicit in this, knowingly or unknowingly.逐步太多人串通在這方面，有意或無意。

To prevent the BNP from exploiting our economic worries, class needs to replace race in popular discourse.為了防止銀行利用我國經濟的憂慮，一流的需要，以取代比賽中流行的話語。 We shouldn’t have white unemployed or black unemployed but just unemployed.我們不應該有白色或黑色失業者失業只是失業者。 We shouldn’t talk about white workers or black workers but just workers.我們不應該談論白人工人或黑人工人只是工人。 That isn’t to say that we should ignore groups or not recognise particular hardships or discrimination, but we have to find a way to bring people along together, to get them to understand a common interest and shared future.這並不是說，我們應該忽視的群體或不承認特別困難或歧視，但我們必須找到一種方法，使人們相處，讓他們理解的共同利益和共同的未來。 If we don’t then how can we complain when communal groups, including the white working class, compete for scarce resources.如果我們不那麼我們怎麼能抱怨的社區群體，包括白人工人階級，競爭稀缺的資源。

Similarly, we need to develop a more secular approach.同樣，我們需要制定一個更加世俗的做法。 One of the successes of the anti-fascist and anti-racist struggle in the late 1970s was its secularism.一個成功的反法西斯主義和反種族主義的鬥爭，在1970年代後期是其世俗化。 This was particularly found within the Asian Youth Movement, which brought together young Asian people of different religious backgrounds.這一點尤其內發現了亞洲青年運動，它匯集了年輕的亞洲各國人民不同的宗教背景。 While accepting the right to faith, we again need to find ways to bring people from different religious backgrounds together and this is no easy task.雖然接受的權利的信念，我們再次需要找到辦法，使人們從不同的宗教背景在一起，這是絕非易事。 It is not just a question of differences between Christian and Muslim communities.它不僅是一個問題的分歧基督教和穆斯林社區。 In today’s Britain there is widespread suspicion and distrust between many religions, another issue that has too long been ignored.在今天的英國，人們普遍懷疑和不信任之間的許多宗教，另一個問題是長期以來被忽視了。

We must bring more politics (with a small p) into anti-fascism.我們必須使更多的政治（小p ）到反法西斯主義。 Just as we have been arguing for the past couple of years that simply shouting “nazi” at the BNP is no longer sufficient, so we must recognise that just calling for “Hope” over hate is also inadequate.正如我們一直主張在過去的幾年裡，簡單地高喊“納粹”在法國不再是足夠的，所以我們必須認識到，只是呼籲“希望”戰勝仇恨也是不夠的。 When people are struggling economically and perhaps see little hope around them, we need to be able to address some of the underlying issues that might make them susceptible to the BNP and answer directly racist myths.當人們正在努力在經濟上，也許看不到希望他們周圍，我們需要能夠解決一些基本問題有可能使他們容易受到銀行和直接回答種族主義神話。 Hope is a positive concept but will only resonate when people feel good about the community in which they live and positive about their own economic future.希望這是一個積極的概念，但只會共鳴，當人們感覺良好的社會在他們的生活和積極的對自己的經濟前途。

Fairness 公平

However, we also need to show fairness in our approach.然而，我們還需要表現出公平的辦法。 We need to demonstrate that we are fighting for everyone, regardless of colour of skin or religious background.我們必須表明，我們正在為每個人的戰鬥，不論膚色或宗教背景。 We must also be prepared to criticise and condemn when it is necessary.我們還必須準備批評和譴責時，這是必要的。 Wrong is wrong, from whichever angle or community it derives.錯誤是錯誤的，從哪個角度或它源於社會。

Trade unions are in an excellent position to take on the BNP and its economic scapegoating, but it needs a different approach.工會是一個極好的立場採取對銀行和經濟替罪羊，但它需要一種不同的做法。 Unions need to find a more direct way to engage with their members and their families than they do at present.工會必須找到一種更直接的方式同其成員和他們的家庭比他們做。 A letter through the post or an article in a union journal is no substitute for a workplace meeting and human dialogue.信通過郵寄或一篇文章中工會的雜誌是不能替代工作會議和人權對話。

The road ahead will not be easy.前面的道路不會是輕而易舉的。 A recession will increase insecurity and so suspicion and hostility between communities.經濟衰退將增加不安全和猜疑和敵意社區之間。 As the job market shrinks and local resources become increasingly scarce so racism and bitterness will grow.隨著就業市場的萎縮和地方資源日益稀少，使種族主義和痛苦將會增加。 The BNP could make huge advances in the next couple of years.該銀行可以作出巨大的進步，未來的幾年。 Whether it does will partly depend on how we – government, unions and anti-fascists – respond.無論是不將部分取決於我們如何-政府，工會和反法西斯主義者-回應。

Have Your Say: Is a recession good news for the BNP? 你說：是一個好消息，經濟衰退的銀行？
Please read our請仔細閱讀我們的 posting guidelines before posting張貼在發布前的指導方針 . 。
Alternatively或者 you can discuss this report here你可以討論這份報告在這裡 . 。

RSS 的RSS TrackBack URL引用網址

Name (required) 名稱（必需）

Mail (will not be published) (required) 郵件（將不會被發表） （必填）

Website 網站

Related News 相關新聞

• Immigrant crime wave is a myth - police study移民的犯罪浪潮是一個神話-警察研究
• Most Britons want troops out of Afghanistan: poll大部分英國人希望軍隊撤出阿富汗：民意調查
• Elephants, Donkeys And Party X大象，驢和黨的X
• Make Gordon Brown pay英國財政大臣布朗作出支付
• A Serious Blow to the Rights of US Workers嚴重地打擊了美國的人權工作者

This entry was posted on Sunday, November 16th, 2008 at 6:07 pm and is filed under本條目被張貼在週日，二〇 〇八年11月16日在下午6時07和提交下 Contributions & Guests捐款＆客人 . 。 You can follow any responses to this entry through the您可以按照任何反應，這個項目通過 RSS 2.0 2.0 feed. You can飼料。您可以 leave a response留下一個反應 , or或 trackback引用 from your own site.從您自己的網站。

Loading ...載入中...

TOP NEWS DISCUSSIONS 頭條新聞討論

LATEST NEWS DISCUSSIONS 最新消息討論

Activism & Protest News 積極與抗議新聞 | | Business News 商業新聞 | | Civil & Human Rights News 公民與人權新聞 | | Environmental News 環境新聞 | | Media News 媒體新聞 | | Globalisation News 全球化新聞 | | Web Development News Web開發新聞

ADVERTISEMENTS廣告

SITE MAPS網站地圖

7/7 7 / 7 Activism News能動新聞 Afghanistan阿富汗 Alternative-Energy替代能源 Art藝術 Barack Obama奧巴馬 BBC英國廣播公司 Big-Brother大兄弟 Bilderberg彼爾德伯格 Biometrics生物識別技術 Bush布什 CCTV中央電視台 Censorship檢查 CIA美國中央情報局 Climate-Change氣候變化 Cover-Up掩蓋 Cults邪教 Culture文化 Database-State數據庫的國家 David-Hicks大衛希克斯 David-Ray-Griffin大衛射線格里芬 Debt債務 Democrats民主黨 Demos演示 Drugs藥品 Education教育 Entertainment娛樂 Environmental News環境新聞 EU歐盟 False-Flag假旗 FBI美國聯邦調查局 Fraud詐騙 Free-Speech自由言論 Freemasons濟 G8八國集團 Global-News全球新聞 Global-News全球新聞 Globalization全球化 Guantanamo關塔那摩 Health-News健康新聞 History歷史 ID-Cards編號卡 Internet互聯網 Iran伊朗 Iraq伊拉克 Israel以色列 John McCain約翰麥凱恩 Law法 Marches遊行 Media News媒體新聞 MI5軍情五處 MI6軍情六處 Microsoft微軟 Military軍事 MoD國防部 Money金錢 Music音樂 NASA美國宇航局 Neocons新保守主義 New World Order新的世界秩序 NSA國安局 Oil油 Pakistan巴基斯坦 Podcast播客 Police-State警察國家 Political News政治新聞 Propaganda中宣部 Reviews評語 RFID RFID技術 RINF Rumsfeld拉姆斯菲爾德 Science科學 Science & Technology News科技新聞 Secrecy保密 Security安全 Slavery奴隸制 Space空間 Sports體育 Spy間諜 Spying從事間諜活動 Stephen-Lendman斯蒂芬- Lendman Technology技術 Terrorism恐怖主義 Tony-Blair英國首相布萊爾 Torture酷刑 TV電視 UK-News英國新聞 UN聯合國 USA-美國， USA-News美國新聞 Video視頻 Voting投票 war戰爭 War & Terrorism News戰爭與恐怖主義的新聞 Warfare戰 White-House白家 Wolfowitz沃爾福威茨 World_News Yahoo雅虎
2003 - 2005 Archives 2003至2005年檔案 | 2005 - 2007 Archives 2005年-2 007年檔案 | 2007 - 2008 Archives 2007 -2 008檔案 | Current Archives目前檔案館 | Past Version |以往版本

About 大約 | | DVD Store DVD商店 | | Opinion 意見 | | Reviews 評語 | | Special Guests 特別來賓 | | Webmasters 網站管理員