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Sunday, November 16th, 2008 星期天， 08年11月16日

By通过 Nick Lowles尼克Lowles | Conventional wisdom suggests that the British National Party will benefit politically from a recession. |传统的智慧认为，英国民族党将有利于从政治上陷入衰退。 Government ministers certainly seem to think so.政府部长们肯定这么认为。 Journalists think so.记者这样认为。 And the BNP themselves certainly think so.和银行本身当然这么认为。

With unemployment likely to hit two million by the end of the year and house prices dropping 15% in the past 12 months, most people are feeling the pinch.由于失业率可能达到200万人在今年年底和房价下降15 ％ ，在过去12个月中，大部分人都感受到了压力。 The government’s response to the credit crunch might have boosted its poll ratings in the short term but it could be the far-right BNP that benefits when the recession really bites.政府的应对信贷紧缩可能将其民调在短期内，但它可能是极右翼银行利益的衰退时，真的叮咬。

“Economic meltdowns are one of the drivers of political revolutions, and the BNP must be ready to take advantage of the mess all of the other parties have made of the economy,” David Hannam, the BNP deputy treasurer, told a party meeting recently. “经济崩溃是一个司机的政治革命，和银行必须随时准备利用食堂的所有其他各方作出的经济， ”大卫汉南，该银行副司库说，最近党会议。

He went on to explain the party’s line of attack.他解释党的路线的攻击。 “Each immigrant who entered Britain decreased job prospects for native British workers. “谁每个移民进入英国的就业前景降低本地英国工人。 Our freedom is linked to the financial state of the country, and in a recession it is the workers who are first and hardest hit.我们的自由是与财务状况的国家，在经济衰退是工人谁首先是首当其冲。 The truth is that in an economically declining society, the worker is hit, but even in a so-called economically growing society, it is the worker who also gets hit.事实是，在经济下降的社会，工人击中，但即使在所谓的经济社会发展，这是工人谁也获得成功。 Successful monopolies are a by-product of globalism, and it is monopolies that decrease the demand for workers.”成功垄断的副产品全球，这是垄断减少对工人的需求。 “

His view is backed by party leader Nick Griffin who is confidently boasting that the BNP will benefit enormously from an economic downturn.他的观点得到了党领袖尼克格里芬谁正在满怀信心地吹嘘说， 法国将有利于从一个巨大的经济衰退。

The belief of a far-right gain is supported by the Labour MP Jon Cruddas.相信一个极右获得支持的工党议员乔恩Cruddas 。 “I’ve got a sense of foreboding about what lies ahead,” he told the BBC . “我有一个不祥的预感什么摆在面前， ”他告诉 BBC 。 “It will make a qualitative difference in terms of the context within which they’re allowed to perpetuate their scapegoating and myth-making.” “这将发生质的变化方面的环境，使他们让维持他们的替罪羊和神话的决策。 ”

The government, meanwhile, is worried that an economic downturn would result in increased racial tension and violence between communities and even terrorism.政府同时，担心经济衰退将导致更多的种族紧张局势和暴力社区之间，甚至恐怖主义。 In a 12-page internal memo, leaked to the Conservatives two months ago, Home Secretary Jacqui Smith relayed her concern over the consequences of an economic crisis.在一个12页的内部备忘录，泄露给保守党两个月前，杰葵内政大臣史密斯转达她的关切，后果的经济危机。 “There is a risk of a downturn increasing the appeal of far-right extremism and racism, which presents a threat as there is evidence that grievances based on experiencing racism are one of the factors that can lead to people becoming terrorists.” “有一个风险日益下滑的呼吁极右翼极端主义和种族主义，其中提出了一种威胁，因为有证据表明，申诉的基础上经历种族主义的因素之一，可导致人成为恐怖分子。 ”

The memo added that a downturn would affect the need for migrant workers, particularly in jobs such as construction where they make up a large proportion of the workforce.这份备忘录说，衰退将影响需要移民工人，特别是在工作，如地方建设作出了很大比例的劳动力。 “Increased public hostility to migrants” was predicted to result from heightened competition for employment. “提高公众对移民的敌意”的预测，结果加剧了竞争的就业机会。

The government is so concerned that it has recently established a new police taskforce to monitor racist violence.政府非常关心，它最近设立了一个新的警察工作队监测种族主义暴力行为。

Controversy 争议

Last month the new Immigration Minister controversially weighed into the debate.上个月，新的移民部长权衡争议的辩论。 Phil Woolas told The Times that immigration became an “extremely thorny” subject if people were losing their jobs.菲尔Woolas告诉泰晤士报，移民成为一个“非常棘手”问题，如果人失去工作。

“It’s been too easy to get into this country in the past and it’s going to get harder,” he said. “这是太容易进入这个国家在过去，它会得到更难， ”他说。

Employers should, he believes, put British people first, or they will risk fuelling racism.雇主应，他认为，把英国人首先，否则会助长种族主义的危险。 “In times of economic difficulties, racial stereotyping becomes stronger but also if you’ve got skills shortages you should, as a government, attempt to fill those skills shortages with your indigenous population.” “在经济逆境的时候，种族成见就越强，而且如果你有技能短缺你应该，作为一个政府，企图填补这些技能短缺与您的土著人口。 ”

Woolas was careful to include all British people in his British first policy, highlighting the high levels of unemployment affecting the British Bangladeshi community. Woolas谨慎地包括所有英国人在英国的第一个政策，突出了高失业率影响孟加拉国的英国社会。 He claimed that it was all too easy for an employer to hire a migrant to fill a job rather than to retrain British people of all races.他声称，这一切太容易了，雇主雇用移民，以填补工作，而不是再英国人的所有比赛。

While Woolas was actually addressing some tough issues, including many which have wrongly been ignored for too long, he left himself open to attack with a series of incendiary quotes which he should have known would cause offence.虽然Woolas实际上是解决一些棘手问题，其中包括许多有错误被忽略了太久，他离开自己的攻击打开了一系列的燃烧寻获，他应该知道会导致犯罪。 He promised not to allow Britain’s population to rise above 70 million and attacked “health tourism”.他承诺不会允许英国的人口将超过7000万美元，并攻击“保健旅游” 。

“It’sa national health service – it’s not an international health service,” he said. “这是一个国家卫生服务-这不是一个国际医疗服务， ”他说。

Woolas has not been alone in raising difficult and controversial issues. Woolas还没有单独在提高困难和有争议的问题。 Trevor Phillips, head of the Equality and Human Rights Commission, also weighed into the debate last month.特雷弗菲利浦，负责平等和人权委员会，亦令到上个月的辩论。 Speaking ahead of an address to a CBI conference, Phillips said: “After forty years in which it was impolite to speak frankly about immigration policy, we now must be able to address this fundamental aspect of economic policy without embarrassment or without fear of being labelled closet racists or open-border fantasists.在谈到今后的地址到英国工业联合会会议上，菲利普斯说： “经过四十年，其中不礼貌，以坦率地谈论移民政策，我们现在必须能够解决这个基本方面的经济政策不无尴尬或害怕被标签壁橱种族主义者或开放边界fantasists 。

“In what is to come, the best defence against prejudice against immigrants will be to make those who resent them competitive, to give them a place in society. “在什么是来，最好的防御对移民偏见将会使这些怨恨他们谁竞争力，让他们在社会中的地位。

“We may need to do so with the sort of special measures we’ve previously targeted at ethnic minorities. “我们可能需要这样做的某种特殊措施以前，我们针对少数族裔。 But the name of the game today is to tackle inequality, not racial special pleading.”但是，名称的比赛今天是解决不平等，而不是种族特殊的恳求。 “

This was not his first foray into this terrain.这不是他首次涉足这一领域。 He had previously stressed the importance of positive action to help white working class communities through the economic crisis.他曾强调，必须采取积极行动，以帮助白人工人阶级社区的经济危机。 “What we are seeing is that there is a whole group of people, a large proportion of whom are white, who are going to suffer from this crisis who are going to be the people we should want to help, particularly because they come from the wrong side of town,” he said. “我们看到的是，整个一群人，很大一部分人是白人，谁将会受到这场危机谁将是人民，我们应该要帮助，尤其是因为它们来自站在错误的一方小镇， “他说。

“We are going to have to do something special for them. “我们将不得不做一些特别为他们。 We are going to have to put extra resources where young people can’t compete with migrants’ skills.我们必须把额外资源，青年人无法与移民的技能。

“And in some parts of the country, it is clear that what defines disadvantage won’t be black or brown, it will be white. “在该国某些地区，很显然，界定哪些不利将不会黑色或褐色，这将是白色的。 And we will have to take positive action to help some white groups, what we might call the white underclass.”我们必须采取积极行动，以帮助一些白色的群体，我们可称之为白色的底层。 “

Nothing is certain 没有什么是一定的

However, there are dissenting voices to the view that the far right will necessarily gain from an economic downturn.然而，有反对的声音，以认为，极右势力一定会受益于经济衰退。 “Although there tends to be a bit of moral panic about it, it’s never really happened in a way that, in any sense, threatens the domination of the political scene by the main parties,” Professor Colin Rallings, from Plymouth University, says. “虽然往往是位道德恐慌，那是从来没有真正发生的一种方式，在任何意义上说，威胁统治的政治舞台上的主要当事方， ”教授科林Rallings ，来自普利茅斯大学，说。

He went on to stress that previous economic downturns had been accompanied by only short-term boosts for the right and were often geographically patchy.他强调，以往经济衰退了，伴随而来的只是短期提高的权利，而且往往地域不平衡。

Is Rawlings right?罗林斯是正确的？ Will any boost for the far right be patchy and short-lived?任何将推动最右边的是零散的和短期的？ Certainly recent history is on his side.当然，最近的历史上是他的身边。 The 1970s economic crisis failed to give any long-lasting boost to the National Front. 20世纪70年代的经济危机没有给任何持久的推动国民阵线。 Indeed, if anything, the political fortunes of the NF were already on the wane at the height of the crisis and certainly by the early 1980s, when unemployment topped three million and bank base rate was in double figures and reached over 15%, the NF hardly existed.事实上，如果有的话，政治命运的因子已经衰落的高度危机，当然由20世纪80年代初，当失业率超过300万和银行基准利率是在双位数，达到了15 ％ ，核很难存在。

During the recession of the early 1990s, and despite widespread media-fuelled concern over refugees, the BNP remained a largely inconsequential political force.在经济衰退的20世纪90年代初，尽管媒体的广泛燃料关注难民问题， 银行在很大程度上仍然是一个无关紧要的政治力量。

A different world 一个不同的世界

There is reason to believe that events might be different this time around.人们有理由相信，事件可能是不同的这一次。 Britain of today is very different from that of the late 1970s.今天英国有很大的不同，在20世纪70年代末。 The Cold War overshadowed British and indeed world politics.冷战阴影英国乃至世界的政治。 There was a vibrant left in Britain and a strong and very active trade union movement.有一个充满活力的留在英国和强有力的和非常积极的工会运动。 The Second World War was still strong in public consciousness and nationalism was a dirty word.第二次世界大战是仍然强劲的公众意识和民族主义是一个肮脏的词汇。

Since then the Soviet Union has collapsed and Europe fragmented.自那时起，苏联已经崩溃和欧洲支离破碎。 Nationalism has become the driving ideology of the past 20 years and socialism and social democracy are experiencing an identity crisis of huge proportions.民族主义已成为推动思想过去20年来，社会主义和社会民主正在经历认同危机的巨大比例。 In the past year alone eight out of ten social democratic parties have been driven from power in Europe, partly to the benefit of the far right.仅在过去一年中的8个， 10个社会民主政党都被赶出权力在欧洲，部分利益的极右势力。 Fascist and rightwing populist parties have been rising across western Europe and there is no reason to suggest that the same cannot happen in Britain.法西斯主义和右翼民粹主义政党一直在上升西欧和我们没有理由认为，也不能发生在英国。

Additionally, the BNP of today is quite different from the NF of the 1970s.此外， 法国的今天是完全不同的NF从上世纪70年代。 The NF contested elections, but only in a half-hearted manner.在核争议的选举，但只能在一个半心半意的方式进行。 For the NF leaders John Tyndall and Martin Webster elections were simply an organising tool but real power was going to be gained through control of the streets and by positioning themselves as ready to answer society’s call to restore social order.对于核领导人约翰廷德尔和马丁韦伯斯特选举只是一个工具，但组织真正的权力是要通过控制取得的街道和定位自己随时准备回答社会的呼吁，恢复社会秩序。

By contrast, the BNP has understood some political realities.相比之下， 法国理解一些政治现实。 It has publicly dropped some of its hardline policies, such as compulsory repatriation, which it knew would not be accepted by the vast majority of the population, and it has turned to local politics.它已经公开下降一些强硬的政策，如强制遣返，它知道将不会接受的绝大多数人口，它已成为当地的政治。 As a result the BNP is positioning itself as a real and lasting challenge to the main political parties, particularly Labour.由于该银行把自己定位在为真正的和持久的挑战，主要政党，特别是劳工。

More importantly, the political terrain has changed.更重要的是，政治的地形已经改变。 Disillusionment with the mainstream parties is at an all-time high, voting at an all-time low and active participation in political parties is, in too many communities, seemingly non-existent.幻灭与主流政党正处于历史最高水平，参加表决的历史低点，并积极参与政党，在很多社区，似乎是不存在的。

It is into this disillusionment that the BNP message is resonating.这是这个失望的消息是银行共鸣。 Race remains the cornerstone of BNP politics but its appeal is far wider and deeper.比赛仍然是基石， 法国政治，但其吸引力远远更广泛和更深入。 It is precisely because of this that the BNP could benefit enormously from an economic downturn.正是因为如此， 银行可以大大受益的经济衰退。

In Stoke-on-Trent the BNP believes it can take control of the council within two years.在斯托克的银行认为，可以采取控制的议会在两年之内。 If there had been a mayoral contest next spring there were many, including some government ministers, who believed the BNP could win.如果出现了市长竞赛明年春季有许多，其中包括一些政府部长，谁相信， 银行可以取胜。 At 6% of the local population the non-white community is tiny compared to many other towns and cities across the country.在6 ％的当地居民的非白人社会相比微不足道其他许多城镇和城市在全国各地。 Immigration and race are not the causes of the city’s problems but simply the prism through which the BNP allows local people to understand their problems and anger.移民和种族的原因不是城市的问题，而只是棱镜通过该银行允许当地人民了解他们的问题和愤怒。

The same is true for many other areas where the BNP is doing well.这同样适用于其他许多地区的银行表现不错。 The former mining communities of Rotherham, Heanor and Nuneaton, three other areas of BNP success, have relatively small BME populations but deep-rooted structural economic problems.前采矿社区罗瑟勒姆， Heanor和纳尼顿， 3个其他地区的银行的成功，有相对较小的生物医学工程的人口，但根深蒂固的结构性经济问题。

Compare that to the NF of the 1970s, which drew the bulk of its support from towns and cities, such as Leicester and Bradford, which experienced the greatest influx of non-white immigrants.相比之下，对核的20世纪70年代，其中提请其大部分支持城镇和城市，如莱斯特和布拉德福德，其中经历了最大的涌入的非白人移民。

There are two other issues that differentiate the present from the 1970s.有两个其他问题，区分本从20世纪70年代。 The Cold War has been replaced by a world defined by the “war on terror” and just as a recession could boost the far right, so fundamentalist religious groups will prosper.冷战已经取而代之的是世界上定义的“反恐战争”和公正的衰退可能提高极右势力，所以原教旨主义宗教团体会蓬勃发展。

As unemployment rises and disillusionment with mainstream parties deepens, friction between new and old communities will grow.至于失业率上升和失望与主流政党的深化，摩擦的新的和旧的社区将会增加。 Winding this up will be the BNP and other fascist groups on one side and fundamentalist religious groups, bent on demonising other communities and religions, on the other.绕组这一行动将是银行和其他法西斯集团一方和原教旨主义的宗教群体，执意妖魔化其他社区和宗教问题。 There is a symbiotic relationship between these extremes, with both needing the other to justify their own existence.有一种共生关系，这些极端的，既有需要的其他证明自己的存在。

This could play out on the streets, as we saw so vividly in Oldham and Burnley in 2001, or through a rise in domestic terrorism.这可以发挥街上，我们看到这样生动地在奥尔德姆和伯恩利在2001年，或通过增加国内恐怖主义。 It is this fear that is gripping the Home Office.正是这种担心，是引人入胜的家庭办公室。 We are already beginning to see a rise in violent racism and this is only likely to accelerate as the economy nosedives.我们已经开始看到上升的种族主义和暴力，这是唯一可能加速的经济nosedives 。

There has also been a rise in terrorism in recent times.人们还恐怖主义上升近倍。 While every Muslim plot attracts massive media attention, less known has been the increase in attempted far-right terrorism, both in Britain and across the continent.虽然每个穆斯林情节吸引了大批媒体的关注，很少有人知道一直在试图增加极右的恐怖主义，无论是在英国和整个欧洲大陆。 In 2007, ten people were arrested in alleged rightwing plots in Britain.在2007年， 10人被逮捕涉嫌右翼阴谋在英国。 While all were stopped before they were executed, it does raise the likelihood that rightwing terrorism, be it by individuals or small groups, will continue to grow.虽然都是停在他们被处决，但提高的可能性，右翼恐怖主义，不论是个人或小团体，将继续增长。 One can only imagine the consequences of a fascist bombing campaign against Muslim targets in Britain.一个只能想象的后果法西斯轰炸行动对穆斯林在英国的目标。 Likewise, while the feel good factor following the decision to award London the Olympics probably helped to defuse a backlash against the London bombs of 2005, a similar bombing campaign amid an economic downturn might have a different outcome.同样，虽然感觉良好的因素后，决定授予伦敦奥运会可能有助于缓解侵害反弹的伦敦炸弹， 2005年，一项类似的轰炸战役由于经济低迷，可能有不同的结果。

In the 1970s the trade unions played a crucial role in defeating the NF and today they have once again indicated their willingness to take a lead.在1970年代工会发挥了至关重要的作用打败的NF ，今天他们再次表示他们愿意起带头作用。 But today’s world, particularly in the workplace, is very different from that of 30 years ago.但是，今天的世界上，尤其是在工作场所，是非常不同于30年前。 The unions are weaker, more workplaces are un-unionised and also fragmented.工会较弱，更是联合国的工作场所，工会也支离破碎。

“The workplace is different from the 1970s,” says Paul Meszaros, secretary of Bradford Trades Council. “工作场所是不同于20世纪70年代，说： ”保罗梅萨罗斯书记布拉德福德贸易理事会。 “Back then workplaces were bigger and more unionised so it was more common for Asian and white people to work alongside each other. “当时工作场所有更大，更工会所以这是较常见的为亚洲和白人一道对方。 We were able to debate, argue and eventually find common ground.我们可以辩论，争论，并最终找到共同点。

“Today, workplaces are smaller and with communities living more separate lives and in different neighbourhoods within the city there are fewer opportunities for people to come together.” “今天，较小的工作场所和社区的生活更独立的生活，在不同街区的城市的机会就比较少的人走到一起。 ”

Recession might be a gift to the BNP but whether it will exploit the opportunity remains to be seen.经济衰退可能是一个礼物给银行 ，但是否会利用这一机会，仍有待观察。 Despite its growing sophistication the BNP still struggles to win first-past-the-post elections.尽管其日益复杂的斗争银行仍然赢得第一多数票当选的选举。 It has even performed poorly in recent by-elections, including some in traditional strongholds.它甚至表现不佳，在最近的选举，其中包括一些在传统的据点。

How opponents of the BNP react will also determine the potential electoral boost for the far right and this is where things need to change.如何反对法国的反应也将决定选举的潜力推动的极右势力，这是那里的东西需要改变。 The criticism of Woolas and Phillips has been strong and sometimes correct but it has also highlighted two fundamental issues.批评Woolas和菲利普斯一直强劲，有时正确的，但也强调两个基本问题。 Firstly, a common unwillingness to debate difficult but very real issues and secondly an acknowledgement that progressives have partly contributed to the problem.首先，一个共同不愿意辩论困难，但非常现实的问题，其次承认，有部分进步作出贡献的问题。

The error of identity politics 错误的认同政治

It is easy to criticise Woolas for his comments and of course some of his remarks echo the disastrous “British jobs for British workers” approach adopted by Gordon Brown last year.人们很容易批评Woolas的评论，当然还有他的一些言论回声灾难性的“英国就业，英国的工人”采用的办法是英国财政大臣布朗去年。 However, he was trying to grapple with some difficult issues, which all too many people prefer to ignore.然而，他正在试图克服一些困难的问题，使所有的人太多宁愿忽视。

Likewise, Phillips’s call for preferential treatment for white working class communities has been met by a barrage of criticism, some of it justified, some not.同样，菲利普斯的要求优惠待遇白色工人阶级社区已经达到了一连串的批评，一些有正当理由，有些不是。 Phillips is totally correct in saying that a growing number of white working class people feel ignored, abandoned and unrepresented.菲利普斯是完全正确的，他说，越来越多的白人工人阶层人民感到被忽视，被遗弃和任职。 As I myself have argued previously, the BNP is providing an identity for sections of this group.至于我本人也认为以前， 银行提供的身份各款的这一组。

However, accepting the existence of these sub-groups and calling for preferential treatment is part of the problem in the first place.但是，接受这些存在的小组，并要求优惠待遇，是问题的一部分摆在首位。 We no longer talk of a working class without sub-dividing it along racial lines.我们不再谈论工人阶级无分除以按民族划分。 Playing identity politics is a very dangerous game and it is now coming back to haunt us.播放认同政治是一个非常危险的游戏，现在是回来困扰我们。 Too much government policy and spending, locally and nationally, is directed through the prism of race, which is unwittingly helping to create this “white” identity, which is in turn being exploited by the BNP .太多的政府政策和支出，地方和国家，是针对通过棱镜的比赛，这是无意中帮助创造这种“白色”的身份，而这又是被剥削的银行 。 Too many progressive people have been complicit in this, knowingly or unknowingly.逐步太多人串通在这方面，有意或无意。

To prevent the BNP from exploiting our economic worries, class needs to replace race in popular discourse.为了防止银行利用我国经济的忧虑，一流的需要，以取代比赛中流行的话语。 We shouldn’t have white unemployed or black unemployed but just unemployed.我们不应该有白色或黑色失业者失业只是失业者。 We shouldn’t talk about white workers or black workers but just workers.我们不应该谈论白人工人或黑人工人只是工人。 That isn’t to say that we should ignore groups or not recognise particular hardships or discrimination, but we have to find a way to bring people along together, to get them to understand a common interest and shared future.这并不是说，我们应该忽视的群体或不承认特别困难或歧视，但我们必须找到一种方法，使人们相处，让他们理解的共同利益和共同的未来。 If we don’t then how can we complain when communal groups, including the white working class, compete for scarce resources.如果我们不那么我们怎么能抱怨的社区群体，包括白人工人阶级，竞争稀缺的资源。

Similarly, we need to develop a more secular approach.同样，我们需要制定一个更加世俗的做法。 One of the successes of the anti-fascist and anti-racist struggle in the late 1970s was its secularism.一个成功的反法西斯主义和反种族主义的斗争，在1970年代后期是其世俗化。 This was particularly found within the Asian Youth Movement, which brought together young Asian people of different religious backgrounds.这一点尤其内发现了亚洲青年运动，它汇集了年轻的亚洲各国人民不同的宗教背景。 While accepting the right to faith, we again need to find ways to bring people from different religious backgrounds together and this is no easy task.虽然接受的权利的信念，我们再次需要找到办法，使人们从不同的宗教背景在一起，这是绝非易事。 It is not just a question of differences between Christian and Muslim communities.它不仅是一个问题的分歧基督教和穆斯林社区。 In today’s Britain there is widespread suspicion and distrust between many religions, another issue that has too long been ignored.在今天的英国，人们普遍怀疑和不信任之间的许多宗教，另一个问题是长期以来被忽视了。

We must bring more politics (with a small p) into anti-fascism.我们必须使更多的政治（小p ）到反法西斯主义。 Just as we have been arguing for the past couple of years that simply shouting “nazi” at the BNP is no longer sufficient, so we must recognise that just calling for “Hope” over hate is also inadequate.正如我们一直主张在过去的几年里，简单地高喊“纳粹”在法国不再是足够的，所以我们必须认识到，只是呼吁“希望”战胜仇恨也是不够的。 When people are struggling economically and perhaps see little hope around them, we need to be able to address some of the underlying issues that might make them susceptible to the BNP and answer directly racist myths.当人们正在努力在经济上，也许看不到希望他们周围，我们需要能够解决一些基本问题有可能使他们容易受到银行和直接回答种族主义神话。 Hope is a positive concept but will only resonate when people feel good about the community in which they live and positive about their own economic future.希望这是一个积极的概念，但只会共鸣，当人们感觉良好的社会在他们的生活和积极的对自己的经济前途。

Fairness 公平

However, we also need to show fairness in our approach.然而，我们还需要表现出公平的办法。 We need to demonstrate that we are fighting for everyone, regardless of colour of skin or religious background.我们必须表明，我们正在为每个人的战斗，不论肤色或宗教背景。 We must also be prepared to criticise and condemn when it is necessary.我们还必须准备批评和谴责时，这是必要的。 Wrong is wrong, from whichever angle or community it derives.错误是错误的，从哪个角度或它源于社会。

Trade unions are in an excellent position to take on the BNP and its economic scapegoating, but it needs a different approach.工会是一个极好的立场采取对银行和经济替罪羊，但它需要一种不同的做法。 Unions need to find a more direct way to engage with their members and their families than they do at present.工会必须找到一种更直接的方式同其成员和他们的家庭比他们做。 A letter through the post or an article in a union journal is no substitute for a workplace meeting and human dialogue.信通过邮寄或一篇文章中工会的杂志是不能替代工作会议和人权对话。

The road ahead will not be easy.前面的道路不会是轻而易举的。 A recession will increase insecurity and so suspicion and hostility between communities.经济衰退将增加不安全和猜疑和敌意社区之间。 As the job market shrinks and local resources become increasingly scarce so racism and bitterness will grow.随着就业市场的萎缩和地方资源日益稀少，使种族主义和痛苦将会增加。 The BNP could make huge advances in the next couple of years.该银行可以作出巨大的进步，未来的几年。 Whether it does will partly depend on how we – government, unions and anti-fascists – respond.无论是不将部分取决于我们如何-政府，工会和反法西斯主义者-回应。

Have Your Say: Is a recession good news for the BNP? 你说：是一个好消息，经济衰退的银行？
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