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Πώς το Πεντάγωνο μετέτρεψε ένα πρόγραμμα αντίστασης ερώτησης σε σχεδιάγραμμα για τα βασανιστήρια

Παρασκευή, 27η Ιουνίου 2008

Από το ιστίο Ackerman | Αυγούστου 2004, ένα αμυντικό τμήμα. η επιτροπή συγκάλεσε για να ερευνήσει την κατάχρηση κρατουμένων αφότου παρουσίασε το σκάνδαλο Abu Ghraib την πολύς-προσδοκώμενη έκθεσή του. Τεχνικές ερώτησης που σχεδιάζονται για τη χρήση στον κόλπο Guantánamo, ο οποίος Πρόεδρος George W. Ο Μπους είχε θεσπίσει τη εξωτερική όψη που το πεδίο των Συνθηκών της Γενεύης, «είχε μεταναστεύσει» στο Ιράκ, οι οποίες φυτεύουν με θάμνους αναγνωρισμένος ήταν κάτω από τη Γενεύη, τελική επιτροπή πρόεδρος James Schlesinger, ένας προηγούμενος αμυντικός γραμματέας. Η επιτροπή του Schlesinger, εντούτοις, δεν εξήγησε ποιοι ανώτεροι υπάλληλοι διέταξαν τις καταχρηστικές τεχνικές που μεταφέρουν στις ηπείρους - ή πώς και γιατί έγιναν πολιτική Πενταγώνου κατά πρώτο λόγο.

(Την Τετάρτη) η Επιτροπή των Ένοπλων Δυνάμεων Συγκλήτου απάντησε σε εκείνες τις ερωτήσεις. Σε μια ακρόαση μαραθωνίου που εκτείνεται οκτώ ώρες και τρεις χωριστές επιτροπές, η επιτροπή αποκάλυψε, με προσεκτικές λεπτομέρειες, πώς οι ανώτεροι ανώτεροι υπάλληλοι Πενταγώνου μετασχημάτισαν ένα πρόγραμμα για τα πρόσθετα στρατεύματα δυνάμεων για να αντισταθούν στα βασανιστήρια - γνωστά ως διαφυγή αντίστασης διαφυγής επιβίωσης, ή ΞΗΡΑ - σε ένα σχεδιάγραμμα για το βασανισμό των κρατουμένων τρομοκρατίας.

Η επιτροπή, προήδρευσε από Sen. Carl Levin (δ-Mich.), δημοσιευμένα πολυάριθμα ταξινομημένα έγγραφα από την κρίσιμη περίοδο τα μέσα του2002 έως στις αρχές του 2003, όταν πήραν οι πολιτικές της κατάχρησης τη μορφή μέσα στο αμυντικό τμήμα. Οι «ανώτεροι υπάλληλοι στις Ηνωμένες αναζητημένες κυβέρνηση πληροφορίες για τις επιθετικές τεχνικές, έστριψαν το νόμο για να δημιουργήσουν την εικόνα της νομιμότητάς τους και εγ:κρίνω τη χρήση τους ενάντια στους κρατουμένους,» Levin εν λόγω. «Στη διαδικασία, έβλαψαν τη δυνατότητά μας να συλλέξουμε τη νοημοσύνη που θα μπορούσε να σώσει τις ζωές.»

Το ΞΗΡΟ πρόγραμμα - που εισάγεται πρώτα σε πολλοί από ένα άρθρο του 2005 από τη Jane Mayer του Νεοϋρκέζου - δεν είναι ένα πρόγραμμα ερώτησης. Ούτε είναι αυτό ένα πρόγραμμα νοημοσύνη-συλλογής. Αντ' αυτού, είναι ένα σκοτεινό πρόγραμμα φτερά πρόσθετος-δυνάμεων των διαφορετικών στρατιωτικών υπηρεσιών» που διδάσκει τα στρατεύματα πώς να αντισταθεί τα βασανιστήρια εάν συλλαμβάνονται. Υπαγόμενοι σπουδαστές εκπαιδευτικών - κάτω από το αυστηρό ρολόι των ψυχολόγων και των παθολόγων - στις διάφορες τεχνικές βασανιστηρίων, συμπεριλαμβανομένου, των παρατεταμένων θέσεων πίεσης, της στέρησης ύπνου και του αισθητήριου χειρισμού. Το Waterboarding «είναι μια συντριπτική εμπειρία που προκαλεί τη φρίκη, προκαλεί ένα μανιώδες ένστικτο επιβίωσης,» Malcolm Nance, ένας προηγούμενος ΞΗΡΟΣ εκπαιδευτικός ναυτικού που ήταν ο ίδιος, πιστοποιημένος στο συνέδριο το Νοέμβριο. «Ως γεγονός που ξετυλίχτηκε, είχα επίγνωση πλήρως αυτό που συνέβαινε: Βασανιζόμουν.»

On July 25, 2002, the Defense agency that oversees the SERE program, known as the Joint Personnel Recovery Agency, or JPRA, was contacted by a representative of Pentagon General Counsel William Haynes for information about SERE practices for the “exploitation process” — that is, getting detainees to cooperate with their interrogators. The next day, JPRA’s chief of staff, Air Force Lt. Col. Daniel Baumgartner, sent Haynes a lengthy memorandum explaining how the program worked.

Before the Senate panel, Baumgartner said he did not realize that Haynes wanted to use SERE techniques on enemy combatants. “I had no idea how it would be used,” he testified. “When tasked by my higher headquarters … I can’t really turn around and tell the flag officers and the senior executive service people no.”

Haynes, who retired from the Pentagon in April, after his nomination to the federal judiciary foundered, pled ignorance. “No, sir, I don’t remember it at the time,” Haynes said when asked if he had received Baumgartner’s memorandum. “But I saw it a long time ago … it’s possible I saw it at the time.”

Pressed by Levin on how he could not have seen a memorandum concerning terrorism detentions and interrogations, Haynes replied, “the recipient is the Office of the Secretary of Defense General Counsel, which [was] not my precise title.”

Baumgartner’s memorandum was not the last time SERE techniques were introduced into the interrogation bloodstream. On the week of Sept. 16, 2002, JPRA officials invited a contingent of senior Guantánamo-based officers to a briefing session at Ft. Bragg, N.C. Haynes and his legal counterparts at the Central Intelligence Agency, Justice Dept. and the Vice President’s office visited Guantánamo the following week for an update on interrogations. The minutes of that meeting record that the commander of the detention facility “did take Mr. Haynes and a few others aside for private conversations.”

Just the week after that, a senior CIA lawyer, Jonathan Fredman, instructed Guantánamo officers on various SERE-pedigreed torture methods, including waterboarding. “If the detainee dies,” Fredman said, “you’re doing it wrong.” In response, the chief Guantánamo Bay attorney, Lt. Col. Diane Beaver, said, “We will need documentation to protect us.”

It would be a fateful decision. On Oct. 11, 2002, Beaver’s boss, Maj. Gen. Michael Dunleavy, the commander of Guantánamo’s detention center, sent a request to his boss, Southern Command chief James Hill, for harsher, SERE-derived interrogation techniques. Beaver attached to that request a certification that “the proposed strategies do not violate applicable federal law.”

Beaver testified (Wednesday) for the first time since Haynes declassified her guidance in mid-2004. She said she intended for the techniques to be used under supervised and restricted circumstances. It turned out that not a single other military lawyer submitted written guidance in support of the SERE-derived techniques. “In hindsight,” Beaver told the Senate panel, “I can only conclude that others chose not to write on this issue in order not to be linked to it. For me, that was not an option.”

The result of Haynes’ efforts were to transform “stress positions” — forcing someone into uncomfortable contortions for hours on end — from something U.S. special forces had to withstand to something U.S. interrogators would place on Guantánamo inmates like Mohamed al-Qatani, also known as Guantánamo Detainee 063. Qatani was at one point believed to be the intended 20th 9/11 hijacker, but last month the Pentagon unceremoniously dropped the charges against him.

Nor did the SERE techniques remain only at Guantánamo Bay. In the summer of 2003, the new Guantánamo detentions and interrogations commander, Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller, visited Iraq at the behest of Rumsfeld intelligence deputy Steve Cambone to “Gitmo-ize” detention operations there. It was revealed (Wednesday) that Beaver accompanied Miller on the trip.

The wages of this turn to what Vice President Dick Cheney once euphemistically described as “the dark side” were made clear in March. A deputy to Gen. David Petraeus, the commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, briefed reporters on an emerging profile of recruits to the terrorist organization Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) that his command had compiled from interviews with AQI detainees. In many cases, the recruits were convinced to join the terrorist group after being shown images of abuse emerging from Abu Ghraib or Guantánamo Bay.

Near the conclusion of the hearing, Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I) glowered at Haynes, frustrated at the former Pentagon official’s faulty memory. Reed said that Haynes, Rumsfeld and Bush had deprived U.S. troops of clear guidance for legal interrogations, exposing them to potential prosecution in the U.S. — and likely torture if captured by enemies who no longer have reason to believe that their own soldiers won’t be tortured in U.S. custody. “You did a disservice to the soldiers of this nation,” Reed told Haynes.

Spencer Ackerman is senior fellow at The Washington Independent. He covers national security and foreign policy.

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