关塔那摩湾是够糟糕-巴格拉姆更糟糕的是

Friday, November 14th, 2008 星期五， 2008年11月14号

By Daphne Eviatar | Eric Lewis didn’t know much about Ruzatullah’s case when he decided to take it on two years ago. 由达芙妮Eviatar |埃里克刘易斯也不太了解Ruzatullah的情况下，他决定是否对两年前。 All he knew was that in October 2004, Ruzatullah, an Afghan man in his thirties, was spending a quiet evening at home with his family in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, when US troops forced their way in and searched the place.所有他知道的是，在2004年10月， Ruzatullah ，一名阿富汗男子在他的三十岁，是一个安静的开支晚上在家里与家人在贾拉拉巴德，阿富汗，美国军队时，强迫其方式和搜查的地方。 The soldiers found no guns or other weapons, but they seized Ruzatullah and his brother Inavatullah (many Afghans have only one name) and took them to the US military base at Bagram.士兵们没有发现任何枪支或其他武器，但他们抓住Ruzatullah和他的弟弟Inavatullah （许多阿富汗人只能有一个名称）和带他们到美军基地巴格拉姆。 Inavatullah was released 15 days later; Ruzatullah remained at the de facto detention center. Inavatullah被释放后15天; Ruzatullah仍处于事实上的拘留中心。 When Lewis took the case in 2006, Ruzatullah was still in US custody.当刘易斯的情况下发生在2006年， Ruzatullah仍处于美军的关押之下。 No charges had been brought against him.没有收费已对他提出。 His friends and family insisted that he had no connection to terrorists, criminals, or any armed forces.他的朋友和家人坚持说，他没有任何关系恐怖分子，罪犯，或任何武装部队。

A commercial litigator at Baach Robinson and Lewis — a boutique law firm in Washington, DC — Lewis ordinarily represents foreign banks, insurance companies, and governments in fraud and insolvency cases.商业律师在Baach罗宾逊和刘易斯-精品律师事务所在华盛顿特区-刘易斯通常是外资银行，保险公司和政府的欺诈和破产案件。 He heard about the detainees at Bagram from Tina Monshipour Foster, a former attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), where Lewis had been a board member.他听到被关押在巴格拉姆从蒂娜Monshipour福斯特，前律师的宪法权利中心（中央控制室），其中刘易斯一直是董事会成员。 Foster’s two-year-old nonprofit, the International Justice Network (IJN), provides legal assistance to victims of human rights abuses, as well as linking advocates around the world.福斯特的2岁的非盈利性的国际司法网（ IJN ），提供法律援助，以侵犯人权的受害者，以及连接主张世界各地。 The problems she described to Lewis — hundreds of detainees held incommunicado and without charges at Bagram for years, unable to contact family or friends or even to see the evidence against them — drew him in.她的问题描述刘易斯-数百名被拘留者隔离，并没有受到指控在巴格拉姆多年来，无法与家人或朋友或什至看到针对他们的证据-把他英寸

“I remember studying Korematsu in law school and thinking, of course, that it could never happen again,” Lewis says, referring to the landmark case of Korematsu v. United States, in which the US Supreme Court upheld the president’s right to force Japanese Americans into US internment camps during World War II. “我记得学习松在法律学校和思维，当然，这决不可能再次发生， ”刘易斯说，指的是划时代的情况下Korematsu诉美国，在美国最高法院维持总统的权利部队日裔美国人进入美国拘留营在第二次世界大战期间。 “It became clear that [indefinite detention of foreigners by the US government] was the legal issue of our time.” “显然， [无限期拘留的外国人，美国政府]是法律问题，我们的时间。 ”

On its face, the legal status of the detainees at Bagram, a US-controlled air base leased from the government of Afghanistan, appears to be much like that of the prisoners at Guantánamo Bay, a US military station leased from Cuba.表面上看，法律地位的被关押在巴格拉姆基地，美空军基地的控制租用阿富汗政府，似乎就像是囚犯在关塔那摩湾，美国军方的一份租赁站从古巴。 One would expect the Bagram detainees to benefit from the legal arguments raised on behalf of the Guantánamo inmates, whose due process rights the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed, most recently in Boumediene v. Bush.人们会期望巴格拉姆被拘留者能够受益于法律论点提出的代表关塔那摩囚犯，其正当法律程序的权利，最高法院已多次申明，最近一次是在布什总统布迈丁诉。 But so far, Bagram detainees have not benefited from the precedents that now apply unequivocally to prisoners at Guantánamo Bay.但迄今为止，巴格拉姆被拘留者不受益的先例，现在明确适用囚犯在关塔那摩湾。 Moreover, the Bagram detainees have failed to garner the same level of public attention and outrage — or the stampede of offers for pro bono representation from major commercial law firms [see related article, "Why Firms Say No"].此外，巴格拉姆被拘留者都未能获得同等程度的公众关注和愤慨-或踩死的产品，无偿的代表主要的商业法律事务所[见相关文章： “为什么企业说不” ] 。 Foster says she’s asked several law firms for help, but so far none of them besides Baach Robinson have been willing to take on Bagram cases.福斯特说，她问几个律师事务所的帮助，但迄今没有人除了Baach罗宾逊已愿意承担巴格拉姆案件。

More than 600 prisoners remain at Bagram without being charged; some have been in legal limbo for more than five years. 600多名囚犯在巴格拉姆仍然没有受到指控，一些已在法律状态超过五年。 Because the United States calls Afghanistan a battleground in the war on terror, it contends that prisoners held there have no right to challenge their detention.由于美国要求阿富汗战场在反恐战争中，它说，关押有没有权利挑战其拘留。 Whether for political or strategic reasons, or merely because of Guantánamo Bay burnout, no more than a handful of detainees held by the US government at Bagram have any legal representation.无论是政治或战略原因，或者仅仅是因为关塔那摩湾的倦怠，不超过少数关押，美国政府已在巴格拉姆基地的任何法律代表。 Yet their plight reflects a problem that extends far beyond the US air base, and has implications for the United States and the prisoners it holds all over the world.然而，他们的困境反映了一个问题，远远超出了美国的空军基地，并已影响到美国和囚犯它在世界各地。

Of course, Guantánamo detainees weren’t so popular initially, either.当然，关塔那摩被拘留者没有如此受欢迎最初，无论是。 Neal Katyal is a professor at Georgetown University Law Center who represents Salim Hamdan, the personal driver of Osama Bin Laden who was recently convicted of aiding terrorism.奥尼尔Katyal是一个教授乔治敦大学法律中心谁代表萨利姆哈姆丹，个人司机乌萨马本拉丹最近谁定罪的协助恐怖主义。 Katyal recalls that when he first sought help on the Hamdan case, only one law firm, Perkins Coie, was willing to take it on, out of about 15 that he approached. Katyal回忆，当他第一次寻求帮助的哈姆丹案件中，只有一个律师事务所， Perkins Coie公司，是愿意承担它，在约15 ，他接触。 “When I filed the case back in 2004, a lot of people were saying we’re fighting for the wrong side,” Katyal says [see "Courting Failure"]. “当我提起的案件早在2004年，很多人说我们是战斗的错误的一边” ， Katyal说， [见“求爱失败” ] 。 That all changed after the Supreme Court decided Rasul v. Bush in June 2004, holding that the federal courts have jurisdiction to review detentions of foreign nationals captured abroad and imprisoned at Guantánamo.这一切都改变之后，最高法院决定拉苏尔诉布什总统在2004年6月举行的联邦法院有管辖权审查拘留的外国公民在国外被捕，并关押在关塔那摩。

But the success of dozens of prominent American lawyers in representing Guantánamo detainees has had an unintended consequence: The US military has stopped sending captured suspects to Guantánamo, whose total prisoner population has dropped to roughly 275.但取得成功的数十名美国著名的律师代表关塔那摩有意想不到的后果：美国军方已经停止发送抓获嫌疑人的关塔那摩的囚犯人口总数已经下降到大约275 。 As of April, reports Human Rights First, only about 30 Afghans remain at the installation, compared with some 200 in 2002.截至4月，报告第一人权，只有约30阿富汗人留在安装相比，有大约200名在2002年。 Instead, thousands of individuals who are suspected of participating in, assisting, or having knowledge of terrorism are now being held elsewhere — an estimated 14,000 in Afghanistan and 25,000 in Iraq.相反，成千上万的个人谁是涉嫌参与，协助，或有知识的恐怖主义正在举行的其他地方-1 4000，估计在阿富汗和伊拉克2 5000。 Although some will eventually be transferred to Afghan or Iraqi custody, all are initially detained pursuant to President George Bush’s November 2001 executive order authorizing indefinite detention of anyone who the president has “reason to believe” is or was a member of Al Qaeda or has engaged in or assisted terrorism against the United States.虽然有些人最终将被转移到阿富汗或伊拉克保管，所有被拘留的最初根据布什总统2001年11月行政命令，授权无限期拘留任何人谁是总统“有理由相信”是或曾经是一名成员或基地组织从事或协助恐怖主义对美国。

The difficulty of challenging detentions authorized by the president may be part of what’s kept many large firms from taking on Bagram cases.困难具有挑战性的拘留，授权布什总统可能是什么使许多大型企业采取的巴格拉姆案件。 But as insurgents have increased their attacks on US and NATO forces in Afghanistan in recent months, the idea of representing prisoners suspected of aiding terrorism there may also seem imprudent as a political matter.但是，武装分子已经增加了它们攻击美国和北约部队在阿富汗最近几个月，想法代表囚犯涉嫌协助恐怖主义也可能似乎轻率作为一个政治问题。 Some lawyers at large law firms deny being deterred by such considerations, but the IJN’s Foster disagrees.一些大的律师在律师事务所被吓倒否认这种考虑，但IJN的福斯特不敢苟同。 “They are afraid,” says Foster, who left Clifford Chance for CCR in 2004 to help organize pro bono representation for Guantánamo detainees. “他们都害怕，说： ”福斯特，谁离开克利福德机遇， 2004年连续重整，以帮助组织无偿代表关塔那摩被拘留者。 “There hasn’t been the public campaign for Bagram yet that we did for Guantánamo.” “有没有得到公众的巴格拉姆运动，我们还没有对关塔那摩。 ”

Political considerations haven’t deterred Baach Robinson, however.政治上的考虑，并没有吓倒Baach罗宾逊，但是。 “One advantage of being in a small law firm is you can ignore that pressure to a greater degree,” says Lewis, who’s working on the case with partner Katherine Toomey. “一个好处是在一个小律师事务所是可以忽略的压力在更大程度上说， ”刘易斯，谁工作的情况下与合作伙伴凯瑟琳Toomey 。 “Most of our clients are abroad. “我们的大多数客户都在国外。 Frankly, commercial clients abroad are proud to see their lawyers are part of this.坦率地说，商业客户在国外很高兴看到他们的律师都参加了这一点。 I think there’s almost universal revulsion from every part of the political spectrum outside of the United States about the way the United States has been conducting its business abroad.”我认为，几乎普遍反感的每一个部分政治光谱在美国之外的方式，美国一直在进行其国外业务。 “

The logistics of representing inmates at Bagram adds another substantial hurdle for US lawyers.物流的代表在巴格拉姆监狱又增加了很大的障碍，美国律师。 If representing detainees at Guantánamo seemed a Kafkaesque exercise for the many big-firm lawyers who made the tortuous trek through military obstacles, checkpoints, and security clearances to defend their clients there [See "Justice at Bay," May 2005], it’sa cakewalk compared with representing a client at Bagram.如果代表被关押在关塔那摩似乎Kafkaesque行使的许多大公司的律师谁了曲折的跋涉通过军事障碍，检查站，安全许可和维护他们的客户有[见“司法湾” ， 2005年5月] ，这是一个步态竞赛与客户代表在巴格拉姆基地。

Not only is Afghanistan about 6,000 miles farther away and much more dangerous than Cuba, but the US Department of Defense does not allow detainees at Bagram to meet with lawyers or human rights organizations.这不仅是对阿富汗六千英里更远和更危险的古巴，但美国国防部不允许被关押在巴格拉姆基地，以满足与律师或人权组织。 No one has access to the prison other than US government officials and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which does not issue public reports.没有任何人进入监狱以外的其他美国政府官员和国际红十字委员会，不公开发行的报告。 “For reasons of operational security and military necessity, the number of visitors who can visit detention facilities in a country where US forces are actively engaged in hostilities is necessarily limited,” Lt. Col. Mark Wright, spokesman for the Defense Department, wrote in an e-mail response to questions. “出于业务安全和军事必要性，游客人数谁可以访问拘留设施的国家中美国军队积极参与敌对行动必定是有限的， ”中校马克赖特发言人国防部中写道电子邮件回答问题。

The US government says that Bagram prisoners have no right to see the charges or evidence against them, or to know why they’re considered a terrorist threat.美国政府说，巴格拉姆犯人没有权利看到收费或对他们的证据，或者知道为什么他们视为恐怖主义的威胁。 “Detention of enemy combatants during wartime is not criminal punishment and therefore does not require that individuals be charged or tried in a court of law,” Wright said in an e-mail. “拘留敌方战斗人员在战争期间没有刑事处罚，因此并不需要，个人收取或试图在法庭上的法律， ”赖特说，在一封电子邮件。

According to the few lawyers representing prisoners there at the request of relatives, many Bagram detainees were turned over to US authorities by former enemies or neighbors who wanted to settle an old score or collect a bounty from the US — a contention supported by human rights organizations such as Amnesty International; news reports from the Associated Press, The McClatchy Company newspapers, and Time magazine; and even former Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf’s recent memoir, In the Line of Fire.据一些囚犯的代表律师在那里的亲属的要求，许多巴格拉姆被拘留者被移交给美国当局前敌人或邻居谁想要解决的老评分或收集悬赏来自美国-一个论点支持人权组织如大赦国际新闻报道的美联社，麦克拉奇公司的报纸，杂志和时间; ，甚至前，巴基斯坦总统穆沙拉夫最近的回忆录，在火线。 Yet those imprisoned have no way to prove-or even to claim-their innocence.然而，这些被囚禁者没有办法证明，或什至宣称，自己是无辜的。

Conditions at the detention center are atrocious, according to lawyers, news reports, and organizations such as Human Rights Watch and the London-based group Reprieve.细则在拘留中心是残酷的，根据律师，新闻报道，并组织，如人权观察和总部设在伦敦的组死缓。 Ruzatullah’s habeas petition alleged that Bagram detainees are crowded together in wire-mesh cages without toilets or running water and “are regularly tortured and abused, including being starved, severely beaten, forced into painful, contorted body positions, ‘waterboarded,’ exposed to extremely cold temperatures, and sexually humiliated.” In December 2002, the Pentagon has acknowledged, US soldiers beat two Bagram detainees to death. Ruzatullah的人身保护请愿书声称，巴格拉姆被拘留者在拥挤的一道筛网笼子里没有厕所或自来水和“经常折磨和虐待，包括被饿死，严重殴打，被迫进入痛苦的，扭曲的体位， waterboarded ， '暴露到极度寒冷的气温，和性羞辱。 “ 2002年12月，五角大楼承认，美军士兵殴打两个巴格拉姆被拘留者死亡。 Although officers allegedly involved in the deaths were prosecuted — five were convicted, but none received a sentence of more than three months in prison — the Pentagon vehemently denies accusations of systemic torture or abuse at Bagram.虽然官员涉嫌参与死亡被起诉-5人被定罪，但没有收到了一句超过3个月的监禁-五角大楼坚决否认指控系统性酷刑或虐待在巴格拉姆基地。 “The conditions at the BTIF [Bagram Theater Internment Facility] meet international standards for care and custody of detained persons,” Wright told The American Lawyer by e-mail. “条件在BTIF [巴格拉姆剧场拘留设施]符合国际标准的照料和监护的被拘留者， ”赖特说，美国的律师通过电子邮件。 “The United States strictly prohibits the abuse of detainees in its custody.” He acknowledged that there are now about 600 detainees at Bagram, although the facility wasn’t built to hold nearly that many. “美国严格禁止虐待被拘留者在其保管。 ”他承认，现在有大约600名被关押在巴格拉姆基地，虽然该设施并非建容纳近许多。

Detainees at Guantánamo have at least some means of challenging their status as enemy combatants through a Combatant Status Review Tribunal, or CSRT.被关押在关塔那摩至少有一些手段的挑战其地位的敌方战斗人员通过一个战斗员身份审查法庭，或CSRT 。 At Bagram, the process is even more circumscribed.在巴格拉姆基地的进程更是限制。 A panel of five US military officers, called an Enemy Combatant Review Board (ECRB), is supposed to review the detainees’ status, usually within 75 days of their capture and every six months thereafter.小组的5名美国军官，所谓的敌方战斗人员审查委员会（ ECRB ），是审查被拘留者的地位，通常在75天的捕捉和其后每六个月。 But sometimes just the commanding officer, instead of a review board, decides the case, as Col. Rose Miller, commander of detention operations at Bagram, confirmed in an affidavit submitted in the Ruzatullah case.但有时仅仅是指挥官，而不是审查委员会，决定的情况下，如玫瑰米勒上校指挥官拘留在巴格拉姆行动证实，在提交的誓章中Ruzatullah案件。 According to Miller, the designation is based on “all reasonably available and relevant information available on the date of the review.” Lewis and Foster say that almost all the evidence used against detainees comes from military personnel involved in their capture and interrogation.据米勒，指定是基于“一切合理使用和有关资料之日起进行审查。 ”刘易斯和福斯特说，几乎所有的证据用来对付被拘留者来自军事人员参与其捕获和审讯。 The detainees themselves typically have no opportunity to speak at, or even attend, the hearing or subsequent reviews.被拘留者本身通常没有机会发言，甚至参加，听证会或以后的审查。

“It makes the CSRTs look like the latest thing from the world court of transgalactic justice,” Baach Robinson’s Lewis says. “这使CSRTs看起来像最新的东西从世界transgalactic法院的司法， ” Baach罗宾逊的刘易斯说。 The disparate treatment of detainees at Bagram is justified, the government argues, because Bagram is different.不同的被拘留者待遇的巴格拉姆基地是合理的，政府认为，由于巴格拉姆是不同的。 At Guantánamo, a military base leased from Cuba for more than a century, the United States retains “complete jurisdiction and control,” the US Department of Justice asserted in its motion to dismiss the Ruzatullah case.在关塔那摩军事基地，古巴租用了一个多世纪，美国保留“完全的管辖和控制” ，美国司法部声称在其动议驳回Ruzatullah案件。 Yet the “United States’s use of the Bagram Airfield is ‘a wartime necessity’ subject to a rather typical lease with the host nation,” the Justice Department wrote.然而， “美国使用的巴格拉姆空军基地是'战时需要，受到了相当典型的租赁与东道国的国家， ”司法部写道。 Therefore, “the petitioners have no statutory habeas rights in the United States.”因此， “请愿没有法定的人身权利在美国。 ”

Ruzatullah’s lawyers vigorously disagree. Ruzatullah的律师强烈反对。 “They have a US lease at Bagram that’s similar to Guantánamo,” Lewis says. “他们有一个美国在巴格拉姆租赁是类似关塔那摩， ”刘易斯说。 “It should be treated the same.” Regardless of the particular details of different military leases,Lewis and his colleagues are also trying to establish a broader principle that could apply to the thousands of other prisoners held elsewhere in the world by the United States. “应该一视同仁。 ”不管具体的细节不同的军事租赁，刘易斯和他的同事们还试图建立一个更广泛的原则，可以适用于成千上万的其他被关押在世界其他地方的美国。 As they put it in their brief to the court opposing dismissal of Ruzatullah’s habeas case: “Freedom from arbitrary executive detention dates to the Magna Carta, is not limited territorially, and is one of the most fundamental tenets of the rule of law.” They also object that enemy combatant determinations don’t meet the demands of the Military Commissions Act (MCA); that such indefinite incarceration violates the Geneva Conventions and US law; and that the MCA is unconstitutional because it does not provide an adequate alternative remedy to habeas corpus.当他们把它放在他们的简短向法院提出反对解雇Ruzatullah的保护情况： “免于行政拘留任意日期的大宪章，并不局限于领土，是最根本的原则，法治。 “他们还对象敌方战斗人员的决定不符合要求的军事委员会法（马华） ; ，这种无限期监禁违反了日内瓦公约和美国法律，并认为马华是违宪的，因为它没有提供足够的替代的补救办法人身保护令。

These may not be easy arguments to win.这些可能不容易的论点胜利。 Traditionally, the government has been allowed to detain prisoners during a war indefinitely.传统上，政府已经允许扣留战俘在战争下去。 Yet the “war on terror,” which does not conform to any definition of “war” under international law, presents a unique challenge to this principle, Lewis says.然而， “反恐战争” ，这不符合任何定义的“战争”根据国际法，提出了一种独特的挑战这一原则，刘易斯说。 “What happens when you have a war that is unlimited in time and space?” he asks. “后会发生什么事您有战争，是无限的时间和空间？ ”他问。 “When the battlefield is everywhere and it will never end? “当战场是无处不在，它永远不会结束？ It’s not a war against a nation-state, it’sa war against a concept.这不是一个战争对一个民族国家，这是一个战争的一个概念。 The law of war was developed when conflicts were defined in time and space.战争法的制定时，冲突的定义在时间和空间。 In the absence of that, you’re talking about detention for a lifetime.”如果没有这一点，你在谈论拘留了一辈子。 “

The case that Bagram detainees should have habeas corpus rights might be easier to make on behalf of non-Afghan prisoners who were captured outside of Afghanistan and then sent to Bagram.该案件的巴格拉姆被拘留者应该有人身权利可能更容易让代表非阿富汗战俘被抓获谁在阿富汗境外，然后传送到巴格拉姆。 The United States can’t counter that such detainees are merely being held on the battlefield for the duration of hostilities.美国不能对付这种仅仅是被拘留者被关押在战场上的持续的敌对行动。

Take the case of Fadi Al Maqaleh, whom Tina Foster represents in a habeas petition in federal court in Washington, DC Foster met Al Maqaleh’s father in Yemen in 2006.采取的情况下棣基地Maqaleh ，其中蒂娜福斯特代表的人身保护令申请在联邦法院在华盛顿会见了福斯特基地Maqaleh的父亲在也门在2006年。 He knew only that his 25-year-old son had disappeared from his home in Sana’a, Yemen, until the International Committee of the Red Cross delivered a letter from Al Maqaleh in 2003.他只知道，他25岁的儿子失踪了，他的家在也门萨那，直到国际红十字委员会递交了一封信从Al Maqaleh在2003年。 The letter informed Al Maqaleh’s father that his son was in US custody.信中告知基地Maqaleh的父亲，他的儿子是美国关押。 Any details that might have explained how Al Maqaleh ended up at Bagram were redacted.任何细节可能解释了如何铝上涨Maqaleh在巴格拉姆被抹黑。 Al Maqaleh’s father insists that his son has never been an enemy or combatant of any kind against the United States.铝Maqaleh的父亲坚持认为，他的儿子从来没有敌人或战斗人员任何形式的针对美国的。 Yet neither he nor his son’s lawyer is allowed to visit his son, and no one outside the US government is allowed to see the evidence against Al Maqaleh.然而，无论他本人还是他的儿子的律师被允许访问他的儿子，没有人在美国以外的政府是允许看到的证据对基地Maqaleh 。 The Justice Department has moved to dismiss the habeas case Foster filed on his behalf on the same grounds that it cited in seeking to dismiss the Ruzatullah case: The federal courts, the department maintains, have no jurisdiction to rule on habeas petitions of aliens captured abroad and detained outside the US据悉，司法部已经移到驳回人身保护令申请案件福斯特以他的名义同样的理由，它引用在寻求驳回Ruzatullah案件：联邦法院，该部坚持，没有管辖权的裁决申请人身保护令外国人在国外被捕和被拘留在美国以外的

The presence of non-Afghan detainees such as Al Maqaleh at Bagram, Foster insists, makes it clear that the government is not merely using the prison as a battlefield detention center for local suspects.存在的非阿富汗被拘留者，如铝Maqaleh在巴格拉姆基地，培养坚持，清楚地表明，政府不仅利用监狱作为一个战场拘留中心为当地嫌疑人。 “Bagram is functioning exactly the same way as Gitmo is functioning,” she says. “巴格拉姆基地的运作完全一样Gitmo运作， ”她说。 “They’re using it as a prison because it is close to a zone of active combat. “他们是利用它作为一所监狱，因为它是接近区积极打击。 That makes it look more like a normal battlefield detention situation.这使得它看起来更像一个正常的战场拘留的情况。 But that is really camouflage for a law-free zone that the US can use as cover to bring people from anywhere in the world.”但是，这确实是伪装的一项法律，自由区，美国可以使用作为掩护，使人们从世界上任何地方。 “

On June 19, 2007, eight months after Lewis and his colleagues filed a habeas petition in the DC federal court on his behalf, Ruzatullah, without ever having been charged with a crime, was transferred from Bagram to a special national security wing within an old Afghan prison called Policharky. 6月19日， 2007年， 8个月后刘易斯和他的同事们提出了保护申请在DC联邦法院以他的名义， Ruzatullah ，但从来没有被指控犯罪的，移交巴格拉姆一个特别的国家安全机翼内的老阿富汗监狱的所谓Policharky 。 A portion of the prison known as the Afghan National Detention Facility, also designated Block D, is being used to detain suspected terrorists previously held at Bagram or Guantánamo Bay, according to the Defense Department.部分监狱被称为阿富汗国民拘留所，还指定D栋，正在被用来关押恐怖分子嫌疑人曾在巴格拉姆关押或关塔那摩湾，根据国防部。 More than 400 such prisoners have been transferred there. 400多名犯人等已转移存在。

Lawyers representing Afghan prisoners, such as Lewis and Foster (legal clinics at Stanford and Yale law schools are also helping Foster’s organization on several more habeas cases) believe the military is transferring some prisoners to Policharky in order to escape American judicial scrutiny.律师代表阿富汗战俘，如刘易斯和福斯特（法律诊所在斯坦福大学和耶鲁法学院也有助于培养的组织在若干情况下更多的人身保护令）认为，军队是一些犯人转移到Policharky为了逃避美国的司法审查。 Indeed, in July the Justice Department filed a motion to dismiss Ruzatullah’s habeas petition as moot.事实上，在7月，司法部提出了一项动议，罢免Ruzatullah的人身保护令申请的意义。 The US government said he was now in Afghan custody and no longer under US control.美国政府说，他现在在阿富汗保管和不再受美国的控制。

His lawyers disputed that, arguing that Block D, opened in April 2007, is in fact controlled by the US military.他的律师否认了这一观点，认为D栋，开辟于2007年4月，实际上是由美国军方。 A US Department of State official responsible for US-run programs to improve the Afghan justice system confirmed that while his team advises Afghan officials on their prison and criminal justice systems, Block D is “strictly within the province of the Department of Defense.” Other lawyers who represent detainees at Policharky — some transferred there from Guantánamo — say their clients describe a US-controlled prison.美国国务院负责美中运行程序，以改善阿富汗司法系统证实，他的团队，而阿富汗官员建议对监狱和刑事司法系统， D栋是“严格按照省的国防部。 ”其他律师代表谁被关押在Policharky -移交有一些从关塔那摩-说，他们的客户描述了美国控制的监狱。 “My client said to me, ‘The guards who bring us our food are in US uniforms, the guards who take us to recreation time are in US uniforms,’” says Kent Spriggs, a Tallahassee-based lawyer who recently gave up his employment litigation practice to focus on representing Guantánamo detainees, some of whom are now imprisoned at Policharky. “我的委托人对我说， '看守谁给我们带来我们的食物是在美国制服，警卫谁带我们去娱乐的时间是在美国的制服， ”肯特斯普里格斯说，一个塔拉哈西的律师最近谁放弃了就业机会诉讼实践中把重点放在代表囚犯，其中一些人现在关押在Policharky 。

One advantage of Policharky, however, is that prisoners there have been allowed to meet with relatives and lawyers.的一大优势Policharky然而，这犯人有被允许会见亲属和律师。 In January, Foster met with Ruzatullah for the first time.今年1月，福斯特会见了Ruzatullah首次。 Under the watchful eye of prison guards, she was able to communicate with her client, a lanky man with bright green eyes and a soft-spoken demeanor, through a tiny hole in a Plexiglas partition.根据监视狱警，她能够与她沟通客户端，一个瘦长的男子明亮的绿色眼睛和说话温柔的风度，通过一个微小的孔在有机玻璃分割。

Ruzatullah told Foster that about a month earlier, he had received a trial of sorts in the prison. Ruzatullah告诉福斯特，大约一个月前，他收到了各类审判在监狱中。 Although no witnesses and minimal evidence were presented, Afghan judges presided over the proceeding, and Ruzatullah himself was able to attend.虽然没有最低限度的证人和证据提出，阿富汗法官主持诉讼，并Ruzatullah本人能够出席。 Representing Ruzatullah was Shabeer, an Afghan lawyer from The International Legal Foundation (ILF), a nonprofit organization based in New York.代表Ruzatullah是Shabeer ，阿富汗律师从国际法律基金会（ ILF ），一个非盈利组织，总部设在纽约。 However, neither Ruzatullah nor his attorney had more than a few days’ notice of the proceeding, according to Foster and Shabeer.然而，无论Ruzatullah他的律师也超过了几天的通知程序，根据福斯特和Shabeer 。 (Because Shabeer does not speak English, his notes about the case were translated and provided to The American Lawyer by ILF director Natalie Rea.) （由于Shabeer不会说英语，他注意到有关案件被翻译并提供给美国律师ILF主任纳塔莉雷）。

A panel of Afghan judges read a statement charging that Ruzatullah had aided terrorists.小组的阿富汗法官宣读了一份声明，指控Ruzatullah已资助恐怖分子。 The only “evidence” presented, according to Shabeer’s notes, was that his captors had found names of “government enemies” in Ruzatullah’s diary; his mobile phone number was in the possession of other suspects who had been killed by coalition and Afghan forces; Ruzatullah had graduated from a university that many antigovernment suspects have attended; and he had been living in a refugee camp believed to serve as a base for government enemies.唯一的“证据” ，提出以Shabeer根据的说明是，他发现了绑架者姓名， “政府的敌人”在Ruzatullah的日记，他的手机号码是拥有的其他嫌疑人谁被打死的联军和阿富汗安全部队; Ruzatullah毕业于一所大学，许多反政府嫌疑人出席;和他一直生活在一个难民营认为，作为一个基础，政府的敌人。 The judges, who acted also as prosecutors, did not present any witnesses or sworn statements to support the charges, according to Foster and Shabeer.法官，谁也担任检察官，没有提出任何证人或宣誓声明，以支持这些指控，根据福斯特和Shabeer 。 During the proceeding, Shabeer objected that there was no evidence to support the claims; the names in the diary had not been written by Ruzatullah; and many who had attended the same university or lived in the refugee camp were neither terrorists nor enemies of the Afghan or US government.在程序中， Shabeer反对，认为没有证据支持的索赔;的名字在这本日记没有写的Ruzatullah ;和许多谁也出席了同一所大学或住在难民营既不是敌人，也没有恐怖分子的阿富汗或美国政府。 Ruzatullah himself also denied the charges at the trial, he told Foster during their meeting. Ruzatullah本人也否认这些指控在审判中，他告诉福斯特在其会议。 Two days after the trial, as he told Foster, Ruzatullah was informed that he had been convicted and sentenced to three-and-a-half years in prison.两天后的审判，因为他告诉福斯特， Ruzatullah被告知，他已被定罪并被判三年半徒刑。 Because he had already spent almost that much time in detention, however, he had only a month left in his sentence.因为他已经花了很多时间在拘留，但他每月只留在他的刑期。 Ruzatullah was released last spring. Ruzatullah被释放去年春天。 “They convicted him on the say-so of the US government without any supporting evidence,” says Foster, who was bewildered by the news. “他们定罪了他的发言权美国政府在没有任何支持性证据， ”福斯特说，谁被大惑不解的消息。 “On the one hand, he got out of prison. “一方面，他离开了监狱。 But he got a criminal conviction based on nothing.” After Foster learned of Ruzatullah’s release, she and Lewis withdrew his habeas petition.但他有刑事定罪的基础上一无所有。 “福斯特的经验教训后的Ruzatullah释放，她和刘易斯撤回了他的人身保护请愿书。 (Another client of theirs, Ruhollah, named on the same habeas petition, was similarly transferred to Policharky on July 30; the Justice Department has moved to dismiss his petition.) （另一个他们的客户，何，命名为同一保护请愿书，也同样转移到Policharky 7月30日，美国司法部已驳回他的请求。）

Ruzatullah is only one of dozens of prisoners in Block D who have undergone similar quasi-legal proceedings. Ruzatullah只有一个几十名战俘在D栋谁经历了类似的准司法程序。 Human Rights First reports that trials for prisoners at Block D began in October 2007, and by April, 65 prisoners had been convicted and 17 acquitted.人权第一报告说，审判囚犯D栋于2007年10月和4月， 65名囚犯被定罪， 17人无罪释放。 No family members or members of the press have been allowed to observe the trials.没有家庭成员或成员的新闻已获准观察试验。 Sahr MuhammedAlly of the Law & Security program of Human Rights First is one of the few Americans outside of the military who has been permitted to witness any of them.萨赫尔MuhammedAlly的法律和安全计划的人权首先是少数美国人以外的军事谁已允许证人任何人。 She confirms that no evidence was presented in the two proceedings she observed, but simply a statement of the charges.她证实，没有证据表明，提出的两个诉讼她指出，只是一份声明中指控。 Based on that, “the prisoners were sentenced to eight and ten years, respectively,” she says.在此基础上， “囚犯被判处8和10年来，分别， ”她说。 Although they had lawyers provided by the ILF, there was little that the attorneys could do for their clients.虽然他们的律师所提供的ILF ，很少有律师认为这样做可以为他们的客户。

“Defense counsel during hearings were asking, ‘Where is the evidence? “辩护律师在听证会问， '在哪里的证据？ Where are the witnesses?’” recalls MuhammedAlly.在哪里证人？ “回顾MuhammedAlly 。 “Judges would say, ‘Why would the Americans lie? “法官会说， '为什么美国人何在？ Why would the coalition forces lie?’”为什么会联军谎言？ “

The Defense Department has assisted Afghan authorities “in conducting the trials in a fair manner, and we have insisted that lawyers be provided for the accused to ensure that these proceedings are done in a manner consistent with fundamental guarantees of due process,” Defense spokesman Wright wrote in an e-mail.美国国防部已协助阿富汗当局“进行审判以公平的方式，我们坚持认为，律师提供的被告，以确保这些程序都是在符合基本保障的正当程序， ”国防部发言人赖特写在一封电子邮件。 “The US has provided information to the Afghan authorities where appropriate and necessary to provide information on the circumstances that led to detention by US forces.” “美国已提供的信息，阿富汗当局在适当和必要提供的情况，导致拘留的美国部队。 ”

As more detainees are transferred to Block D at Policharky, new prisoners continue to arrive at Bagram from around the world.随着越来越多的被拘留者被转移到D栋在Policharky ，新犯人继续抵达巴格拉姆来自世界各地的。 Acknowledging that the current facility isn’t nearly large enough to hold the more than 600 detainees there, the Defense Department is now building a new facility on the base to house more prisoners.认识到当前的设施几乎是没有足够大的召开600多名囚犯，美国国防部目前正在建设一个新工厂的基础上，容纳更多的囚犯。 Whether more lawyers will be willing to represent these new prisoners, though, remains unclear.是否有更多的律师愿意代表这些新的囚犯，但仍不清楚。

Both Barack Obama and John McCain have said that if elected president, they will close the prison at Guantánamo Bay.这奥巴马和麦凯恩说，如果当选总统，他们将关闭该监狱在关塔那摩湾。 If that happens, many prisoners will likely be shifted to centers where the right to challenge their detention is far less certain.如果出现这种情况，许多犯人可能会转移到中心，在那里的权利，他们被拘留的挑战是远远低于一些。 For many, that will be in Afghanistan.对于许多人来说，这将是在阿富汗。 “Afghanistan is the critical next frontier of trying to push the law to establish that there’s an irreducible minimum on actions of US officials,” Lewis says. “阿富汗是重要的下一个前沿领域的努力推动法律的规定，有一个最低的束缚行动的美国官员称， ”刘易斯说。 He insists: “Wherever they go, torture, indefinite detention, humiliation — these are not things US officials can do.” Not even in Bagram.他坚持： “只要他们去，酷刑，无限期拘留，屈辱-这不是美国官员的事情可以做。 ”即使在巴格拉姆基地。

Have Your Say: Guantánamo Bay was bad enough — Bagram is worse 你说：关塔那摩湾是够糟糕-巴格拉姆更糟糕的是
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Guantánamo Bay was bad enough — Bagram is worse关塔那摩湾是够糟糕-巴格拉姆更糟糕的是