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Global Realignment全球重組

Sunday, September 7th, 2008 週日, 2008年9月7日

How Bush Inspired a New World Order布什如何啟發,一個新的世界秩序

By Ramzy Baroud | The series of unfortunate and costly decisions made during the two terms of the Bush administration, combined with economic decline at home, might devastate the US’s world standing much sooner than most analysts predict.由ramzy baroud |一系列的不幸和昂貴作出的決定,在兩任布什政府,加上經濟衰退,在家裡,可能會破壞我們的世界常委會得多遲早比大多數分析師預測。 What was difficult to foresee was that the weakening of US global dominance, spurred by erratic and unwise foreign policy under Bush, would re-ignite the Cold War, to a degree, over a largely distant and seemingly ethnically-based conflict — that of Georgia and Russia.什麼是難以預見的是,削弱了美國在全球的優勢,帶動不規則的和不明智的外交政策下,布什將重新點燃冷戰的結束,到一個程度,在很大程度上似乎是遙遠的和種族為基礎的衝突-即格魯吉亞和俄羅斯。 Who could have predicted a possible association between Baghdad, Kabul and Tbilisi?誰可以預測之間可能存在的相關巴格達,喀布爾和第比利斯?

But to date the decline of US global power to the advent of the Bush administration, or even the horrific events of 11 September 2001, is not exactly accurate.但至目前為止,跌幅美國在全球的權力的來臨,布什政府,甚至是可怕的事件9月11日的2001年,是不完全準確。 The rapid collapse of the Soviet Union and the unravelling of the Warsaw Pact — especially as former members of that pact hurried to joined NATO in later years — empowered a new breed of US elite who boasted of the economic viability and moral supremacy of US-styled “Capitalism and Democracy”.快速蘇聯的崩潰和瓦解的華沙條約組織-特別是作為前成員認為,協議趕到加入北約在多年後-賦予了新的品種,美國的精英誰吹噓的經濟可行性和道德至高無上的,我們式“資本主義和民主” 。 But a unipolar world presented the US leadership with an immense, if not an insurmountable task.但單極世界,介紹了美國的領導與一個巨大的,如果不是一個不可克服的任務。

While 9/11 and a gung-ho president presented a convenient opportunity to reassert US global dominance, action was taken the moment the Soviet Union collapsed.而9 / 11和長庚浩總統提交了一份方便的機會,重申美國在全球的優勢,採取行動的時刻,蘇聯崩潰。 Such efforts, however, were not accentuated until 1997, with the establishment of the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), a think tank from which many neo-conservative policy advisors operated.這種努力,但是,沒有加速,直到1997年,成立項目為新美國世紀(新美國世紀工程) ,一個智囊團,從許多的新保守主義政策顧問的運作。 Their aim was “to promote American global leadership… [which] is both good for America and good for the world.” William Kristol and Robert Kagan, PNAC founders, were inspired by the Reaganite policy of “strength and moral clarity”.他們的目的是“為了促進美國的全球領導地位… … [這] ,既是良好的美國和好,為世界” 。威廉克里斯托爾和羅伯特卡根,新美國世紀工程的創始人,受到啟發,由reaganite “的政策,實力和道義上的明確” 。 But that supposedly inspiring model was justified on the basis of the Cold War, which no longer existed.但假定鼓舞人心的模型是合理的基礎上冷戰的結束,這已不再存在。 Fashioning an enemy was a time-sensitive and essential task to justify the repositioning of US power to reclaim domains that were left vacant with the disappearance of the bipolar international system, which existed since World War II.形成一個敵人是一個時間敏感和重要任務的理由復位美國的權力收回域空置與失踪的兩極國際體系中,所存在的自第二次世界大戰以來。

Even the PNAC’s more recent report, Rebuilding America’s Defences: Strategies, Forces, and Resources For a New Century, published in 2000, appeared of little relevance and urgency.即使是新美國世紀工程的較近期的報告,重建美國的抗辯:戰略,力量,資源,為新世紀,於2000年出版,似乎沒有多大的相關性和緊迫性。 It expressed the “belief that America should seek to preserve and extend its position of global leadership by maintaining the pre-eminence of US military forces”.它表示“相信,美國應設法維護和延長其立場的全球領導地位,保持前至高無上的美國的軍事力量” 。 The report would have been another neglected document were it not for the terrorist attacks of 9/11, which turned it into a doctrine defining US foreign policies for nearly a decade.該報告將已忽略了另一個文件,如果不是恐怖襲擊9 / 11 ,把它變成一種理論界定美國外交政策的將近十年。

The wars and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq were aimed at strengthening the US hand in protecting its interests and managing its international affairs.戰爭和佔領阿富汗和伊拉克的目的是加強美國一方面在保護其利益及管理其國際的事務。 Afghanistan’s position was strategic in warding off the growth of the rising powers of Asia — aside from its military and strategic value, it was hoped to become a major energy supply route — while Iraq was to provide a permanent US military presence to guard its oil interests in the whole region and to ensure Israeli supremacy over its weaker, but rebellious Arab foes.阿富汗的立場是戰略在抵擋的增長不斷上升,亞洲的權力-除了它的軍事和戰略價值,它希望成為一個主要的能源供應幹線-雖然伊拉克是為了提供一個永久美國的軍事存在,確保其石油利益在整個地區,並確保以色列凌駕其較弱,但反叛的阿拉伯敵人。

The plan worked well for a few weeks following the declaration of “Mission Accomplished” in Iraq.該計劃運作良好,為在數星期之後,宣言“任務完成”在伊拉克。 Since then, the US has learned that managing world affairs with a decidedly military approach is a recipe for disaster.自那時以來,美國已了解到,管理世界事務中與堅決的軍事方式是一種食譜災難。 Faced with foreign occupation, Iraqis fought back, creating a nightmare scenario and promising US defeat in their country.面對外國佔領,伊拉克人回擊,創造了一場噩夢的情況和有前途的失敗,美國在他們的國家。 The US’s original plan to exploit the country’s fractious ethnic and religious groupings also backfired, as shifting alliances made it impossible for the US to single out a permanent enemy or a long-term ally.美的原計劃,以利用該國的fractious種族和宗教集團也適得其反,轉移聯盟作出的,不可能為美國挑出一個永久的敵人或一項長期的盟友。 In Afghanistan, the picture is even more bleak as the country’s unforgivable geography, the corruption of US local allies, resurgence of the Taliban, and the US-led coalition’s brutal response to the Taliban’s emboldened ascension, has rendered Afghanistan a lost cause by any reasonable military standard.在阿富汗,圖片更是黯淡,作為國家的不可饒恕的,地理的腐敗,美國當地的盟友,死灰復燃的塔利班,以及美國為首的聯軍的殘暴回應塔利班的有恃無恐,阿森松島,使阿富汗遺失的原因,任何合理的軍事標準。

But the trigger-happy mentality that has governed US foreign policy during the Bush years is no longer dominant and has been since challenged by a more sensible, dialogue-based foreign policy approach, as championed, reluctantly, by Democratic presidential nominee Barack Obama.但觸發-快樂的心態,已治美國的外交政策在布什年已不再是優勢,並一直以來的挑戰,一個更明智的,以對話為基礎的外交政策,辦法,作為倡導,勉強,民主黨總統候選人巴拉克奧巴馬。 The change of heart is not entirely moralistic, however, but largely pragmatic.該改變主意,是不完全的道德,不過,但主要是務實。 According to a survey conducted jointly by Foreign Policy magazine and the Centre for a New American Security, published 19 February 2008, 88 per cent of present and former US military officers believe that the demands of the Iraq war alone have “stretched the US military dangerously thin”.據一項調查顯示聯合進行的外交政策雜誌和該中心的一項新的美國安全,公佈2008年2月19日, 88 %的現任和前任美國軍官認為,要求伊拉克戰爭中,僅“拉美國軍事危險薄“ 。 Although not “broken”, 80 per cent believe it is “unreasonable to expect the US military to wage another major war successfully at present”, as reported by CNN.雖然不是“破碎” ,百分之八十相信這是“不合理的期望美軍工資的又一重大戰爭的成功,目前”所報告的那樣,有線電視新聞網。 Such estimation is not too different from similar assessments provided by top US military commanders, most of who found their way to early retirement for similar reasons.這種估計是不太多的不同,從類似的評估所提供的頂端,美國軍事指揮官,大多數是誰,發現自己的方法,提早退休,出於類似的原因。

The new military limitations faced by the US in the Middle East have also resulted in the weakening of US political sway and standing.新的軍事限制,所面對的美國,在中東也導致在削弱美國的政治影響和地位。 More, its regional allies have also suffered one blow after another: Israel in Lebanon, Georgia in South Ossetia, US allies in Venezuela and other South American countries, etc. Indeed, it is a matter of time before a challenger to US global hegemony arises and tests US resolve under new circumstances.更多的,其區域盟國也遭受打擊後,另一:以色列在黎巴嫩,格魯吉亞在南奧塞梯,美國的盟國在委內瑞拉和其他南美國家等事實上,這是一個時間的問題之前,挑戰者美國全球霸權的出現和考驗美國的決心在新形勢下。 While growing US involvement in Eurasia and its missile defence shield was considered part and parcel of the neo-con plan for “rebuilding America’s defences”, it was considered by Russia a threat to its national security.同時,越來越多美國捲入在歐亞大陸和其導彈防禦盾牌被認為是重要組成部分的新保守派計劃“重建美國的抗辯” ,它被認為是由俄羅斯威脅其國家安全。

The Georgian invasion of South Ossetia represented a golden opportunity for Moscow to send an unmistakable message to Washington.格魯吉亞入侵南奧塞梯代表一個黃金機會,為莫斯科派遣一個明確無誤的信息材料到華盛頓。 By crushing the US-Israeli trained Georgian army, Russia declared itself a contender to unchallenged US global dominance, which had lasted for nearly two decades.由粉碎美國和以色列受過訓練的格魯吉亞軍隊,俄羅斯宣布本身是一個競爭者,以挑戰美國在全球的統治地位,這已持續近20年。 Countries such as Iran and Syria are quickly warming up to the new Russia, as the latter seeks to rebuild its own alliances and defences.國家,如伊朗和敘利亞正迅速升溫,到新的俄羅斯,因為後者的目的是重建自己的聯盟和抗辯。

The nature and the direction of the US-Russian confrontation are yet to be determined with any reasonable preciseness.的性質和方向的美,俄對抗,也有待確定,與任何合理的嚴謹。 Internal and external factors for Russia itself (corruption, the oligarchs, and its ability to court a stable alliance) will all prove consequential in the current confrontation.內部和外部因素對俄羅斯本身(腐敗,寡頭,並有能力向法院一個穩定的聯盟)將所有相應的證明,在目前的對抗。 What is clear, however, is that the upcoming US president will find himself face-to-face with a drastically altered world order, one that is defined by military pandemonium, national and global economic decline, and the rise of new powers, all vying to fill a widening, chaotic power vacuum, provided courtesy of the Bush administration.什麼是明確的,然而,就是即將舉行的美國總統會發現自己面對一個急劇改變的世界秩序,這是一所界定的軍事混亂,國家和全球經濟衰退,和崛起的新權力,所有爭以填補日益擴大的,混亂的權力真空,提供禮貌,布什政府。


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ID 編號 commented on: 評論:
ID cards for foreigners from 25 November 身份證的外國人,從11月25日
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