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Tuesday, June 24th, 2008 週二， 2008年6月24日

By Muhammad Idrees Ahmad | “The public has to be more alert”, warned one “international terrorism expert” in the Daily Mail late last year, because Scotland “is set to become another Israel within five years”.由Muhammad idrees艾哈邁德| “市民要更加警覺” ，警告一“國際恐怖主義專家”在每日郵報在去年年底，因為蘇格蘭“是設定為成為另一個以色列在五年內” 。 “[A]nti-terror measures will soon become a common feature of life”, he assured the audience, and called for “routine arming of police officers” and increasing children’s “awareness of the dangers of terrorism” and for them to be “encouraged” to report anything “out of the ordinary”. “ [一]反恐怖主義的措施，不久將成為一個共同特徵，生活” ，他向與會者保證，並呼籲“例行武裝的警務人員” ，並增加兒童的“危險的認識恐怖主義”和為他們“鼓勵”報告什麼“的普通” 。

The oracle of doom was one Amnon Maor, identified as the head instructor of counter-terrorism for the IDF and Israeli border police. ¹ Maor is working with security firm 360 Defence, based near Glasgow, which is “training Scottish police, military and civilians in security techniques”. 甲骨文的毀滅是一amnon帽兒，確定為團長的指導員反恐怖主義為以色列國防軍和以色列邊境警察¹帽兒是工作與保安公司360辯護，基於附近的格拉斯哥，這是“訓練蘇格蘭警察，軍人和平民在安全技術“ 。 This wouldn’t be the first time the British police benefits form Israeli anti-terror expertise. 這將不是第一次的時間，英國警方的好處的形式，以色列反恐的專業知識。 The police squad that carried out the extrajudicial execution of the young Brazilian electrician Jean-Charles de Menezes in the London underground had received similar training. 警方隊進行法外處決的青年巴西電工讓查爾斯梅內塞斯在倫敦地下鐵路已收到類似的培訓。

In the post-September 11 world, writes Naomi Klein, Israel has pitched its “uprooting, occupation and containment of the Palestinian people as a half-century head start in the ‘global war on terror’.” ² Britain has since been furnished with its own unpopular occupation of Arab land – and the lessons from Israel are not lost on its architects. 在911事件後的世界，寫娜歐蜜克萊，以色列已定，其“連根拔起，佔領和控制巴勒斯坦人民的作為一個半世紀頭開始，在'全球反恐戰爭' ” 。 ^二 ，英國一直以來，家具自己不受歡迎的佔領阿拉伯土地-和教訓，從以色列不會丟失，就其建築師。 In disaster lies opportunity – and the only thing more useful than a thing to fear is fear itself. 在災害謊言的機會-而且是唯一的事更多有用的比事恐懼是恐懼本身。 The give away line in Maor’s prescription above is his offer to increase children’s awareness of the dangers of terrorism – absent the real thing, fear will suffice. 該放棄線在帽兒的處方以上是他提供，以增加兒童的認識恐怖主義的危險-缺乏真正的東西，恐怕會是不夠的。 The Prime Minister may not have many achievements to his name, but he can claim patents to ‘Fortress Britain’, whose battlements sit on a foundation of fear. 英國首相可能不會有很多的成就，以他的名字，但他可以申請專利'堡壘英國' ，其部署士兵坐在了基礎的恐懼。

The Power of Nightmares 權力惡夢

In October 2001 it was revealed that the Pentagon was consulting Hollywood writers and producers specialising in spy thrillers and disaster flicks to imagine future attacks in order to best prepare for them. 2001年10月，據透露，五角大樓正在諮詢好萊塢的作家和生產者專門從事間諜驚悚片和災難片想像未來的攻擊，以最好的準備。 Developments such as the colour-coded threat alerts that change hue at the Department of Homeland Security’s caprice have alarmed even cold war hawks like Zbigniew Brzezinski. 的發展，如顏色編碼的威脅警報，改變色彩，在國土安全部的隨想曲已經感到震驚，甚至冷戰鷹派一樣，茲比格涅夫布熱津斯基。 Lamenting the ‘culture of fear’ he writes: 慨嘆'恐懼的文化' ，他寫道：

“Fear obscures reason, intensifies emotions and makes it easier for demagogic politicians to mobilize the public on behalf of the policies they want to pursue… Such fear-mongering, reinforced by security entrepreneurs, the mass media and the entertainment industry, generates its own momentum.” ³ “恐懼掩蓋了的原因，激化情緒，使得它更容易蠱惑人心的政客，動員市民對代表的政策，他們要追求…這種恐懼- mongering ，加強安全企業家，傳媒和娛樂行業，產生自己的勢頭“ ³

In Britain each of the New Labour government’s political missteps has been accompanied by similar fear-mongering. 在英國，每年新工黨政府的政治失誤，一直伴隨著類似的恐懼mongering 。 While a terrorist threat does exist, its magnitude is wildly exaggerated. 而恐怖主義的威脅確實存在，其規模是瘋狂誇大之嫌。 The European Police Office (Europol) released its first report on terrorism last year which listed 498 terrorist attacks for Europe in 2006; only one was attributed to Muslims. 歐洲警察局（ Europol ）發表第一號報告書關於恐怖主義去年上市498恐怖襲擊事件，歐洲在2006年只有一個主要原因是穆斯林。 The majority – 136 – were carried out by the Basque separatist group ETA; only one of them deadly. 大多數-1 36-所進行的巴斯克分離主義組織埃塔，只有其中一人是致命的。 When it came to the arrests on terrorism related charges, however, a good half were Muslims. ⁴ 當它來到逮捕關於恐怖主義的相關費用，但是，一個良好的一半是穆斯林。 ⁴

It began with the ‘Ricin plot’: the highly publicised arrests, national hysteria and front page headlines. 它開始與 ' 蓖麻毒素陰謀 ' ：高度的宣傳，逮捕，國家癔症和頭版的頭條新聞。 There was no Ricin, or a plot. 不存在蓖麻毒素，或陰謀。 It wouldn’t be until 2005, well after Colin Powell had used it in his case to sell the Iraq war to the UN, that the ban on reporting on the case was finally lifted and the public apprised of the truth. ⁵ The February 2003 ‘terror alert’ had Blair scrambling tanks to Heathrow, timed conveniently to coincide with the large scale demonstrations against the coming war. 它不會在2005年之前，以及之後，鮑威爾曾用它在他的情況下出售伊拉克戰爭給聯合國，這一禁令對報告關於此案終於解除和公眾了解到真相。 ⁵ 2003年2月'恐怖警報'布萊爾競相坦克希思羅，定時方便，以配合大規模示威反對未來的戰爭。 Notable support in the media came from BBC propagandist Fred Gardner, long suspected of ties to the intelligence services ⁶ which were themselves busy fanning the fire. 顯著的支持，在媒體上，來自英國廣播公司的宣傳，李華明加德納，只要懷疑有聯繫的情報服務，其中⁶人自己繁忙的煽動，小心防火。 Simon Jenkins, the conservative columnist noted, “In 2002-03, before the Iraq war, the security service supplied the Cabinet Office with a weekly catalogue of ‘terror fears’ – anthrax, smallpox, sarin, dirty nuclear devices and a Christmas bombing campaign – to soften public opinion for the war.” ⁷ 西蒙詹金斯，保守的專欄作家指出， “在2002-03年度，在伊拉克戰爭之前，保安服務提供的內閣辦公室與每週目錄'恐怖的恐懼' -炭疽熱，天花，沙林毒氣，骯髒的核裝置和一個聖誕轟炸戰役-軟化民意為戰爭“ 。 7

In June 2006, 250 heavily armed police men acting on ‘specific intelligence’ raided a home in Forest Gate arresting two young Muslims, shooting one in the process. 在2006年6月， 250名全副武裝的警察的男子對'具體的情報' ，突擊搜查一個家在森林門口抓獲兩名年輕的穆斯林，射擊一在這個過程中。 The chemical weapons that they were alleged to have possessed were never found. 化學武器，他們被指稱擁有從未發現。 Both were acquitted without charge. 都被無罪釋放，不收費。 The police apologised. 警方表示歉意。 On August 10th, 2006, a day after then Home Secretary John Reid had hinted that new anti-terror measures were in order, the Deputy Commissioner of Metropolitan Police, Paul Stephenson, announced that the police had foiled a plot to commit “mass murder on an unimaginable scale”. 對2006年8月10日， 1天之後，當時的英國內政大臣約翰里德曾暗示說，新的反恐措施，在一聲令下，副處長大都會警察局，保羅斯蒂芬森宣布，警方已破獲一宗陰謀承諾“大規模謀殺對一個難以想像的規模“ 。 Officials were soon conceding that the immediacy and scale of the threat may have been “exaggerated”; however, the scare succeeded in deflecting attention from Blair’s widely-denounced manoeuvres preventing a ceasefire in Lebanon. 官員們盡快承認的緊迫性和規模的威脅，可能已被“誇大” ;不過，嚇跑成功地轉移注意力從布萊爾的廣泛譴責演習防止停火，在黎巴嫩。 From Beirut, an outraged Robert Fisk wrote: 從貝魯特，憤怒的羅伯特菲斯克寫道：

“Stephenson’s job is to frighten the British people, not to stop the crimes that are the real reason for the British to be frightened …I’m all for arresting criminals…But I don’t think Paul Stephenson is. “斯蒂芬森的工作是嚇唬英國人民，而不是阻止犯罪，是真正的原因，英國害怕…我所有的逮捕罪犯… …但我不認為保羅斯蒂芬森是。 I think he huffs and he puffs but I do not think he stands for law and order. 我覺得他huffs和他puffs ，但我不認為他主張法律和秩序。 He works for the Ministry of Fear which, by its very nature, is not interested in motives or injustice.” ⁸ 他的作品部的恐懼，就其性質而言，是沒有興趣，動機或不公正的“ 。 ⁸

In November 2006, the MI5 director general Eliza Manningham-Buller warned of a violent threat from 1,600 suspects in 200 groups that could last “more than a generation”. 在2006年11月，軍情五處總幹事艾麗莎manningham -布勒警告說，有一個暴力的威脅，從1600年嫌疑人在200集團可能會持續“超過一代人” 。 Although she identified government policy towards Iraq as the main factor contributing to the rising radicalism, Blair endorsed the statement. 雖然她確定了政府的政策，作為對伊拉克的主要因素，有助於上升激進，布萊爾贊同聲明的內容。 He continued his scapegoating of Muslims with the periodic reiterations of the ‘Islamic threat’ to rationalize the fear, repression, lies and resentment brought in on the heels of the Iraq war. 他續稱，他scapegoating穆斯林與定期reiterations的'伊斯蘭威脅 ' 合理化的恐懼，鎮壓，謊言和不滿所帶來的在對繼伊拉克戰爭。 When Blair announced that “the rule of the game have changed”, no one took it more seriously than the tabloid press; they demonstrated just how toxic things could get when gloves come off with government sanction. 當布萊爾宣布， “ 遊戲規則已經改變” ，沒有人把它更嚴重的，比小報記者，他們證明了如何有毒的東西，可以當手套脫落與政府的制裁。 Jonathan Freedland of the Guardian confessed: 喬納森弗雷德蘭的監護人交代：

“I try to imagine how I would feel if this rainstorm of headlines substituted the word ‘Jew’ for ‘Muslim’ – I wouldn’t just feel frightened. “我嘗試想想我覺得如果這個暴雨標題取代字猶太人'為'穆斯林' -我不會只是覺得害怕。 I would be looking for my passport.” 我會找我的護照“ 。

One can’t miss the Islamophobic nature of much of the hysteria when one compares the difference in the treatment of the cases of Robert Cottage and David Bolus Jackson of the BNP with that of Mohammed Atif Siddique. 一個不能錯過伊斯蘭性質大部分的癔症時，一比較的差異，在處理該案件羅伯特平房和大衛丸傑克遜的法國與穆罕默德atif siddique 。 The case of the former two, arrested for the possession of rocket launchers, a “record haul of chemicals used in making home-made bombs”, extremist literature, and bomb-making information, barely got covered in national media; the latter, a 20 year old, received front page attention and eight years in prison for merely downloading extremist literature, and his attorney, Aamer Anwer, got charged with ‘contempt of court’ for calling the trial a “tragedy for justice”. 該案件前二，涉嫌藏有火箭發射器，一個“的紀錄，檢獲的毒品用的化學品，使自製炸彈” ，極端主義文學，和製造炸彈的信息，幾乎涵蓋了在全國媒體;後者， 20歲的，收到了頭版的重視和八年在監獄中，只是下載的極端主義文學 ， 和他的律師， aamer anwer ，得到被控以'蔑視法庭的'呼籲的審判“悲劇正義” 。

The new MI5 chief, Jonathan Evan, raised the fear factor a year on with the warning that 15-year-olds were being “groomed” for terror and that there were up to 2,000 people involved in “terrorist-related activity”. 新的MI5行政，喬納森埃文，提出了恐懼的因素， 1年就與警告說， 15歲被“培養”為恐怖和有多達2000人參與了“與恐怖主義有關的活動” 。 Recalling Donald Rumsfeld’s “unknown unknown’s”, the man appointed by John Reid with Tony Blair’s approval, bizarrely added “there are as many again that we don’t yet know of”. 回顧拉姆斯菲爾德的“未知未知的” ，該名男子所委任的約翰里德與托尼布萊爾的批准， bizarrely補充說： “有很多再次證明我們還不知道” 。 Described variously as “lurid”, “inflammatory”, “highly ideological”, “playing Halloween”, it came on the eve of the Queen’s address calling for yet another terror bill. 所描述的各種“ lurid ” ， “炎症” ， “ 高度的思想” ， “玩萬聖節” ，就來到的前夕，英國女王的施政報告要求的又一恐怖條例草案。 The institutional imperative of self-preservation may also have been at play: MI5 has already expanded by 50 % with eight new regional offices, and will have doubled in size by 2011. 體制勢在必行自我保存也可能已在發揮：軍情五處已擴大了50 ％ ，與8個新的區域辦事處，並會增加了一倍，在規模，到2011年。 Eyebrows have been raised at these very public interventions by the heads of a clandestine service. 眉毛已經提出在這些非常公開的干預元首秘密的服務。 Simon Jenkins noted that chiefs of the secret service have long feared that the absence of a public profile may diminish funding appropriation. 西蒙詹金斯指出，主管的秘密的服務有長期，恐怕沒有一個公眾形象可能會減少資金撥款。 “The answer of both MI5’s Evans and MI6’s John Scarlett is to join the fear factory.” ⁹ “的答案都軍情五處的商務部長埃文斯和軍情6處的約翰斯嘉麗是加入的恐懼工廠” 。 ⁹

Taking Liberties 以自由

The assault on constitutional rights that started in the US with Clinton’s ‘Anti-terrorism and Effective Death Penalty’ law of 1996 was replicated in Britain with the ‘Terrorism Act 2000’.進攻上的憲法權利，開始在美國，與克林頓的反恐怖主義和有效死刑法的1996年是複製在英國與' 2000年恐怖主義法令' 。 Section 41 of the Act granted police the right to detain terror suspects for up to one week without charge (criminal law on the other hand requires that suspects be charged within the first 24 hours of arrest, or be released).第41條，該法授予警方有權拘留恐怖嫌犯長達一周不收費（刑法在另一方面，要求嫌疑人被落案控內部的頭24小時被逮捕，或者被釋放） 。 Section 44 granted police stop and search rights all across Britain – it has since been used against: Kevin Gillan and Pennie Quinto for protesting outside Europe’s biggest arms fair in London; the 82-year-old Walter Wolfgang for heckling Jack Straw at the Labour Conference; Sally Cameron for walking on a cycle-path in Dundee; the 80-year-old John Catt for being caught on CCTV passing a demonstration in Brighton; the 11-year-old Isabelle Ellis-Cockcroft for accompanying her parents to an anti-nuclear protest; and a cricketer on his way to a match over his possession of a bat.第44條授予警方截停和搜查的權利，全英國-它自被用來對付：凱文g illan和p ennieq uinto為抗議歐洲以外最大的武器公平在倫敦;今年8 2歲的沃爾特沃爾夫岡為詰問大臣施仲宏在勞工大會;莎莉金馬倫步行上一週期的路徑在鄧迪; 80歲的約翰事務CATT為被捲入中央電視台通過示範在布賴頓; 11歲的伊莎貝爾埃利斯- cockcroft為陪同父母一反核抗議;和板球，他的方式比賽，他藏有一隻蝙蝠。

In the United States, September 11 occasioned the most robust assault yet on civil liberties in the form of Bush’s ‘USA Patriot Act’ leading eminent constitutional law professor Sanford Levinson to describe Carl Schmitt, the leading authority on Nazi legal philosophy, as “the true éminence grise of the Bush administration” to the extent that the Administration (advised by Dick Cheney’s lawyer, David Addington) espoused a view of presidential authority “that is all too close to the power that Schmitt was willing to accord his own Führer”. ¹⁰ The respected lawyer Gareth Pierce noted equally worrying tendencies in the UK: 在美國， 9月11日occasioned最強勁的攻擊，但對公民自由的形式，在布什的'美國愛國者法'的傑出領導的憲制性法律教授桑福德萊文森來形容卡爾施密特，領導權威對納粹的法律哲學，作為“真正éminence grise的布什政府“的程度時表示，政府當局（宜由切尼的律師大衛阿丁頓）提出的意見，總統的權力： ”這是所有太接近的權力，施密特願意協議，他自己的führer “ 。 ¹⁰尊敬的律師加雷思皮爾斯指出，同樣令人擔憂的傾向，在英國：

“Blair bulldozed through Parliament a new brand of internment. “布萊爾用推土機推平國會通過一個新的品牌的拘留。 This allowed for the indefinite detention without trial of foreign nationals, the ‘evidence’ to be heard in secret with the detainee’s lawyer not permitted to see the evidence against him and an auxiliary lawyer appointed by the attorney general who, having seen it, was not allowed to see the detainee. 這允許無限期拘留未經審判的外國國民， '證據' ，以聽到在秘密與被拘留者的律師不得見的證據，對他和一個輔助指派律師擔任總檢察長誰，看到它，不得見被拘留。 The most useful device of the executive is its ability to claim that secrecy is necessary for national security.” ¹¹ 最有用的裝置執行的能力，是其聲稱的保密是必要的國家安全“ 。 ¹¹

The ‘Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001’ succeeded in ramming through measures that had been rejected in the 2000 Act. '反恐怖主義，犯罪和安全法2001年成功地在撞擊通過的措施，已被拒絕在2000年的行為。 The ‘Criminal Justice Act 2003’ doubled the period of detention without charge to 14 days. '刑事司法法令2003年增加一倍，拘留期間不收費至14天。 Although the government suffered a significant setback when the Law Lords swept aside the indefinite detention ruling since it broke European human rights legislation (described by the Law Lords as “draconian” and “anathema” to the rule of law, it was seen by Lord Hoffmann as a bigger threat to the nation than terrorism). 政府雖然遭受了重大挫折，當法律上議院席捲擱置無限期拘留的裁決，因為它打破了歐洲人權法例（所描述的法律上議院作為“惡法”和 “ 詛咒” ，以法治，它被認為是由賀輔明勳爵作為一個更大的威脅，以國家恐怖主義比） 。 Charles Clarke, the Home Secretary, immediately made clear his intention to undermine it. 查爾斯克拉克，民政司，立即作出了明確的，他打算破壞它。 The government obliged by subsequently passing the ‘Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005’ which gave the Home Secretary the right to use Control Orders and opt out of human rights laws. ¹² 政府有責任，隨後通過了'防止恐怖主義法2005年'了內政大臣的使用權，控制命令和選擇退出人權法。 ¹²

In the wake of the terrorist attacks in London on July 7, the government upped the ante with the ‘Terrorism Act 2006’, which doubled – yet again – the detention period to 28 days, a period far longer than any other state in the western world. 在恐怖襲擊後，在倫敦7月7日，政府通過設定前廳與'反恐怖主義法2006年' ， 而增加一倍-又一次-拘留期2 8天，一個時期遠超過任何其他國家在西部世界。 The bill marked the first parliamentary defeat for Tony Blair, whose original proposal was for 90 days detention without charge. 條例草案，標誌著首次議會的失敗托尼布萊爾，其原來的建議是90天拘留而不負責。

Blair’s determination to deflect attention from the failures of his scandal-ridden government by turning the war on terror into a permanent undeclared state of emergency appeared finally to have hit a wall. 布萊爾的決心轉移注意力從失敗的，他醜聞纏身的政府把反恐戰爭變成永久未經宣布的緊急狀況出現，最後有擊中牆壁。 However, despite a noticeably prudent start, Brown’s multiplying political problems soon had him reaching for Blairite nostrums. 然而，儘管明顯審慎的開始，布朗的乘以政治問題盡快達成了他為blairite nostrums 。 He renewed the case for doubling the period of detention without charge (subsequently reduced to 42 days). 他續約的情況增加一倍，拘留期間不收費（後來減少到42天） 。 This despite the fact that the newly appointed Home Secretary Jacqui Smith had conceded that circumstances had not yet arisen where it had been necessary “to go beyond 28 days”. 這儘管事實上，新任內政大臣jacqui史密斯已同意的情況尚未出現，它已必要的“要超越28天” 。 Seumas Milne reported in The Guardian that: seumas米爾恩報導，在監護人 ：

“it’s widely acknowledged in Westminster that a key motivation for this latest assault on long-established rights and freedoms is Brown’s determination to wrong-foot the Tories tactically and portray them as soft on terror”. “它的廣泛承認，在西敏寺的一個關鍵的動機，這個最新的攻擊對成立已久的權利和自由是布朗的決心錯英尺的保守黨，戰術和塑造他們作為軟就恐怖” 。

The deleterious effects of a creeping surveillance state cannot be discounted. 的有害影響逐漸監視狀態，不能打折扣。 While the public may have little enthusiasm for an ID card scheme after discs containing personal details of 25 million individuals were lost by the government, Brown remains adamant. 而市民可能不大的熱情一身份證計劃後，光碟載有個人資料的2500萬人失去了由政府，布朗仍然堅決。 Given the government’s record for handling personal data, proposals for a universal register of citizen’s DNA samples is very worrying. 鑑於政府的記錄，處理個人資料的建議，一個普遍的登記冊公民的DNA樣本，是非常令人擔憂。 So are Tony Blair’s remarks about identifying problem children who may grow up to pose a menace to society by intervening before they were born. ¹³ A new plan under the government’s e-borders scheme would require each person entering or leaving UK to answer 53 questions including “credit card details, holiday contact numbers, travel plans, email addresses, car numbers and even any previous missed flights”. 因此，是托尼布萊爾的言論，查明問題的兒童誰可能成長構成的威脅，對社會的干預之前，他們出生¹³一項新計劃，根據政府的電子邊界計劃將需要每個人進入或離開英國回答53個問題，包括“信用卡詳細資料，假日聯絡電話號碼，旅行計劃，電子郵件地址，車牌號碼，甚至以往任何時候錯過了航班” 。 Taken when a ticket is bought, the information, it was reported, “will be shared among police, customs, immigration and the security services for at least 24 hours before a journey is due to take place.” 採取當是買了門票，資料，據報導， “將共享警察，海關，移民和安全的服務至少24小時之前的旅程，是因為考慮到” 。

When popular shows bear names like ‘Big Brother’, the appurtenances of mass surveillance society, such as the 4.2 million CCTV cameras, become an acceptable, even desired, part of the scenery. 當流行的顯示，承擔的名字一樣， '大哥哥' ， appurtenances大規模監視社會，例如為420.0萬部閉路電視攝影機，成為一個可以接受的，甚至理想，部分風景。 Privacy International rates Britain as an “endemic surveillance society” and, according to Timothy Garton Ash, the British state collects more data on its citizens than did the Stasi in East Germany. 隱私國際利率英國作為一個“特有的監視社會 ” ，而根據蒂莫西加頓灰，英國國家收集更多的數據就其公民比沒有斯塔茲在東德。 The more than 3,000 new criminal offences introduced under the Labour government have also turned privatized prisons into a growth industry. 更超過3000個新的刑事罪行介紹下，工黨政府也拒絕私有化的監獄成為一個增長的行業。 Today Britain has a higher incarceration rate than China, Burma or Saudi Arabia. 今天英國有較高的監禁率比中國，緬甸或沙特阿拉伯。

While the terrorist threat today has nowhere near the intensity of the IRA campaign, police are using military aircraft such as the Britten-Norman Islander used previously only in Northern Ireland during the Troubles. 而恐怖主義的威脅，今天已無處附近的強度愛爾蘭共和軍活動，警方現正使用的軍用飛機，如布里頓-諾曼島民以前使用的，只有在北愛爾蘭期間的麻煩。 Reaper robot drones of the type being used in Afghanistan will also be in operation during the Olympics. 收割機機器人無人駕駛飛機的類型，被用來在阿富汗也將在運作，在奧運會期間。

Reign of the Terrorologist 在位的terrorologist

Riding the back of the raft of anti-terror legislations are the terrorologists and the ‘security’ entrepreneurs; and they have found green pastures in Fortress Britain.坐後面的竹排上的反恐法例，是terrorologists和'安全'的企業家和他們發現，綠色的牧場，在英國的堡壘。 With governments unwilling to address political causes, the trend is increasingly one of framing the subject in cultural terms: ‘they hate our way of life’, ‘they hate our freedoms’ etc. This clears the way for the terrorologist to step in and sell a toxic brew of cultural stereotypes and pop psychology packaged in pseudo-academic jargon.與各國政府不願解決政治原因，趨勢是越來越多的一個幀的主題在文化方面： '他們仇恨我們的生活方式' ， ' ，他們仇恨我們的自由'等，這掃清了道路，為terrorologist加強在賣一種有毒的BREW文化的偏見和流行的心理，在包裝的偽學術的術語。 In his study of the trade, James Petras detects the following “eerily predictable patterns”:在他的研究貿易，詹姆斯佩特拉斯偵測以下“ ，兩者驚人的相似預測模式” ：

“They use a common language to describe their subjects and their environment; they are extremely ideological under a thin veneer of scientific jargon; they possess a keen sense of selective observation; they always pretend to possess a psychological understanding though few if any have dealt close up with their subjects in any clinical sense except perhaps under conditions of incarceration and interrogation. “他們使用一種共同語言來形容他們的科目和他們的環境，他們都非常的思想下，薄單板的科學術語 ; 他們具備敏銳的觀察選擇性;他們總是假裝擁有的心理理解，雖然幾乎沒有任何處理關閉與他們的科目，在任何臨床意義，除了可能的條件下，監禁和審問。
Their style…slippery with euphemisms when it comes to dealing with the violence of their partisan states… Psychobabble provides a ‘legitimate’ sounding channel for… assuming a state of civilized superiority in the face of their dehumanized subjects. 他們的風格…濕滑與委婉的說法，當談到處理與暴力他們的黨派的國家… … psychobabble提供了一個'合法'冠冕堂皇的渠道…假設一個國家的文明優勢，在面對他們的dehumanized科目。 Indeed, the dehumanization process is central to the whole terrorist-political-academic enterprise…” ¹⁴ 事實上，非人化的過程是中央到整個恐怖-政治-學術企業… … “ ¹⁴

One consequence of earning an elevated place in official demonology is that the bar for those passing judgement drops radically. 其中一個後果謀生高架的地方，在正式demonology的是，香港大律師公會對於那些通過判斷下降徹底。 When it comes to Islam, Muslims and their alleged links to terrorism, any shoddy indictment will pass muster. 當談到伊斯蘭教，穆斯林和他們的指控與恐怖主義有聯繫，任何偽劣的起訴書將通過鼓起。 Doom-laden sensationalism makes for good copy; it makes no demands on rigour and scepticism, and a stable of ‘experts’ is readily at hand to amplify fear. 末日-拉登聳人聽聞，使良好的複製，它不作任何要求，嚴密性和持懷疑態度，和一個穩定的'專家'是隨時在手，以健全的恐懼。 The degree to which this has penetrated public discourse was demonstrated by the Big Issue – a publication generally about as provocative as a phonebook – with a front page story on ‘cyber terror’ and ‘online vigilantes’. 在何種程度上，這已滲透公共話語所表明的大問題 -出版，一般約挑釁，作為一個通訊錄-以頭版的故事，對'網絡恐怖活動'和'網上民' 。 Trotting out a stable of ‘terror experts’ the story served as a platform for several tendentious claims (“There are no longer clear boundaries between real-world cells and ‘amateurs’ assisting terror plots via their computers”; “al-Qaeda is equal in the media war”). trotting了一個穩定的'恐怖專家們的故事，作為一個平台，幾個傾向性的債權 （ “不再存在清晰的界限之間的真實世界的細胞和'業餘協助恐怖活動的圖謀通過他們的電腦” ， “阿爾蓋達正平等在媒體上的戰爭“ ） 。 Rather than question why a dubious source such as Evan Kohlmann – the man used as a ‘expert witness’ in the Atif Siddique trial, who “has no expertise beyond …an internship at a dubious think-tank” ¹⁵ – should be consulted by Scotland Yard, the story served as a puff piece for three Israel lobby hacks. 而非質疑為何可疑的來源，例如埃文kohlmann -該名男子用來作為專家證人，在a tifs iddique審判，誰“的說法並沒有專業知識，以後…一個實習在一個可疑的智囊型” 1 ^5-應徵詢由蘇格蘭碼，這個故事作為一個自賣自誇一塊3以色列遊說的竅門。 Rita Katz has served in the Israeli military; Aaron Weisburd runs Internet Haganah (Hebrew name for the paramilitary that later became the IDF) a project of the Society for Internet Research that works with the Mossad-linked Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center; and both Katz and Kohlmann are protégés of Steve Emerson whose own expertise includes having seen “the hallmarks of Middle Eastern terror” in the Oklahoma bombing (actually carried out by Timothy McVeigh, a decorated white Christian war-hero). 麗塔卡茲一直在以色列的軍事;阿倫weisburd運行互聯網haganah （希伯來文名稱為準軍事後來成為以色列國防軍的）一個項目，整個社會的互聯網的研究，工程與摩薩德相連的情報和恐怖主義信息中心;都卡茨和kohlmann是protégés的史蒂夫艾默生，其本身的專業知識，包括看過“的標誌，中東恐怖” ，在俄克拉何馬州爆炸案（其實所進行的蒂莫西麥克維，裝飾白色基督教戰爭英雄） 。

The trade of the terrorologist is not new: incubated in the Reagan administration’s earlier ‘war on terror’, its proponents had been exposed and elegantly debunked by Edward Hermann. 貿易的terrorologist是不是新的：孵育在裡根政府早期的'反恐戰爭' ，它的倡議者已揭露和優雅的debunked愛德華赫爾曼。 September 11 ushered in a new breed – ubiquitous, ideological, and relentless. 9月11日進入了一個新品種-無處不在，思想和無情的。 Some, such as Rohan Gunaratna of the St. Andrews-based Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV), reinvented themselves over night as ‘experts on al-Qaeda’. 一些，如專家古納拉特納的聖安德魯斯為基礎的研究中心的恐怖主義和政治暴力（ cstpv ） ，改造自己，一夜之間，作為專家對基地組織' 。 Gunaratna’s book Inside Al Qaeda became an instant best-seller, even though before the date his expertise was limited to South Asian groups, such as the Tamil Tigers. 古納拉特納博士的書內的蓋達組織 ，成為一個即時的暢銷，即使日期之前，他的專業知識是有限的南亞群體，如泰米爾猛虎組織。 In the book he claimed he was the “principal investigator of the United Nations’ Terrorism Prevention Branch”. 在這本書中，他聲稱他是“的首席調查員聯合國預防恐怖主義處” 。 However, after a Sunday Age investigation, he admitted that no such position existed. 然而，經過週日的年齡進行調查，他承認沒有這樣的立場存在。 Intelligence services have been generally dismissive of his claims. 情報服務已普遍質疑他的說法。

However, despite all this, he keeps making appearances as an ‘expert witness’ at various UK prosecutions and in media reports. 然而，儘管這一切，他不斷作出露面，作為專家證人在各種英國檢控及在媒體的報導。

CSTPV itself bears some scrutiny. cstpv本身帶有一些審議。 Established by an alumni of the RAND Corporation (a US think-tank which played a key role during the Cold War; satirized as the ‘Bland Corporation’ in Dr. Strangelove , it was an enthusiastic supporter of the arms race), the Centre has links to the government and intelligence agencies. 成立了由一名校友的蘭德公司（美國智囊型，其中發揮了關鍵作用，在冷戰期間;諷刺為'空洞公司'在博士strangelove ，這是一個熱情的支持者，軍備競賽） ，該中心已鏈接到政府和情報機構。 Shaping discourse on terrorism through its two influential academic journals, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, and Terrorism and Political Violence , CSTPV emphasises terror directed against states, while mostly ignoring violence by states, excluding however those not allied to the West (‘Hell is other people’, Sartre might say). 塑造話語的關於恐怖主義通過其兩個有影響的學術期刊， 研究在衝突和恐怖主義，和恐怖主義和政治暴力 ，恐怖cstpv強調，針對國，而大多忽略了暴力的國家，但是不包括那些沒有專職到西（ '地獄是其他人民' ，薩特可能會說） 。 Reports by the Centre have been used by the government to rationalise permanent anti-terror legislation. 報告由該中心已被政府所用的重整常駐反恐法例。 The RAND-CSTPV nexus also has stakes in the Iraq conflict through its links to mercenary firms operating in the country. 蘭德- cstpv聯繫，也有利害關係，在伊拉克衝突中通過其鏈接到僱傭軍公司在該國作業的。 However, despite the conflicts of interest, the Centre’s embedded expertise remains much in demand. ¹⁶ 然而，儘管利益衝突，該中心的中嵌入的專業仍然是很大的需求。 ¹⁶

CSTPV’s output may be ideological; but it still retains a degree of sophistication. cstpv的輸出可能的思想，但它仍保留了一定程度的複雜性。 With the low demands on rigour, joining the fray now are some actors less restrained. 與低的要求嚴格，加入fray現在一些行動者少的約束。 In early 2006 it was revealed that authorities at several universities, including my own, were co-operating with Special Branch as a result of a recently published study by the right wing Social Affairs Unit. 在2006年年初據透露，當局在幾所大學，包括我自己，合作，經營與特別分行，由於最近發表的研究由右翼社會事務股。 Conducted by Anthony Glees, the Director of Brunel Centre for Intelligence and Security Studies, the study claimed to find evidence of Islamist, animal liberation and British National Party recruitment on UK campuses. 所進行的安東尼格勒斯，主任布魯內爾中心的情報和安全研究，該研究聲稱找到證據，伊斯蘭，動物解放和英國國家黨的招聘對英國校園。 The evidence comprised of the fact that people who have been arrested under anti-Terrorism legislation attended universities at some point. 證據組成的事實，即誰的人已被拘捕，根據反恐怖主義立法出席大學在一些點。 It castigated Universities for teaching students “theoretical tools for understanding the world”, such as Marxism, which could lead to further radicalization when students moved “from campus to Mosque”. 它抨擊大學教學的學生“的理論工具，認識世界” ，如馬克思主義，這可能導致進一步激進化，當學生提出的“從校園到清真寺” 。 Policy Exchange, another dubious neoconservative outfit, shouldered its way into the debate with an Islamophobic report on extremist literature being promoted through various Mosques which, to the BBC’s credit, was publicly debunked by a Newsnight investigation. 政策交流，另一個可疑的新保守主義的裝備，其肩負的方式進入辯論與伊斯蘭極端主義的報告對文學正在推動通過各種清真寺，向英國廣播公司的信用，公開debunked由新聞之調查。 This, however, did not deter Policy Exchange members from using the report to lobby the EU. 不過，這並沒有阻止政策交易所會員從使用報告，遊說歐盟。

Hero and Horse 英雄和馬

On November 18, 1822, the Observer reported that nearly “a million bushels of human and inhuman bones” had been imported in the previous year from Europe into the port of Hull.關於1822年11月18日， 觀察員報告說，近“萬蒲式耳，人權和不人道的骨頭”已進口在過去一年從歐洲到港口的船體。 Battlefields swept alike of the “bones of the hero and the horse which he rode” delivered their haul to Yorkshire bone grinders who reduced them to granulary state.無論是戰場上席捲的“骨頭的英雄和馬，他騎上”發表了他們撿獲的約克郡骨磨床誰減少他們granulary狀態。 “In this condition they are sold to the farmers to manure their lands.” ¹⁷ Two centuries on, the gap between the ‘support our troops’ rhetoric and reality has yet to be bridged. “在這種情況下，他們出售給農民，以糞肥他們的土地。 ” ¹⁷兩個世紀的對，之間的差距'支持我們部隊的言詞與現實還沒有得到彌合。
An internal report into the state of the British Military obtained by The Independent on May 11 reveals that soldiers are living in such poverty that they can’t even afford food, with many living on emergency food voucher schemes set up by the Ministry of Defence (MoD).一份內部報告納入國家的英軍獲得由獨立的 5月11日透露，士兵生活在這種貧困，他們甚至不能負擔得起的食物，與許多生活在緊急糧食券計劃，成立了由國防部（按付款當日價格計算） 。 “Commanders are attempting to tackle the problem through ‘Hungry Soldier’ schemes, under which destitute soldiers are given loans to enable them to eat” the paper reported. “指揮員正試圖解決這個問題，通過'飢餓的士兵'計劃下，貧困的士兵給予貸款，使他們能夠吃”的文件報告。 With its proclivity for market solutions, the tradition of soldiers getting three square meals a day for free has been replaced with a controversial Pay as You Dine (PAYD) regime, which charges soldiers not on active duty for their meals, leading many into debt.其proclivity市場的解決方案，傳統的士兵獲得3平方米的一日三餐，免費已取代與具爭議性的薪酬正如你吃飯（ payd ）制度，收費士兵不會對現役他們吃飯，許多領導到債務。
Likewise, slightly more than a year back on March 11, 2007, the Observer had revealed the shocking picture of neglect and poor treatment of wounded soldiers returning from Afghanistan and Iraq.同樣，略多於一年就回到2007年3月11日， 觀察員揭示了令人震驚的圖片忽視和窮人的治療受傷的士兵返回阿富汗和伊拉克。 It reported, for example, that “the youngest British soldier wounded in Iraq, Jamie Cooper, was forced to spend a night lying in his own faeces after staff at Birmingham’s Selly Oak Hospital allowed his colostomy bag to overflow.據報導，例如， “最年輕的英國士兵受傷，伊拉克，傑米庫珀，被迫花了夜間躺臥在他自己的糞便後，工作人員在伯明翰的selly橡樹醫院允許他的結腸造口袋溢出。 On another occasion his medical air mattress was allowed to deflate, leaving him in ‘considerable pain’ overnight despite an alarm going off.” Another complaint alleged that one soldier “suffered more than 14 hours in agony without pain relief because no relevant staff were on duty”.在另一個場合，他的醫療空氣床墊被允許deflate ，導致他在'相當的痛苦'通宵，儘管警報關閉“ 。另一宗投訴指稱，一兵一卒”受到了更多的超過14個小時的痛苦，在沒有疼痛緩解，因為沒有相關的工作人員就責任“ 。 (This, of course, is as much a reflection of the chronic lack of surplus within the health system as it is of the wider militarised draw on public resources.) The MoD has already revealed a serious shortage of medical staff in the armed forces: （當然，這是多反映了長期缺乏盈餘，在衛生系統內，因為它是更廣泛的militarised提請對公共資源。 ） ，英國國防部已經透露了一個嚴重短缺的醫務人員在武裝部隊中：

“There was a 50% shortfall in the number of surgeons required by the army, an 80% shortfall of radiologists and a 46% shortfall of anaesthetists.” ¹⁸ “有一個50 ％的短缺數目外科醫生所需要的軍隊， 80 ％的短缺放射科和46 ％的短缺麻醉師。 ” ¹⁸

Soldiers in the field haven’t fared any better: for example, both Reg Keys and Rose Gentle lost sons in Iraq due to the lack of proper equipment. 士兵在該領域沒有任何更好的表現：例如，註冊鍵和玫瑰溫柔失去的兒子在伊拉克，由於缺乏適當的裝備。 Iraq has taken its toll on an overstretched military. 伊拉克已採取其收費對一個過度的軍事。 Due to “continuing high level of operational commitment” an MoD report has revealed, “more than 1 in 10 soldiers were not getting the rest between operations they needed.” The report also referred to a “continuing difficult environment for army recruitment and retention”. 由於“持續的高層次業務的承諾”一按付款當日價格計算的報告顯示， “多於1 ，在10名士兵被得不到休息之間的行動，他們需要”的報告還提到了一個“困難的環境中繼續為軍隊的招聘及挽留” 。 With a high number of officers and other ranks going over voluntarily with another 2,000 awaiting approval of their applications to quit, the armed forces as a whole are nearly 7,000 under strength, the report revealed. ¹⁹ 具有高的人員的數目和其他職級會超過自願與另一2000年在等待批准他們的申請退出，軍隊作為一個整體，近7000下的實力，報告顯示， ¹⁹

The crisis has caused the military to redouble its recruitment efforts with visits to Scottish schools up by more than 180% in the last three years, The Herald revealed. 危機已引起軍方加倍努力，招聘與訪問蘇格蘭學校由超過180 ％ ，在過去3年，先驅報透露。 The news comes only weeks after the National Union of Teachers voted to block future military careers’ presentations “to pupils as young as 14” in England and Wales. 消息只有星期後，全國聯盟的教師投反對票來阻止未來的軍事職業的發言“的學生只有14歲”在英格蘭和威爾斯。 “Despite the outlay of almost £500m, in 2006-07 the field army – the frontline operational part of UK ground forces – missed its ‘gains to strength’ (GTS) recruitment goal by 12%. “儘管支出幾乎£ 500米，在2006-07年度，該野戰軍-前線行動的一部分，英國地面部隊-錯過了它的'收益的實力，' （電信）的招聘目標由1 2 ％。 In 2007-08, it achieved only 63% of its target.” ²⁰ (In the US, the military has been reduced to enlisting former convicts and the mentally ill.) The degree of desperation is also evident in the recent advertising campaign for military recruitment: the military experience is presented as a sanitized adventure, an adrenaline-soaked escape from ennui. 在2007-08年度，它實現了只有63 ％的目標。 “ ²⁰ （在美國，軍方已減少，爭取前罪犯和精神病患者）的程度，絕望也很明顯，在最近的廣告系列軍事招聘：軍事活動的經驗，是作為一個消毒探險，一腎上腺素浸泡擺脫倦怠。 High-minded calls of duty and honour have been replaced with ones such as “for the travel, for the action, for the adventure”; “for the fun, for the friendship, for the Friday nights”. 高志同道合的要求，責任和榮譽已被替換的，如“為旅行，為的行動，為探險” ; “為樂趣 ， 為友誼，為週五夜” 。

The MoD caused much consternation among the National Union of Teachers when it distributed materials on the Iraq war for use in schools. 國防部造成很大驚愕之間的全國聯盟教師時，它的分佈式材料對伊拉克戰爭的供學校使用。 The ministry was accused of “misleading propaganda” which “unethically” targeted recruitment materials at schools in disadvantaged areas. 該部被指控“誤導宣傳” ， “不道德 ” 有針對性的招聘材料，在學校，在貧困地區。 One worksheet described the purpose of the UK mission in Iraq as “helping the Iraqis to rebuild their country after the conflict and years of neglect”. 一所描述的工作的目的，英國在伊拉克的使命是“幫助伊拉克重建自己的國家衝突後和多年的忽視” 。 Touting “achievements” in “security and reconstruction” it failed to mention the US-led invasion, its legality, Iraqi civilian deaths or the absence of WMDs. 兜售 “ 成就 ” 在“安全和重建”它沒有提到美國領導的聯軍入侵，其合法性，伊拉克平民死亡或沒有大規模殺傷性武器。 This is not the MoD’s only advance on the classroom. 這不是國防部的只有預先對課堂上。 Another example is the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (DSTL) outreach programme, which sends DSTL scientists to talk to university and school students to encourage them to think about a career at the lab. 另一個例子是國防科學與技術實驗室（ dstl ）外展計劃，其中發送dstl科學家談大學和學校的學生，以鼓勵他們想一想，職業生涯在勞顧會。 According to Frances Saunders, the chief executive, DSTL sponsors “year-in-industry students, and are working with the MoD to develop school lesson texts to get people interested in the science behind defence.” Although DSTL already has strong links with universities including Southampton, Imperial, Oxford and Cambridge, Saunders plans to broaden this network. 據弗朗西斯桑德斯，行政長官dstl發起人“ ，今年在同業的學生，並正在努力與按付款當日價格計算，以發展學校的教訓，文本，以讓人們有興趣在科學背後的辯護。 ”雖然dstl已經有緊密的聯繫，包括與大學南安普敦，帝國，牛津大學和劍橋大學，桑德斯計劃擴大這一網絡。

Not since Suez has the military suffered a greater loss of prestige. 不自蘇伊士有軍事遭受更大的損失的威信。 RAF airmen in Cambridgeshire were recently advised against wearing uniforms in public in order to avoid being “verbally abused” for their participation in Afghanistan and Iraq. 英國皇家空軍的飛行員在劍橋郡，最近被建議不要穿著制服在公共，以避免被“辱罵” ，為他們的參與在阿富汗和伊拉克。 With the demoralizing effect of ill-conceived interventions abroad, the struggle for politicians is then of rehabilitating the myth of the military, rather that the military itself. 與士氣低落的影響，構思欠佳的干預在國外，鬥爭是政治家，然後恢復的神話，軍事，而不是說，軍方本身。 What interests policy makers is not so much the military, but the cult of military. 是什麼利益的決策者是沒有這麼多軍隊，但邪教組織的軍事。 Plans are also underway to introduce US-style citizenship ceremonies for children and a new public holiday to celebrate ‘Britishness’ by 2012, as part of “wide-ranging proposals to strengthen British citizenship.” 計劃也在進行引進美國式的公民儀式，為兒童和一個新的公眾假期，慶祝'英國化 ' 到2012年，由於部分“範圍廣泛的建議，以加強英國公民身份” 。

In sharp contrast to the decrepit military stands the fortunes of the private military industry. 形成鮮明對比的向衰老的軍事主張的命運私營軍事產業。 The preference of recent governments for market solutions has facilitated the transfer of most military R&D to the private sector, with giants like QinetiQ and BAe Systems securing plum deals. 的意願，最近政府為市場提供了便利的解決方案轉移的大部分軍事研發到私營部門，與巨人一樣，奇奈蒂克公司和BAE Systems確保梅花交易。 When the Defence Evaluation and Research Agency (Dera) was split in two in 2001, QinetiQ, a British company with links to the US-based Carlyle group, absorbed the majority of its activities. 當防務評估和研究局（防務）被一分為二，在2001年，奇奈蒂克公司，一家英國公司與鏈接到以美國為基地的凱雷集團，吸收了其大部分活動。 Along with a raft of other lucrative PFIs, the private military industry is set to benefit from the largest to date, involving at least £14 billion of taxpayers’ money, for a privatised Military ‘Academy’ at St Athan in the Vale of Glamorgan to train all-service personnel and private ‘security services’. 隨著一系列其他有利可圖的pfis ，私營軍工設置為受惠最大的日期 ， 涉及至少140億英鎊納稅人的金錢，為私有化軍事學院'在聖athan ，在Vale的的格拉摩根大學，以列車的所有服務人員和私人安全服務' 。 The corporate bonanza in Iraq has had Private Military Contractors – mercenaries – reaping windfalls profits for investors with stakes in the businesses, such as Frederick Forsyth and former Foreign Secretary Malcolm Rifkind (of Aegis and ArmorGroup respectively). 公司金礦在伊拉克已私人軍事承包商 -僱傭軍-賺取橫財的利潤與投資者的利害關係，在企業，如馮檢佛塞斯和前外交大臣里夫金德（宙斯盾和a r morgroup分別）。 The lure of salaries, at times reaching as high as £1,000 a day, may be one reason why the military is losing so many of its men to the mercenary business. ²¹ 誘惑的薪金，有時達到高達1000英鎊一天，可能的原因之一軍隊正在失去，所以它的許多官兵的僱傭軍業務。 ²¹

While the defence establishment has long complained of funding shortages for the forces, the R&D budget remains secure. 而辯方成立已久抱怨資金短缺，為部隊，研發預算仍然安全。 The MoD, it was reported, has promised not to raid the R&D budget to pay for wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. 國防部的資料，據報，已承諾不襲擊研發預算以支付伊拉克和阿富汗戰爭。 However, this injunction doesn’t apply in the reverse, as it has been revealed that the Conflict Prevention Fund set aside for clearing landmines and removing arms from conflict zones was being raided to pay BAe Systems to subsidise the £5m-£10m servicing cost of six Tornado jets in Iraq. 不過，這個禁制令並不適用於在相反的，因為它已顯示，該預防衝突基金撥作結算地雷和消除武器從衝突地區被突擊搜查支付BAE系統公司，以資助500萬英鎊-英鎊十米服務成本六旋風式戰鬥機在伊拉克。 The measure was needed because the MoD has closed its own state-of-the-art facility for servicing Tornado jets presented as a way of saving £500m over 10 years. ²² 這項措施是必要的，因為國防部已關閉了它自己的國家- - -設施先進，服務旋風式戰鬥機，作為一種方式節省£ 500米超過10年。 ²²

Sensing opportunity as the war on terror grinds on, its neoconservative architects have swooped in from across the Atlantic to establish a presence in Britain. 遙感的機會，作為反恐戰爭的研磨上，其新保守主義的建築師有突擊搜查，在從大西洋彼岸建立一個駐留在英國。 With ties to the arms industry and the neoconservative wing of the Israel lobby, the Henry Jackson Society seems to be assuming the role that the Committee on Present Danger played in the United States. 與聯繫的軍火工業和新保守主義右翼的以色列遊說，亨利傑克遜社會似乎是假設的作用，該委員會對當前的危險，發揮在美國。 Its Israel-centric worldview, as exhibited by its roster of speakers, predisposes it towards perpetual conflict. 其以色列為中心的世界觀，作為展示其名冊上的發言， predisposes這對永恆的衝突。 The support for a militarized ethnocracy is not the natural inclination of a liberal-democratic Britain; it can only be sustained in a context where Israel can be seen aligned with Britain in an overarching conflict against a common enemy. 支持一個軍事化ethnocracy是不自然的傾向，一個自由民主的英國，它只能在持續的背景下，以色列可以看出，不結盟與英國在一個總體的衝突對一個共同的敵人。 So it is that the Israel lobby has contrived to pass its enemies off as those of the ‘West’. 所以這是說，以色列遊說已contrived通過它的敵人小康的那些'西' 。 HJS appears well placed to sustain this state of conflict should the Tories get in as its supporters include two of David Cameron’s key advisers. hjs似乎有利的位置，以維持這個國家的衝突應該保守黨獲得在其支持者包括兩個大衛金馬倫的主要顧問。 It is a dangerous confluence of interests. 這是一個危險的匯合利益。

Fortress Britain in the end is as much a consequence of ill-conceived alliances as it is a response to the neoliberal order’s need for distraction from its inherent contradictions. 堡壘，英國在年底是多一個後果，構思欠佳的聯盟，因為它是回應新自由主義秩序的需要，為分散其固有的矛盾。 While not nearly as unscrupulous as his predecessor, Gordon Brown’s growing travails may lead him to seek the politician’s time-honoured remedy: to scare the hell out of the population. One only hopes that Fortress Britain is the apogee of what Tony Blair had set in motion with his promise to stand “shoulder to shoulder” with George W. Bush in his so-called ‘war on terror’, because things could always be worse.

Muhammad Idrees Ahmad is a member of Spinwatch.org. His commentaries on arts, politics and culture appear on Fanonite.org .

Notes
1. Might he be the same Amnon Maor of the squad of six Israeli border policemen who back in 1994 were sentenced to six months in prison with one year suspended sentences and a fine of NIS 1,000 each, for brutally assaulting an Arab in a supermarket whose cart had accidentally knocked one? “The six also arrested a passerby who witnessed the beating, and had asked them to stop and to show identification”, the Jerusalem Post reported. The Judge castigated them for abuse of authority and violating “all norms of acceptable behaviour”. ( Jerusalem Post , 8 December 1994)
2. Naomi Klein, ‘How war was turned into a brand’, The Guardian , 16 June 2007
3. Zbigniew Brzezinski, ‘Terrorized by “War on Terror”’, Washington Post , March 25, 2007
4. European Terrorism Situation and Trend Report 2007; David Miller, ‘The statistical invisibility of Islamist “terrorism” in Europe’, Spinwatch , 23 May 2007
5. Duncan Campbell, ‘The ricin ring that never was’, The Guardian , 14 April 2005
6. Gardner admits that the MI6 tried to recruit him while he was stationed in Cairo, however, he insists he turned them down. See David Rowan, ‘Interview: Frank Gardner’, Evening Standard , 15 June 2005
7. Simon Jenkins, ‘These fear factory speeches are utterly self-defeating’, The Guardian , 7 November 2007
8. Robert Fisk, ‘If You Want the Roots or Terror, Try Here’, The Independent , 12 August 2006
9. Seumas Milne, ‘A pointless attack on liberty that fuels the terror threat’, The Guardian , 8 November 2007
10. Sanford Levinson, ‘Torture in Iraq & the rule of law in America’, Daedalus , Summer 2004
11. Gareth Peirce, ‘Was it like this for the Irish?’, London Review of Books , 10 April 2008
12. See ibid . for a description of the true onerous nature of the control orders, especially for detainees with families.
13. Henry Porter, ‘The way the police treat us verges on the criminal’, The Observer , 29 October 2006
14. James Petras, ‘Anatomy of the “Terror Expert”’, Counterpunch.org , 7-8 August 2004
15. Jim Crace, ‘Just how expert are the expert witnesses?’, The Guardian , 13 May 2008
16. J. Burnett and Dave Whyte, ‘Embedded expertise and the “War on Terror”’, Journal for Crime, Conflict and the Media , 2005, 1(4): 1-18.
17. Quoted in the incisive study of the social consequences of conflict, War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning , by veteran correspondent Chris Hedges.
18. Jonathan Owen and Brian Brady, ‘Soldiers need loans to eat, report reveals’, The Independent , 11 May 2008; Ned Temko and Mark Townsend, ‘Scandal of treatment for wounded Iraq veterans’, The Observer , 11 March 2007
19. Richard Norton-Taylor, ‘Under-strength and under strain as experienced soldiers queue to quit’, The Guardian , 23 November 2007
20. Ian Bruce, ‘Army visits to Scottish schools soar by 180% in three years’, The Herald , 12 May 2008
21. ‘Corporate Mercenaries’, War on Want , 30 October 2006
22. David Hencke, ‘MoD plans raid on landmine removal fund to keep Tornados flying in Iraq’, The Guardian , 10 March 2008

his article originally appeared in Variant magazine

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