Denying Palestinians Free Movement in the West Bank無可否認，巴勒斯坦人的自由流動，在約旦河西岸
By Stephen Lendman |由Stephen lendman | RINF rinf - This article summarizes an August 2007 B’Tselem report now available in print. -本文總結了1 2 007年8月以色列佔領區人權資料中心的報告，現已在打印。 It’s one of a series of studies it conducts on life in Occupied Palestine to reveal what major media accounts suppress.它的一了一系列的研究，進行對生活在巴勒斯坦被佔領土透露什麼各大媒體的帳戶打壓。 This one is titled: “Ground to a Halt - Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom of Movement in the West Bank.”這是一題為： “為理由，以制止-拒絕巴勒斯坦人的行動自由運動在約旦河西岸” 。 B’Tselem has a well-deserved reputation for accuracy and integrity.以色列佔領區人權資料中心有一個良好的當之無愧的聲譽，準確性和完整性。 It’s the Jerusalem-based independent Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT).它的耶路撒冷為基礎的獨立的以色列信息中心為人權在被佔領的巴勒斯坦領土（選擇） 。 It was founded in 1989 by prominent academics, attorneys, journalists and Knesset members to “document and educate the Israeli public and policymakers about human rights violations in (Occupied Palestine), combat (the Israeli public’s) denial, and create a human rights culture in Israel” to convince government officials to respect human rights and obey international law.它成立於1989年，由著名學者，律師，新聞記者和議會成員，以“文件和教育以色列公眾和決策者有關侵犯人權的（被佔領的巴勒斯坦） ，打擊（以色列公眾的）拒絕，並創建一個人權文化在以色列“ ，以說服政府官員，以尊重人權和遵守國際法的規定。
Its work is detailed, wide-ranging, carefully researched, and based on hundreds of testimonies and dozens of on-the-ground observations.它的工作是詳細，廣泛，認真研究，並基於對數以百計的證詞和數十對- -地面觀測。 For verification, it’s also cross-checked with relevant documents and other government sources.核查，它也交叉核對有關文件和其他政府消息來源。 Work on this report was completed over a six month period in 2007.這方面的工作報告已完成超過六個月期間，在2007年。 It included information from other reports, statements from political and military officials, petitions to Israel’s High Court of Justice, and media accounts.它包括信息從其他報告，報表，從政治和軍事官員，請願，向以色列高等法院的司法和媒體的帳戶。
B’Tselem states: “For the past seven years (since the September 2000 Second Intifada began), Israel has imposed restrictions and prohibitions on Palestinian movement that are unprecedented in scope and duration.” It refers to hundreds of permanent and temporary checkpoints, other obstacles, physical barriers, and Israel’s Separation Wall (ruled illegal by the World Court) on confiscated Palestinian land. B'Tselem說： “在過去的七年（自2000年9月第二次起義開始） ，以色列施加限制和禁止對巴勒斯坦運動是前所未有的範圍和期限。 ”它指的數以百計的永久和臨時檢查站，其他障礙，肢體障礙，以色列的隔離牆（排除非法由世界法庭）對沒收的巴勒斯坦土地。
Free movement in the West Bank is severely restricted and nearly always entails “intolerable and arbitrary delays, much uncertainty, friction with soldiers, and often substantial expense.” B’Tselem stresses that throughout 2008, it will continue to focus on this topic - with new maps, short videos, and various “public education and advocacy activities to highlight” Israel’s unnecessary, outlandish and illegal restrictive measures.自由流動，在約旦河西岸受到嚴重限制和幾乎總是需要“不能容忍的和武斷的延誤，很大的不確定性，摩擦與士兵，往往是大量的犧牲。 ”以色列佔領區人權資料中心強調，在整個2008年，將繼續把重點放在這個題目-新的地圖，短期的影片，和各種“公共教育和宣傳活動，以突出”以色列的不必要的，古怪的和非法的限制性措施。 People need to know, and B’Tselem intends to tell them.人們需要知道，以色列佔領區人權資料中心打算告訴他們。
This is its 14th report on this topic since September 2000.這是它的第十四報告關於這一主題的2000年9月以來。 Previous ones covered specific type restrictions like checkpoints, for-Jews only roads, and the Separation Wall.以往所涵蓋的特定類型的限制一樣，檢查站，為猶太人的唯一道路，和隔離牆。 The one is comprehensive.一個是全面的。 It surveys all of them and their collective effects on Palestinians’ lives.據調查，所有的他們和他們的集體影響，對巴勒斯坦人的生命。
The measures aren’t new or restricted to the West Bank.這些措施並不是新的或限制到西岸。 They’ve been ongoing since the early 1990s and have undergone expansion and refinement ever since.他們已經正在進行自20世紀90年代初經歷了擴展並完善至今。 Until 1991, Palestinians (except small numbers designated security threats) could move freely throughout the Territories and were able to enter and stay in Israel during daytime hours.直至1991年，巴勒斯坦人（除少數指定的安全威脅）可自由移動的整個領土，並能進入並留在以色列期間，白天小時。 It helped Palestine establish social, cultural and commercial ties to its neighbor, Israeli Arab citizens in it, as well as between Gaza and the West Bank.它幫助巴勒斯坦建立社會，文化和商業聯繫，以它的鄰邦，以色列的阿拉伯公民，因為之間以及加沙和西岸地區。
During the January 1991 Gulf war, everything changed.在1991年1月海灣戰爭中，一切都改變了。 General permits were cancelled and replaced by new restrictive policies.一般許可證被取消，而代之以新的限制性政策。 Thereafter, all Palestinians needed (selectively authorized) permits to enter Israel and East Jerusalem.此後，所有巴勒斯坦人需要（選擇性授權）許可證，進入以色列和東耶路撒冷。 Checkpoints and barriers were erected for enforcement.檢查站和屏障，豎立執行。 They’ve restricted movement ever since, and at times, like the 1993 killings of nine Israelis, became a general closure policy.他們已經限制了運動以來，和時代性，像1993年殺害九名以色列人，成為一般的封閉政策。 All free movement was halted, Palestinians lost their jobs in Israel, few opportunities at home could replace them, and the Territories suffered great economic and social harm.所有的自由流動停止，巴勒斯坦人失去了他們在以色列的工作，很少有機會在家裡可以取代他們，和領土遭受巨大的經濟和社會的傷害。
Closure also split the OPT into three areas: East Jerusalem, the remaining West Bank and Gaza.封閉也分裂選擇到三個方面：在東耶路撒冷，剩下的西岸和加沙地帶。 After September 2000, Israel tightened free movement further and continues harassing and containing relentlessly.之後， 2000年9月，以色列收緊的自由流動，進一步，並繼續騷擾和遏制無情。 Two main factors explain how:兩個主要因素解釋如何：
– Israel’s “ever-expanding settlement enterprise….along the length and breadth of the West Bank;” they’re on strategically chosen and most valued lands; in areas designed to contain Palestinian city expansions; further harmed by Israel’s (for-Jews-only) bypass roads that constrict, isolate and divide West Bank areas; and -以色列的“不斷擴展的解決企業… … 。沿長度和廣度西岸; ： ”他們正在就戰略選擇和最有價值的土地;的領域，旨在遏制巴勒斯坦城市展開;進一步損害了以色列的（為猶太人只）繞道道路，會限制，孤立和隔膜西岸地區;
– the effects of the Oslo Accords; they split the West Bank into three areas - Area A under Palestinian Authority (PA) security and civil affairs control; Area B under Israel security and right to restrict free movement; and Area C under total Israeli control, including on matters relating to land, planning and building; Areas B and C comprise 80% of the West Bank, including its main roads, so that lets Israel restrict movement how, when, for as long, and for whatever purpose it wishes over most of the Territory. -影響奧斯陸協定;他們分裂西岸分為三個領域- A區根據巴勒斯坦權力機構（P A ）的安全和民事事務控制;B區，根據以色列的安全和權利限制的自由流動;C區總以色列控制，包括有關事宜，土地，規劃和建設; B區和C區包括80 ％的西岸，包括其主要的道路，以便讓以色列限制運動，如何，何時，只要，並為任何目的，它的意願，超過大部分的領土。
After September 2000, its measures were hardened.之後， 2000年9月，其措施硬化。 It clamped down on free movement, isolated Palestinians in cantonized enclosures, and made a fundamental human right a privilege to grant or withhold as it pleases.它打擊對自由流動的，孤立的巴勒斯坦人在cantonized罩，並提出了基本人權的特權批給或扣壓，因為它隨心所欲。 Its pretext is security but, in fact, that’s false.其藉口是安全，但在事實上，這是假的。 The real aim is harassment, land grab, and a state-sponsored expulsion plan so Israel can seize all the land it wants for Jews only.真正的目的是騷擾，土地攫取，一個國家的贊助驅逐計劃，使以色列能抓住所有的土地，要為猶太人只。 It’s gone on for decades and so far unchallenged by the world community.它的進行了幾十年，至今質疑由世界社區。 B’Tselem wants to stop it along with all other law violations so Palestinians can have their long denied justice they deserve and should get.以色列佔領區人權資料中心要阻止它一直與所有其他違法犯罪活動，使巴勒斯坦人能夠有其長期被剝奪他們應得的正義和應得的。
Israel’s Means to Control Movement以色列的方式來控制運動
B’Tselem divides Israeli control into three categories reflecting “different layers” of restrictive policy.以色列佔領區人權資料中心劃分為以色列控制分為3類，反映了“不同層次”的限制性政策。 They, in turn, build on each other and are interrelated:那麼它們反過來，建立在對方是相互關聯的：
– physical means to divert movement to certain passageways and roads and prevent access to others; -身體的手段來轉移運動的某些通道和道路，防止他人的;
– restrictions and prohibitions that first layer physical tools enforce; and -限制和禁止即第一層物理工具執行;
– the means to ease or tighten, selectively and under careful monitoring, second layer restrictions and prohibitions. -手段，以紓緩或收緊，選擇性和下仔細監測，第二層的限制和禁令。
The essential idea is that in combination these layers represent a single control mechanism, all parts operate together, and determining their impact requires evaluating the combined effect of four types of control:基本的想法是，在這些層面的結合代表一個單一的控制機制，各部分共同操作，並確定其影響需要評估的綜合效果，四種類型的控制：
(1) obstructions to deny access to main roads; they divert Palestinians to checkpoints where the army (IDF) supervises movement from one area to another or can deny it altogether; obstructions are in different forms - dirt mounds, concrete blocks, boulders, trenches, fences and iron gates; their numbers have gradually increased and in mid-2007 totaled 455 throughout the West Bank; they limit pedestrian and vehicular movement, and especially affect the elderly, the ill, pregnant women and small children; they’re even more restrictive in winter when water accumulation turns dirt areas muddy; （ 1 ）障礙物，以拒絕訪問的主要道路;他們轉移巴勒斯坦檢查站的地方軍隊（ IDF ）上監督運動，從一個地區到另一個或不能否認它完全;障礙物是在不同的形式-污垢土堆，混凝土塊，石塊，壕溝，圍欄及鐵閘;他們的人數有逐漸增加和在2007年年中已達455整個西岸，他們限制行人和車輛的運動，特別是影響老年人，病患者，孕婦和小兒童，他們正在更限制性在冬季時，積水的地區輪流的污垢泥濘;
(2) permanent staffed checkpoints; they’re fairly constant in number, and Israel has used them to some degree throughout 41 years of occupation; they gained prominence, however, after Israel cancelled general-entry (free movement) permits in 1991; they were then expanded during the Second Intifada; over time, they’ve become the most conspicuous occupation symbol and one of its most hated; （ 2 ）永久性檢查站的工作人員，他們正在相當的數量，和以色列使用他們在一定程度上在整個41年的佔領，他們取得的突出，不過，經過以色列取消一般項目（自由流動）在1991年的許可證;然後，擴大在第二次起義;隨著時間的推移，他們已經成為最突出的佔領的象徵之一，其最討厭;
– in mid-2007, 80 were in place of which 33 were the last inspection point before entering Israel along the Green Line; the other 47 lie inside the West Bank, some with control towers; seven are to transfer goods; they’re called “back-to-back” because merchandise is unloaded on one side, checked, then reloaded on another truck on the other side; operating times vary - many open at 6AM and close at night; others are staffed around the clock but limit crossings to “urgent humanitarian” cases; -在2 007年年中， 8 0人在的地方，其中3 3人，最後檢查點前進入以色列的綠線沿線;其他4 7所在內的西岸，一些與控制塔; 7頃轉移貨物;他們所謂的“背靠背” ，因為商品是卸下一方面，檢查，然後重新在另一個卡車在另一邊;經營的時代有所不同-許多在早上6時開放，並關閉在夜間;其他工作人員約2 4小時，但限制通行“緊急人道主義”的案件;
– movement restrictions vary from one checkpoint to another and always at Israel’s discretion; to pass, travelers must show proper ID or crossing permits; searches may be conducted; procedures are at the discretion and mood of soldiers; some checkpoints are for pedestrians only; others are restricted to commercial and public transportation. -流動的限制有所不同，從一站到另一始終在以色列的酌情權;通過，旅客必須拿出適當的I D或過境許可證;搜尋可能進行;程序，在裁量權和情緒的士兵;一些檢查站，供行人使用的唯一;另一些限制，以商業和公共交通。
(3) so-called flying checkpoints; they’re temporary, may be erected anywhere, and remain for hours or longer; in recent years, they’ve increased in numbers - from a weekly average of 73 in late 2005 to 136 in 2006 to about 150 in 2007 and at times up to 200. （ 3 ）以所謂的飛行檢查站;他們暫時的，可能是豎立在任何地方，並繼續為小時或更長;近幾年，他們已經增加了在數字-從每週平均7 3在2 005年底至1 36在2 006年約150名在2007年和時代的多達200個。 Again, the pretext is security, their real aim is to harass, and no one does it better than Israelis.再次，藉口是安全，他們的真正目的是騷擾，也沒有人是否優於以色列人。
Consider the effects of all checkpoints.考慮的影響，所有檢查站。 Since September 2000, they’ve become “the main (source of) friction (between) Palestinians and Israeli security forces.” They generate tension, create uncertainty, deny or delay passage, humiliate and overall makes things intolerable. 2000年9月以來，他們已成為“主要（來源）摩擦（之間的）巴勒斯坦和以色列安全部隊” 。它們產生的緊張，產生不確定性，拒絕或拖延通過，侮辱和整體，使事情是不能容忍的。 They’re also degrading by demanding that males expose their upper bodies in public simply as a way to harass them.他們也有辱人格的，要求男性，揭露他們的上層機構，在市民根本的一種方式騷擾他們。
It gets worse by selective detentions in so-called “positions” - isolated holding areas for additional “security” checks that, in fact, are to punish and further humiliate; they can last hours, in exposed heat or cold, without food or water, and at times include physical abuse; many Palestinians are affected daily; Israel’s high command has full knowledge; the government does as well; nominal recommendations are made to stop it, yet abuse continues and few offenders are ever punished.它進一步惡化選擇性拘留在所謂的“陣地” -孤立舉行的領域增加了新的“安全”的檢查，事實上，是懲治和進一步的羞辱;他們可以去年小時，暴露在熱或冷，沒有食物或水，有時甚至包括身體虐待;許多巴勒斯坦人受到影響，每天;以色列的高級指揮有充分的知識;政府是否以及;的名義提出了一些建議，以阻止它，但濫用繼續和幾個罪犯是以往任何時候都受到懲罰。
(4) the Separation Wall; in June 2002, Israel decided to build it; again the claim was security; in fact, it was separation and theft of over 10% of Palestinian land, including for-Jews only roads to connect settlements with Israel and other settlements; most of the Wall is completed; its planned length is 721 kilometers; only 20% of it lies along the Green Line; most of it runs deep inside the West Bank; near Jerusalem, it surrounds the Ma’ale Adumim settlements about 14 km into the West Bank on stolen Palestinian land; （ 4 ）隔離牆;在2002年6月，以色列決定將其建成;再次索賠安全;事實上，這是分離和盜竊10 ％以上的巴勒斯坦人的土地，包括猶太人的唯一道路，以連接定居點與以色列和其他定居點;大部分的牆是完成;其計劃的長度是七百二十一公里;只有20 ％的，它是沿著綠線;大部分的，它違背了我內心深處，西岸;耶路撒冷附近，它圍繞在Ma'ale Adumim的住區約14公里，進入西岸關於被盜巴勒斯坦人的土地;
– its route creates two kinds of Palestinian enclaves - villages and farmland between the Wall and Green Line (in the “seam zone”) on the Israeli side of the barrier; another area comprises villages on the Palestinian side that are surrounded on three or more sides because of the route’s winding path or that the Wall meets roads on which Palestinian movement is forbidden or physical obstructions prevent it. -其航線創造了兩種巴勒斯坦飛地-村莊和農田之間的隔離牆和綠線（在“接合區” ）對以色列方面的障礙;另一個領域包括村莊的巴勒斯坦一方包圍三個或以上雙方由於該航線的公司清盤的路徑，或在牆上會見的道路上，巴勒斯坦運動是被禁止的或身體的障礙，防止它。
Physical restrictions and movement prohibitions give Israeli security forces more latitude, and they take full advantage through a fourfold layer of control:物理限制和運動的禁令，讓以色列安全部隊更多的緯度，和他們充分利用通過了四倍層的控制：
(1) by imposing a siege to completely or partially prevent Palestinians from crossing to or from a certain area as well as isolating the area from other parts of the West Bank; it’s done with physical obstructions to block access and force residents to pass through staffed checkpoints; closing off the area facilitates sweeping movement prohibitions on specific classifications of people by gender, age or place of residence; the IDF claims their “risk profile” makes them “potential terrorists;” targeting them by siege is a frequently used post-September 2000 tactic; large areas of the West Bank have been affected; their degree of harshness varies; and areas like the Jordan Valley, Area A and cities like Nablus, Jenin, Tulkarm and Hebron have been especially impacted. （ 1 ）實行包圍完全或部分阻止巴勒斯坦人從通道或從某一個地區，以及隔離區從其他西岸部分地區，它的工作與身體的障礙，以阻止訪問，並迫使居民通過通過檢查站的工作人員;關閉該地區有利於清掃運動，禁止任何人的具體分類的人按性別，年齡或居住地點;以色列國防軍聲稱他們的“風險”使他們“潛在的恐怖分子” ;針對他們的圍困是一個經常使用的郵政2000年9月策略;大型西岸地區已受影響;程度的嚴厲不同;和地區一樣，佐敦谷， A區和城市一樣，納布盧斯，傑寧，圖勒凱爾姆和希伯倫已特別是影響。
– in December 2001, the West Bank IDF commander signed the Proclamation Regarding the Closure of Area (Encirclement) (Area A); it classified it as a closed military area, was unlimited in duration and still remains in force; in April 2007, a separate order was issued for Nablus restricting entry to and exit from the city to certain checkpoints; again the army claims it’sa security measure “to prevent terrorists and materiel from leaving Palestinian towns in Judea and Samaria….” -在2 001年1 2月，西岸的以色列國防軍指揮官簽署了關於宣布關閉區（圍堵） （ A區） ;它歸類它作為一個封閉的軍事區，是在無限的時間長短和仍然生效的法律;在2 007年4月，單獨的命令發出了納布盧斯，限制進入和退出城市的某些檢查站;再次軍隊聲稱這是安全措施“ ，防止恐怖分子和物資離開巴勒斯坦城鎮在朱迪亞和撒馬利亞… … ” 。
(2) the “seam zone;” Israelis say it’s the enclosed area between the Green Line and Separation Wall; when its first section was completed (in October 2003), the IDF declared this section a closed military area with entry into it forbidden; later areas may also be closed off, but even ones that aren’t will have severe movement restrictions the way they’re imposed throughout the West Bank; all Palestinians are affected; Jews and foreigners have permits permitting easy entry and exit. （ 2 ） “接合區” ;以色列人說，它的封閉地區之間的綠線和隔離牆;時，其第一部分已經完成（ 2003年10月） ，以色列國防軍宣布，本節為封閉的軍事區，進入它禁止;稍後地區也可能關閉，但即使那些沒有將有嚴重的運動限制的方式，他們正在施加在整個西岸所有巴勒斯坦人受影響;猶太人和外國人的許可證，允許容易的入境和出境。
(3) prohibiting travel on certain roads for Jews only; on some roads, no Palestinian vehicles are allowed; on others, travel is allowed for ones with special permits; the Oslo Accords set the rules; most often (but not always), Palestinians may travel on Areas A and B roads but prohibited or restricted in Area C; they’re excluded from about 311 km of West Bank roads for Jews only; they connect settlements to Israel or other settlements. （ 3 ）禁止旅行，某些道路為猶太人只;有些道路，沒有巴勒斯坦人的車輛都不准;別人，旅行是讓那些持有特別許可證的;奧斯陸協議訂定的規則;最常（但並不總是） ，巴勒斯坦人五月的旅行地區， A和B的道路，但禁止或限制在C區，他們正在排除約三百十一公里西岸道路為猶太人只;連接定居點對以色列或其他定居點。
– rules are so harsh and convoluted that further restrictions are imposed on some roads Palestinians may use; an example is forbidding Palestinian vehicles from crossing a road, requiring passengers to leave their vehicles on one side, cross on foot, and get other transportation on the other side; this creates great hardship, is only to harass, and in cases of passenger illness or mothers in labor it may be life-threatening; in addition, Israeli security forces have great enforcement latitude; orders are issued verbally, not in writing, and soldiers at checkpoints can pretty much do as they please, depending on their mood. -規則是如此苛刻，錯綜複雜，進一步限制對一些道路的巴勒斯坦人可能會使用;一個例子是，禁止巴勒斯坦人的車輛從橫過道路，要求乘客離開自己的車輛一方，兩岸對足部，並獲得其他交通對另一邊，這造成了很大的困難，只是騷擾，並在案件旅客生病或母親在勞動，它可能會威脅生命;此外，以色列安全部隊有很大的執法緯度;命令發出口頭上，而不是在寫作，和士兵在檢查站可以非常做，因為他們請，取決於他們的心情。
(4) harsh travel laws act as deterrence; they impose high fines and/or insurance requirements; Palestinian violators are treated discriminatorily; and a high percentage of drivers are affected. （ 4 ）苛刻旅行的法律作為威懾;強加給他們高的罰款和/或保險的要求;巴勒斯坦違規處理歧視;及高比例的司機受到影響。
To counter public criticism, Israel issued two selective easing measures; they help some Palestinians but tighten movement restrictions for others:為了對付公眾的批評，以色列發出兩份選擇性的緩和措施，他們幫助一些巴勒斯坦人，但收緊運動的限制，其他：
(1) the permits regime; since 1991, Israel required Palestinians to have personal entry permits to enter its territory and East Jerusalem; after 1996, Palestinians also needed permits to enter West Bank jurisdictional areas; post-September 2000, rules were further tightened; some Palestinians must have permits to enter, remain in, or leave large areas inside the West Bank, including the “seam zone” and areas under siege; other permits are needed to arrange (passenger and commercial) vehicular checkpoint crossings; a limited number are allowed based on the capacity of security forces to inspect vehicles, goods and passengers; （ 1 ）許可證制度;自1991年以來，以色列要求巴勒斯坦人擁有個人通行證進入其領土和東耶路撒冷; 1996年以後，巴勒斯坦人也需要許可證，進入約旦河西岸的管轄範疇;後的2000年9月，規則得到了進一步加強;一些巴勒斯坦人必須有許可證的進入，留在，或離開大面積內的西岸，包括“接合區”和圍困下的地區;許可證，其他需要安排（客運和商業）的車輛檢查站的通道;數量有限是允許的基礎上的能力，安全部隊檢查車輛，貨物和乘客;
– B’Tselem lists nine different type permits for passenger vehicles - commercial ones; public ones for taxis and buses; movement in areas under encirclement; humanitarian ones; for permanent “seam zone” residents; for daily “seam zone” entry; “seam zone” entry for farming or work; and to enter the Jordan Valley; -以色列佔領區人權資料中心列出九種不同類型的許可證，客運車輛-商業;公眾的的士及巴士;運動的合圍之勢下的地區;人道主義;永久“接合區”的居民;日報“接合區”進入“;煤層區“項為耕作或工作;及進入約旦谷地;
– movement restrictions and prohibitions are so onerous and for so many reasons that Israelis consider permits a privilege; for Palestinians, they’re essential to meet daily needs; West Bank District Coordination Offices (DCOs) issue them, but procedures are unclear and lack transparency; B’Tselem believes “two general and sweeping criteria must be met” to get one: -流動的限制和禁令是如此繁重，並為有這麼多的原因，以色列人考慮許可證的特權;巴勒斯坦人，他們必須滿足日常需要;西岸地區協調辦公室（ d cos）問題，但程序不明確，缺乏透明度;以色列佔領區人權信息中心認為， “兩個一般和籠統的準則，必須得到滿足”來獲取一：
(a) “lack of ‘prevention,’ either for security or police-related reasons relating to the applicant,” and （一） “缺乏'預防， '無論是安全或警察有關的原因，有關申請人， ”和
(b) having documents to show justification for the request. （二）有文件證明的理由要求。
Quotas exist in all cases; when they’re filled, many qualified residents are left out; in addition, other qualifying procedures exist but are unstated; ultimately DCO officials have total discretion in awarding or denying permits and can be pretty arbitrary about it; “seam zone” residents provide an example of what all Palestinians endure; to get a permit to their own home area, they must prove they reside there from their ID card address on the day the declaration of closed military area was made or in some other way show their center of life is there; those getting one are allowed entry via one checkpoint only;配額的存在，在所有案件中;時，他們正在填補，許多合格的居民被排除;此外，其他合資格的程序存在，但都未有;最終會計處官員總的酌情權，在批出或拒絕許可證，並可以漂亮的任意關於它“ ;接合區“的居民提供一個例子，什麼樣的所有巴勒斯坦人忍受;獲得許可證的自己的家園方面，他們必須證明他們居住的有從他們的身份證，地址在當天的宣言為封閉的軍事區發了言，或以某種其他方式查看其中心的生活是有;那些越來越1頃獲准入境途經一個檢查站只;
(2) So-called “fabric of life” roads for Palestinians only; the West Bank’s main roads are only for Jews; initially, those for Palestinians passed through villages and city centers, but because of criticism an alternate plan was developed - creating a separate, contiguous road network running north-south in the West Bank; it’s based on separate levels in places where Israeli and Palestinian roads meet; bridges and interchanges achieve separation with Israelis able to travel on top at high speed; lower level “fabric of life” roads comprising 20% of the West Bank’s total are for Palestinians; elements of the plan have been implemented and “fabric of life” roads are being built; they represent another part of Israel’s repressive apartheid scheme. （ 2 ）以所謂的“生活結構”的道路，為巴勒斯坦人的唯一;西岸的主要道路，只為猶太人;最初，這些巴勒斯坦人通過的村莊和城市中心，但由於批評的一個替代方案是發展-創建一個單獨的，連續的道路網運行的南北在約旦河西岸，它的基礎上單獨的各級的地方，以色列和巴勒斯坦的道路滿足;交匯處的橋樑和實現的分離與以色列人能夠旅行再加上高速;較低的水平“織物的生活”的道路組成的20 ％的西岸的總數為巴勒斯坦人;計劃的基本內容已實施和“織物的生活”的道路正在興建;他們所代表的另一部分，以色列的鎮壓種族隔離計劃。
Splitting the West Bank分裂西岸
Article 13 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states:第13條的1948年世界人權宣言的國家：
(1) “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. （ 1 ） “人人有權享有自由遷徙和居住的邊界，每一個國家。
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” （ 2 ）人人有權離開任何國家，包括其本國在內，並有權返回他的國家“ 。
Israel is a serial international law and human rights abuser.以色列是一個串行國際法和人權的施虐者。 For Palestinians, it believes allowing free movement is a privilege, denying it is the norm, and actions no matter how outlandish require no explanation or justification.巴勒斯坦人，它認為，允許人員自由流動是一種特權，否認它是規範，和行動，不管如何古怪的要求並沒有解釋或理由。
Israel divided the West Bank into three control areas - A, B and C. For purposes of restricting movement, it further split the Territory into six geographical units:以色列分為西岸分為三個管制區-A ， B和C為目的的限制運動，它進一步分裂領土分為六個地理單位：
– North that includes the Jenin, Tulkarm, Tubas and Nablus districts, except for those in the Jordan Valley and Separation Wall enclaves; about 840,000 Palestinians lived in this area as of summer 2007; today the number is somewhat higher; -北，包括傑寧，圖勒凱爾姆，圖巴斯和納布盧斯地區，除了那些在約旦谷地和隔離牆的飛地;約8 4.0萬巴勒斯坦人生活在這方面，截至2 007年夏天，今天有多少是有點高;
– Central that includes the Salfit, Ramallah, and Jericho districts, except for parts in the Separation Wall enclaves; in summer 2007, the Palestinian population exceeded 400,000; -中環，其中包括S alfit的，拉馬拉，和傑里科地區，除部分在隔離牆的飛地;在2 007年夏天，巴勒斯坦的人口超過4 0.0萬;
– South that includes the Hebron and Bethlehem districts, except for the northern Dead Sea and Separation Wall enclaves; Palestinians here number over 700,000; -南，其中包括希伯倫和伯利恆地區，除北部死海和隔離牆的飛地;巴勒斯坦人在這裡的人數超過7 0.0萬;
– the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea that includes the eastern strip of the West Bank, except for Jericho and nearby refugee camps; the Palestinian population is around 10,000; -約旦谷地和北部的死海，其中包括東部的狹長西岸，除傑里科和附近的難民營;巴勒斯坦人口大約是1 .0萬;
– the Separation Wall-created “seam zone” and inside the West Bank “internal” enclaves; when the Wall is completed, the “seam zone” Palestinian population will number about 30,000; an additional 25,000 will be in “internal” enclaves; the “seam zone” also contains thousands of Palestinian farmland dunams (a dunam equals about one fourth of an acre) and 39 settlements; unlike the other geographical units, the enclaves are dozens of non-contiguous sections that are separated from the rest of the West Bank; and -隔離牆的建立“接合區”和西岸境內的“內部”飛地;時，隔離牆是完成後， “接合區”巴勒斯坦人口的人數將約3 .0萬;額外的2 .5萬將在“內部”飛地; “接合區”也包含了數以千計的巴勒斯坦農田德南（一德南相當於四分之一的一英畝）和第39條住區;不像其他地理單位，飛地幾十個非連續的章節是的其餘部分隔開西銀行;
– East Jerusalem that includes all the area Israel annexed in 1967 and is attached to the Jerusalem Municipality, except for the Shu’afat refugee camp and Kfar Aqeb that the Wall separates from the city; around 200,000 Palestinians live in this section. -東耶路撒冷在內的，包括所有地區的以色列所附於1 967年，是連接到耶路撒冷市，除為s hu'afat難民營和在K fara qeb這堵牆隔開，從城市;約2 0.0萬巴勒斯坦人生活在這一節。
All geographical units are constricted by Israel’s rigid control system explained above.所有地理單位constricted以色列的剛性控制系統的解釋，以上。 Below are the checkpoints that control movement from one section to another:下面是檢查站，控制運動從一個段落到另一個位置：
– Za’tara (Tupuah) Checkpoint controls North to Central sections movement; in addition, the IDF directs to this checkpoint all west and east traffic along the Trans-Samaria highway and from Route 60 from Nablus in the north and Ramallah in the southwest and south; Palestinians may generally pass freely heading north; those traveling south encounter ID and sometimes vehicle checks; delays are common; males aged 16 - 35 often aren’t allowed to go south. -z a'tara（ t upuah）檢查站的管制，北至中環路段運動;此外，以色列國防軍指揮這個檢查站，所有的西部和東部沿橫貫公路和撒馬利亞從6 0號幹線，從納布盧斯在該國北部和拉馬拉，在西南和南;巴勒斯坦人一般可通過自由的標題北;那些旅行南方遇到的ID和有時檢查車輛;延誤是常見的;男性，年齡在16歲-3 5，往往是不容許南向政策。
– Container Checkpoint almost totally controls movement between the South and Central sections; Border Police staff it round the clock; from 2002 to February 2007, passenger cars were prohibited without a special permit; it’s now cancelled; since September 2000, Palestinians have been prohibited from using Route 398 that runs from the checkpoint to the Ma’ale Adumim and Qedar settlements; Palestinians are diverted to other worn roads of nearby villages; Palestinian traffic passing through the checkpoint are subjected to lengthy delays and at times searches; when Israel declares a comprehensive closure, it applies to this checkpoint; it severs the southern West Bank from the rest of the Territory and requires Palestinians traveling to or from the South to do it by foot. -集裝箱檢查站幾乎完全控制運動之間的南部和中部路段;邊防警察人員二十四小時;從2 002年到2 007年2月，乘用車被禁止未經特別許可，它的現在已取消; 2 000年9月以來，巴勒斯坦人已禁止使用398號幹線運行，從檢查站向在Ma'ale Adumim和qedar定居點;巴勒斯坦人被轉移到其他破舊的道路附近的村莊;巴勒斯坦的交通，通過檢查站受到耽擱很長時間，有時搜索;時，以色列宣布全面封閉，它適用於這個檢查站;斷絕西岸南部從其餘的領土，並要求巴勒斯坦人前往或從南到這樣做步行。
– Tayasir, Hamra, Gittit and Yitav checkpoints control movement to and from the Jordan Valley. -t ayasir，哈姆拉，吉提特和y itav檢查站，控制運動和從約旦谷地。 In May 2005, Israel instituted sweeping Palestinian movement prohibitions here, except for residents with ID cards and persons with special permits.在2005年5月，以色列建立了廣泛的巴勒斯坦運動的禁令在這裡，除居民身份證的人員和持有特別許可證。 They were cancelled in April 2007, it affects only pedestrians and those using public transportation (that also requires a permit), and applies only to the Tayasir and Hamra crossings.他們被取消，在2007年4月，它只會影響行人和那些使用公共交通（即還需要許可證） ，並只適用於該tayasir和Hamra通道。
– Almog Checkpoint that controls movement to and from the northern Dead Sea; generally only Palestinians with work permits for nearby settlements and/or to enter Israel may pass; since May 2007, the latter category was cancelled. -阿爾莫格檢查站的控制運動和從北部死海;一般只有巴勒斯坦人與工作許可證附近的定居點和/或進入以色列可能通過;自2 007年5月，後一類被取消。
– the Separation Wall directs movement between the “seam zone” enclaves and the rest of the West Bank to several gates in the Wall; only Palestinians with special entry permits may pass; 38 gates are in place; only six operate daily from 12 to 24 hours continuously; 17 others open two or three times a day for 30 minutes to two hours; 13 additional ones operate during farming season; two other gates allow movement of residents of a few houses that are enclosed by the Wall and separated from their village; still other crossings are for Israeli travel between the West Bank and Israel; they operate round the clock. -隔離牆指示運動之間的“接合區”飛地和西岸其餘幾個蓋茨在牆上，只有巴勒斯坦人，特別入境許可證可通過; 3 8蓋茨是在地方，只有6運作，每天從1 2日至2 4日小時不斷; 17別人打開兩個或兩個，每日3次， 30分鐘至2小時; 13額外運作期間，耕作季節;其他兩個閘門，讓運動的居民數的房屋是由封閉的圍牆和失散從他們村;還有其他通道，為以色列之間的旅行西岸和以色列，他們24小時運作。
– the Separation Wall also directs movement between East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank; this section is called the “Jerusalem envelope” and has 12 checkpoints; crossing (permitted only through four of them) requires a valid ID and permit and submitting to stringent checks; they include exiting vehicles, having them searched, and passing through a revolving gate equipped with a metal detector; the remaining eight checkpoints are for settlers, Israeli residents and East Jerusalem Palestinians with Israeli IDs. -隔離牆也指示運動之間的東耶路撒冷和西岸其餘;本節是所謂的“耶路撒冷信封” ，並有1 2個檢查站;過境（只允許通過，其中4 ）需要一個有效的I D，允許並提交嚴格的檢查;它們包括駛出的車輛，讓他們搜查，並通過一個旋轉門配備了金屬探測器;其餘八名檢查站是為定居者，以色列居民和東耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦人與以色列的ID 。
In addition to area to area restrictions, Israel tightens them further with others within areas by breaking them into sub-areas and controlling movement between them.此外，以區面積限制，以色列加強他們進一步與其他地區內，打破他們的分領域和控制它們之間的運動。 Nablus in the North is separated from nearby villages and from other northern West Bank districts.在納布盧斯，在北，是脫離附近的村莊和從其他西岸北部地區。
The Nablus area includes the city, three refugee camps and 15 villages that contain over 200,000 Palestinians combined.納布盧斯地區，包括城市，三個難民營和15個村莊中包含有超過20.0萬巴勒斯坦人的總和。 It’s been under siege for seven years; entry and exit is through four surrounding checkpoints; passage through them entails stringent personal and vehicle checks, including for all merchandise in both directions; and special permits are required for passenger vehicle entry.它的被包圍為七年;入境和出境，是透過四周圍的檢查站;通過他們需要嚴格的個人和車輛的檢查，包括對所有商品在兩個方向;特別許可證所需的客運車輛進入。
Collective Nablus movement prohibitions are harsh and unique in the Territory.集體納布盧斯運動的禁令苛刻和獨特的在該領土。 Males between 16 and 35 are especially affected, but they overall disrupt life for everyone.男性之間的16至35歲尤其是受影響的，但他們的整體破壞大家的生活。 The restricted male population alone affects 26,000 persons.限制男性人口僅影響2.6萬人。 If the age is lowered to 15, it rises to 36,000, and if females are included (as sometimes happens) it totals 73,000.如果年齡降低到15 ，上升到36000 ，如果是女性，包括（有時發生）總計73000 。 This group is the area’s main work force, its entire economic life depends on them, and prohibiting their movement brings it to a halt.這個小組是該地區的主要工作力量，在其整個經濟生活，取決於他們，並禁止其運動帶來它停下。
When it’s in force, siege conditions vary by checkpoint for those allowed through.當它的生效的，圍困條件而有所不同的檢查站對於那些允許通過。 The two main Beit Iba and Huwara ones inflict the longest and most burdensome delays and restrictions.兩個主要的Beit IBA和huwara的所造成的最長和最繁重的延誤和限制。 In addition, all persons having a “risk profile” because of age are forbidden to leave the area and need a “movement permit in area under encirclement” if they want to exit.此外，所有的人具有“風險” ，因為年齡是禁止離開該地區需要一個“運動許可證的面積下，合圍之勢： ”如果他們要退出。 However, it’s not easy getting one with a convoluted system in place that requires a party permitted to cross to apply for persons who aren’t and even they can’t do it easily.不過，這並不容易獲得，其中一個錯綜複雜的制度的地方，需要黨允許跨申請的人誰不和，甚至他們不能這樣做很容易。 In addition, permits aren’t issued for “ordinary” needs, such as work, family visits or school.在此外，許可證是發出了“普通”的需要，如工作，探親或學校。 Those considered are only for “humanitarian” reasons like needed medical care.那些被認為是只為“人道主義”的理由一樣，需要的醫療照顧。 Few overall are issued.數整體發出。
The Nablus siege also restricts movement in the Jenin Tulkarm and Tubas districts.納布盧斯的圍攻，也限制了運動，在傑寧和圖勒凱爾姆地區的圖巴斯。 Nablus is vital for them and for years was the West Bank’s economic and industrial center.納布盧斯是非常重要的為他們多年的西岸的經濟和工業中心。 Now these districts are separated, and major roads between them are blocked.現在，這些地區是分開的，和主要道路它們之間的封鎖。 In the past, traveling from Jenin to Nablus took about 40 minutes on the main road.在過去，旅遊，從傑寧到納布盧斯需時約40分鐘，對主要道路。 It now takes one to three hours on narrow, winding roads plus a long wait at one of the Nablus area checkpoints.現在需時1至3個小時就狹窄，曲折的道路，另加一個長期等待之一納布盧斯地區的檢查站。
Over the past two years especially, accessing Nablus has been hard and complicated for villagers located to its north.在過去兩年，特別是進入納布盧斯一直努力和複雜，為村民位於其北。 Checkpoint access is limited, some are closed to traffic, and those that operate have delays running up to hours.檢查站的訪問是有限的，有些是封閉的交通，以及那些經營有延誤，運行高達小時。 In addition, soldiers at times block road traffic for several hours, no advance notice is given, and it causes undue hardship for travelers having to wait or use alternate routes.此外，士兵們在時代的座道路交通幾個小時，沒有預先通知發出的，它的成因不必要的困難，為旅客無需等待或使用替代路線。 The IDF is also at times punitive.以色列國防軍也是在時代的懲罰。 It sets up indiscriminate flying checkpoints, uses them for punishment, and makes it harsher with instances of violence and confiscation of permits and identity cards that can only be redeemed at a permanent checkpoint that may or may not be operating.它規定了不分青紅皂白地飛行檢查站，利用他們的處罰，並使得它更嚴厲的實例的暴力行為和沒收許可證和身份證，只可以贖回一個常設的檢查可能會或不會經營。
The Central Section splitting caused much the same type hardships.中央的第分裂造成很大同一類型的困難。 It created two principal sub-areas around Salfit and Ramallah.它創造了兩個主要分Salfit的周圍地區和拉馬拉。 It detached some of these cities’ villages and separated them from their residents’ farmland.它超脫一些，這些城市'的村莊和失散他們從居民的農田。
After the IDF blocked Salfit’s main entrance road from the north, alternate routes became necessary, and they lengthened travel times considerably.之後，以色列國防軍封鎖Salfit的的主要入口道路，從北，迂迴路由，成為必要的，而且他們延長旅行時間相當。 It created great hardship for travelers who rely on Nablus for basic services and also for villagers who are blocked from their farmland.它創造了巨大困難，為旅客誰依賴於納布盧斯的基本服務，也為村民誰是阻止從他們的農田。 Sixty-six thousand people are affected. 6.6萬人受到影響。
It’s even worse for the 300,000 Ramallah district residents in a city that’s the West Bank’s seat of government because Israel denies East Jerusalem that status.它的更差為30.0萬拉馬拉地區的居民在一個城市的西岸的政府所在地，因為以色列否認東耶路撒冷的地位。 In addition, after undo restrictions and hardships caused many Palestinian entrepreneurs to leave Nablus and the northern West Bank, Ramallah developed into the Territory’s cultural and economic center.此外，在復原的限制和困難，造成許多巴勒斯坦企業家離開納布盧斯和約旦河西岸北部，拉馬拉已發展成為本港的文化和經濟中心。 Obstructions, checkpoints and the Separation Wall demarcate the area and combined make movement just as hard as throughout the rest of the West Bank.障礙物，檢查站和隔離牆劃定面積和結合，使運動一樣，努力在整個西岸其餘。
It’s the same for Jericho’s 40,000 residents.它的同時，為傑里科的4.0萬居民。 In addition, for 10,000 of them in the north in the besieged Jordan Valley, they’re separated from the city, and for those in the east there’s another obstacle - 19 km of trenches and land east of it that’sa closed military area.此外，對於萬，他們在北部地區，在被圍困的約旦谷地，他們正在脫離城市，並為那些在東部地區還有一個障礙-1 9公里長的壕溝和土地以東，它t hat'sa為封閉的軍事區。
The South section’s splitting has been less conspicuous, but it hasn’t made movement easier.南段的分裂已不足突出，但一直沒有取得運動更容易。 Most notably since September 2000, have been restrictions in Route 60’s southern section that runs the entire length of the southern West Bank and is this subsection’s principal roadway.最顯著的2000年9月以來，已限制在60號幹線的南段運行的整個長度西岸南部，是本款的主要巷道。 Access roads to the Route are now blocked, over time some have been eased, but use of the road remains limited.通往幹線現正阻止，隨著時間的推移，有些得到緩解，但使用的道路上仍然有限。
Most harmed are residents in towns and villages in Hebron’s southern area.最傷害是居民在城鎮和村莊在希伯倫的南部地區。 To reach the city, they must use long, winding, beat-up roads that are no substitute for decent ones.要達到城市，他們必須使用長，清盤，拍了道路，是無法替代的體面。 Once the Separation Wall is completed east of the Efrat and Gush Atzion settlements, Route 60’s northern quarter in the South section will be on the Wall’s Israeli side and completely off-limits to Palestinians.一旦隔離牆是完成東的埃弗拉特和Gush atzion定居點， 60號幹線的北部季的南段，將上牆的以色列一側和完全抵消限制巴勒斯坦人。 As a result, Bethlehem will be separated from Jerusalem as well as the main road to Hebron with all the hardships that will create.因此，伯利恆將脫離耶路撒冷以及主要道路，以希伯倫與所有的困難，這將創造。
Consider how they affect Hebron.考慮它們如何影響希伯倫。 It’s the only Palestinian West Bank city (other than East Jerusalem that Israel annexed in 1967) with an Israeli settlement in its center.它的唯一的巴勒斯坦人在約旦河西岸城市（除東耶路撒冷，以色列在所附的1967 ）與一個以色列定居點在其中心。 Because of it, the IDF created a contiguous strip of land through the city over which Palestinian vehicles are prohibited.因為它，以色列國防軍創建了一個連續的狹長土地，通過城市，其中巴勒斯坦人的車輛被禁止。 It runs from the Kiryat Arba settlement in the east to the Palestinian Tel Rumeida neighborhood in the west, and in many sections along its center, Palestinian pedestrians are banned.它違背了從阿爾巴鎮定居在東部地區向巴勒斯坦電話rumeida居委會在西方，而且在許多路段沿線的中心，巴勒斯坦行人被禁止。 The main Shuhada Street is most affected.主要Shuhada街是受影響最嚴重的。 In addition, the strip blocks Hebron’s main north-south artery harming the entire Palestinian population.此外，該帶座希伯倫的主要南北動脈損害了整個巴勒斯坦人口。
Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea restrictions involve the use of Route 90 that runs the entire length of the section.約旦谷地和北部死海的限制，涉及使用的90號幹線上運行的整個長度的一節。 Israel operates five checkpoints here for control.以色列檢查站的運作，五在這裡控制。 Only public transportation and vehicles with special permits may pass.只有公共交通和持有特別許可證的車輛可通過。 That frees the Route for settlers and Israelis traveling between Jerusalem and the Beit She’an Valley, the Sea of Galilee, or the Galilee area in the north.釋放該航線的定居者和以色列來往耶路撒冷和拜she'an谷，海加利利，或加利利地區在北方。 It also allows the IDF to use large Jordan Valley sections as fire-exercise zones and close off much of their water and grazing areas to Palestinians.它還允許以色列國防軍使用的大型約旦谷地路段作為消防演習區和關閉其大部分水源和牧場地區的巴勒斯坦人。
Dozens of non-contiguous “seam-zone” enclaves are also affected.數十名非連續“煤層區”飛地也受到了影響。 The Separation Wall separates them by winding back and forth between the Green Line and deep into the West Bank.隔離牆分隔他們的清盤回到之間來回綠線和深入到約旦河西岸。 They all contain Palestinian farmland on the barrier’s Israeli side.它們都包含巴勒斯坦農田就隔離牆的以色列一側。 Some also include villages where 30,000 Palestinians live.有些還包括村莊3.0萬巴勒斯坦人居住。 Because they aren’t connected, crossing from one subsection to another at best is hard and at worst impossible.因為他們是未連接，穿越從第1到另一個最好的是艱苦奮鬥，在最壞的是不可能的。 It forces travelers to cross the Wall twice with all the hardships that entails.它迫使旅客過境牆兩次與所有的困難，這需要。 Further, since permits are for one enclave only, entering another one requires a second permit.此外，由於許可證是一飛地只，進入另一個需要一個第二許可證。
The Separation Wall then can be divided into five sections plus the Jerusalem area, and each one contains separate enclaves.隔離牆，然後可分為五個部分，再加上耶路撒冷地區，每一個包含獨立的飛地。 Combined they form a crazy quilt isolation pattern with physical obstacles and human repression used against a defenseless civilian population.結合他們的形式一個瘋狂的棉被分離模式與身體的障礙和人力鎮壓用來對付一手無寸鐵的平民百姓。
Internal community and farmland enclaves are affected as well but not by having to pass through the Wall or obtain permits.內部社會和耕地的飛地，受影響的，以及，而不是因通過牆壁或領取許可證。 However, roads that used to connect them have been closed making travel times longer and more complicated.然而，道路，可用來連接他們已經關閉，使旅行時間更長和更複雜。 When completed, the Wall’s route will create 13 non-contiguous internal enclaves for about 240,000 Palestinians in dozens of towns and villages.一旦完成後，隔離牆路線的將創造13個非連續的內部飛地約24.0萬巴勒斯坦人在幾十個城鎮和村莊。
East Jerusalem is the final section.東耶路撒冷是最後一節。 Israeli Arabs with identity cards may move about fairly freely with one notable exception.以色列的阿拉伯人與身份證可動議約相當自由地與一個明顯的例外。 It’s the use of temporary checkpoints (so-called “collection” ones) to collect resident tax debts.它的使用臨時檢查站（即所謂的“集合”的）收集居民稅的債務。 They operate a few hours at a time on main neighborhood roads where Israeli Police (usually Border Police) provide security along with tax officials to do the collecting.他們運作的幾個小時在一個時間對主要街道的道路，以色列警察（通常是邊防警察）提供安全保障，隨著稅收的官員也這樣做收集。 Police stop cars, collectors do the rest, but never to Jerusalem’s Jewish residents.警方停止車，收藏做休息，但從來沒有到耶路撒冷的猶太居民。
Harm to Palestinians’ Fabric of Life傷害巴勒斯坦人生活結構
West Bank separation and division inflicts great harm to Palestinians’ fabric of life in the short and longer term. This section examines how.
First consider health as a fundamental human right and how restricting movement affects it. Ill persons needing treatment are greatly impeded reaching medical centers. The quality and availability of service is hampered as well by delaying or restricting physicians and staff. First aid crews also aren’t able to reach the sick and injured quickly. Even when situations aren’t life threatening, movement restrictions increase morbidity chances and may shorten a life span.
Overall, West Bank Palestinians have limited or no access to medical care, and residents of villages and outlying areas are most gravely affected. Then consider so-called “risk profile” people being denied passage through checkpoints. Another example is persons needing a permit for access to Jerusalem hospital treatment. To get one, patients must provide medical documents testifying to their illness and confirming their appointment at a specific hospital.
The situation is especially problematic for pregnant women when their time to deliver approaches and their hospital is in Jerusalem. Permits are valid only for one or two days, as it is for all ill persons, but the moment when it’s needed is uncertain. They must thus be continually renewed, and there are times when it’s impossible. It thus forces mothers to give birth at checkpoints because they’re denied passage through them.
In 1996, the Physicians for Human Rights petitioned the State Attorney’s office for relief and nominally got it - to allow passage through checkpoints without permits in cases of medical emergency so ill persons can be treated. All checkpoint locations are supposed to comply, but it turns out they don’t. Soldiers don’t treat Palestinians kindly, are unresponsive to their needs, and are untrained medically to recognize emergencies.
Patients encounter other obstacles as well. Their travel is slowed by having to use long, winding and worn roads; they’re sometimes blocked causing long delays; they have no access to ambulances or other transportation; must pass through checkpoints when they do or by foot; be up against closed ones; be forced to wait at open ones; and undergo searches.
These problems make people more dependent on first aid that can’t cope in emergency cases where special expertise is required. At times, long distances are involved, and when need is greatest, it means lives are endangered. This is what Palestinians endure daily.
Movement restrictions also affect hospitals, especially East Jerusalem ones that are considered the OPT’s best because they provide services unavailable elsewhere in the Territories. East Jerusalem’s separation from the rest of the West Bank and needing a permit to enter is the problem. It affects staff and patients with the situation at al-Makassed Hospital typical. Twelve of its workers live outside the city and are classified “prevented entry.” They have no permits. Even workers with them face long checkpoint delays or their closure when Israel wishes.
Restricting free movement also impacts health care professionals from developing their skills through in-service training. Students as well are affected, are unable to complete their studies or receive a lower professional training degree. It places Palestinians needing medical care in a hopeless situation. They’re unable to move freely or receive expert care if they can.
B’Tselem’s report is on the West Bank. Gaza is another matter, and since Israel’s June 2007 siege, 130 in the Territory have died because they couldn’t be treated. Their deaths are in addition to the hundreds of others from near daily incursions that continue without letup.
Movement restrictions also greatly affect the OPT’s economy and trade. Post-September 2000, it’s been in deep depression. GDP has declined around 40%, unemployment stands at about 80%, and the poverty level is punishing. It’s how Israel and Washington planned it to bring the Territories to their knees and demand surrender as the price for relief.
At present, look how working conditions and transport of goods are affected. Palestinians could once travel freely outside their communities to jobs. No longer, and many lost out and have no means of employment. Employers as well are affected. They lost workers, had to scale back their operations or shut them down entirely.
The same hardships apply to transporting goods. They can no longer move freely, permits are required, they’re hard to get, travel times are longer even with them, at much greater cost, and an example is trade between Nablus and Ramallah. The cost is fourfold what it was in 2002, the result is greatly reduced trade, it’s forced merchants to concentrate more on their own communities and those nearby, and the result is far less commerce overall that severely impacts everyone.
Here’s what’s involved to move goods between Nablus and East Jerusalem:
– permits are needed;
– a quota restricts the number;
– goods allowed to be transported endure the so-called “back-to-back” method; at point of shipment they’re loaded; then stopped at a checkpoint; unloaded; inspected by mechanical scanner, manually, and/or by dogs; they’re then reloaded on another truck for delivery;
– damage is frequent because of extra handling and Israelis aren’t too gentle about it;
– delays are the rule and they’re costly;
– transport requires passing through other checkpoints and repeating the whole procedure again that may be more or less stringent depending on the whims of inspectors;
– when the Separation Wall is completed, transport will be even harder and its cost greater.
Tourism is also affected. Between the Oslo Accords and September 2000, cities like Bethlehem were desired destinations. No longer because of difficulties getting there and how hard it is to move around. The result is privately owned tourist sites throughout the West Bank have closed or have greatly cut back. An example is the Barahameh family’s park in al-Badhan, a village 10 km north of Nablus. Getting there from Ramallah means passing through four permanent checkpoints plus whatever flying ones are up for the day. The result is wasted hours to spend a day at the park, and most tourists won’t do it.
Small businesses like stores, souvenir shops and restaurants are also impacted. Many close down or operate at a fraction of their former levels. A World Bank West Bank report cites movement restrictions and their costs as two major obstacles affecting a healthy Palestinian economy.
They affect farming as well in areas like the Jordan Valley and “seam zone.” Agriculture is an important source of Palestinians’ income. Farmers need permits for it in these areas. Many are denied and their livelihoods destroyed or greatly impacted. Farm workers are also affected. They, too, need permits, but even having them means putting up with long travel times and exhausting days. Many workers won’t do it it so farmers lose a vital work force and the ability to grow their crops productively.
Farmer and merchant Husni Muhammad ‘Adb a-Rahman Sawafteh is an example of what others like him endure:
– he lives, works and farms in Tubas; he and his brothers have a house and 250 dunams of land in Bardala, a northern Jordan Valley village; they also have livestock;
– to reach Bardala, they must pass through Tayasir checkpoint; doing it involves “much difficulty;” it affects their workers as well;
– to sell their produce, they need to reach Bardala, but the hardship forces Sawafteh to manage things by phone; it’s inadequate because it’s vital to be current on prices and dealer payments that requires being in Bardala to do it;
– sometimes he can’t be for a month; the result is dealers send “payment on account” and pay less than the amount owed; their back due debts accumulate; being there is essential to handle things; when he can’t do it, he hasn’t enough money for materials to fertilize the land and grow crops;
– caring for the livestock is another problem; they need daily care; Sawafteh had to build a new Tubas farm to do it, but it was lacking; Tubas hasn’t enough grazing land so the flock can’t do it daily as they need to; he thus has to buy them food; it’s an additional expense he can’t afford;
– he and other farmers have an additional problem as well; they need permits for themselves but also for their tractors and farm vehicles; it forces most of them to go long distances on foot or donkeys;
– it also restricts what crops can be grown; restrictions forced farmers like Sawafteh to forgo higher revenue-generating ones like tomatoes and cucumbers and switch to less labor intensive ones like wheat;
– some farmers give up altogether and let their land lie fallow rather than risk economic failure or work under onerous conditions.
Family and social life are also affected. Palestinian community life is based on extended familial ties even though members don’t often live in the same towns and villages. Movement restrictions and inability to get permits prevent their ability to see each other, and it’s especially felt in the “seam zone,” Jordan Valley and Nablus under siege.
Ni’ma ‘Ali Salameh Abu Sahara from Nablus is a case in point:
– her daughter married and moved to the Jordan Valley;
– no one has been able to see her, not even during holidays, because “the army doesn’t let us cross the Hamra checkpoint;”
– she wasn’t able to visit her first grandson and only saw him two months after his birth when her daughter visited her;
– her daughter just had a second child by Caesarean section; Abu Sahara went to the checkpoint to get through to see her; soldiers refused to let her pass; she begged them; they still refused; Abu Sahara “went home and cried.”
This story and many others like it are commonplace, and it’s caused the splitting up of nuclear families. Students leave parents to be near school. Wage earners and tradesmen leave families to be close to work. The ill live in cities to be near essential medical care facilities. From the time they leave homes to whenever they try to return, they encounter problems. For most Palestinians, they’re painful to impossible.
Restrictions prevent routine family gatherings as well as special ones like weddings, funerals, and caring for the sick. Palestinians once could take vacations, and a favorite spot was the northern Dead Sea area with its 25 km of coastline. No longer. The ‘Ein Fascha nature reserves there (one of the most popular recreational sites) are now operated by Israel’s Nature Reserves and Parks Authority for Jews only.
Movement restrictions affect all facets of daily life, including basic services and law enforcement - urban infrastructure, social services, mail, governance, rescue operations, electricity and gas, water, and locally-based security. When breakdowns occur and repairs are needed or other vital services have to be performed, district government employees get no preferential treatment crossing checkpoints to handle them. The result is long delays fixing essential public services or dealing with problems like medical emergencies.
“Fabric of life” roads for Palestinians are also affected, including the way they were built. They’re on expropriated private land, inefficiently use public property, and take other Palestinian land for the Separation Wall. An example is a road Israel built between the village of Shufa (south of Tulkarm) and a-Ras, northeast of the Sal’it settlement. Israel took village lands for it - from Far’on, a-Ras and ‘Izbat Shufa. To connect the two district seats, Israel seized private land, destroyed olive and citrus orchards on them, asked no permission to do it, and paid no compensation for the losses.
Israel unilaterally chooses routes for new roads, Palestinians’ interests aren’t considered, and injuries and losses they incur get no redress. They’re also harmed in other ways. Roads often demarcate villages, they limit their ability to build and expand for their growing populations, their costs outweighs their benefits, the harm affects whole communities, and it’s long-term.
Restrictions on Free Movement from the Perspective of International Law
Besides Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international humanitarian law, the UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is very clear about free movement. Its Article 12 states:
1. “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within the territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.
2. Everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own.
3. The above-mentioned rights shall not be subject to any restrictions except those which are provided by law, are necessary to protect national security, public order, public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others, and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Covenant.
4. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.”
Besides legitimate national security and military necessity, restricting free movement must meet another requirement - proportionality. Under Israeli administrative law as well, the state must prove the legitimate necessity of restrictions, that security can’t be achieved by less harmful means, and that the end result justifies the cost under international law. The UN Human Rights Committee states that the principle of proportionality requires that movement restrictions be incorporated in clear and justifiable legislation. Failure to do so violates international law under which Israel is accountable.
Israel claims justification for its occupation policies - that they’re vital to secure its West Bank settlers as well as Israelis traveling on the Territory’s roads. Clearly, the threat is real, but unasked is why. It’s because of Israel’s longstanding belligerency forcing Palestinians to respond in self-defense and at times take Israeli lives. There’s no secret how to stop it, but Israel abjures - stop attacking Palestinians so they stop fighting back. Long ago it was that way before Palestine became Israel. Arabs and Jews lived peacefully at a time the population imbalance heavily favored Palestinians and the great Jewish immigration wave hadn’t begun.
Today, it’s another matter, Israel manufactures its own security problem, then unjustifiably claims the right to react, and in the process, inflict great harm on a mostly-civilian population. Its actions are unrelated to security, are entirely political and stem from its annexation aims - to seize the West Bank’s most valued areas, remove the Palestinian population, and resettle them in isolated cantons unconnected to the others except by a crazy quilt patchwork of obstructive checkpoints, barriers, and hard to traverse road network.
Israel acts illegally on occupied lands, and its draconian restrictions follow as a result. They’re less for security and mainly to let settlers (on stolen land) move around freely. They’re heavily protected, isolated from their Arab neighbors, able to travel on for-Jews only roads, live in Jewish-only communities, and get all the conveniences of a modern state that denies them to non-Jews in a country claiming to be a model democracy.
All West Bank settlements are illegal under international law. So is the main road network forbidden to Palestinians that’s built on annexed land. Israel’s justifications are unfounded. Security is a non-starter. So is the claim that it’s to protect against terrorist attacks that are, in fact, self-defense measures in an unfair fight. Palestinians are matched against the world’s fourth most powerful military that flexes its muscles by attacking civilians and claims its occupation is just. International law says otherwise, but Israel ignores it.
It also acts disproportionately. It fails the test by all measures:
– there’s no rational connection between the harm restrictions cause and Israel’s declared security objective; independent security and human rights experts concur on this; their view is that there’sa converse relationship between restrictions imposed and security desired; the greater the former, the less of the latter;
– a second failure is the lack of an alternative that causes less harm to achieve a security goal; in some instances, Israel admitted it hasn’t used other methods that would have caused less harm; the Separation Wall is the clearest example of a measure causing great harm with little payback except for confiscated land; after that, the Wall is purely punitive and the Palestinian response justifiable anger;
– a third failure is the lack of a proper relationship between the harm caused and security benefit gained; whatever reasons Israel claims for its policy, it must still justify that it acted in proper proportion to the benefit achieved; sweeping and protracted West Bank restrictions clearly fail the test; they affect all aspects of Palestinians’ lives, infringe on their human rights and deny them the right to family life, health, education, work, and all else Israelis take for granted and get; and in cases of Nablus under siege, the effects are much worse on a locked-down population; there’s no justification for causing so much harm for whatever benefits Israel claims to be getting; they’re disproportionately way out of whack.
Israel also imposes its might without military legislation or written orders. For measures this far-reaching and causing so much harm, orders are merely passed down the chain of command verbally with lots of latitude on their implementation on the ground no matter how harsh. Such a system begs for abuse, and that’s exactly what happens repeatedly.
Without official restrictions in writing, it’s near impossible to monitor how the IDF administers them or judge what’s right or wrong. By its policy, Israel has, in fact, given the army unlimited latitude, made it unaccountable, and instituted a system guaranteed to punish and abuse.
Under international humanitarian law, it’sa system of strictly prohibited collective punishment. Article 50 of the Hague Regulations states: “No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, shall be inflicted upon the population on account of the acts of individuals for which they cannot be regarded as jointly and severally responsible.”
Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention also states: “No protected person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited.” The UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (quoted above) concurs. So do all independent human rights experts.
Israel claims it acts to deter, not collectively punish, but evidence on the ground proves otherwise. The vast majority of Palestinians affected are innocent civilians, they’re suspected of nothing, they’re made to endure great suffering, and Israel’s actions have been imposed continuously and repressively for over seven and a half years plus the punitive effects of 41 years under occupation.
These are actions of one ethnic group against another, thus constituting another international law violation. It’s prohibited by the 1966 (UN General Assembly-adopted) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination that Israel ratified in 1979. Article 1.1 defines racial discrimination as follows:
“Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent, or national origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.”
Article 5(d)(1) gives every person the right of free movement within the borders of the state without discrimination. Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits all measures that discriminate solely on the basis of race, color, sex, language, religion, or social origin. Israel violates all of the above. Its claims otherwise hold no water and are, in fact, convoluted. It denies legitimate citizens their legal rights on their own land, but provides preferential treatment for illegal settlers in stark breach of the law.
Conclusion
Israel’s repressive measures force West Bank Palestinians to live in a constant state of uncertainty, prevent them from making plans, deny them their basic rights, harm them when emergencies arise, and overall consign their lives to the will and whims to an illegal occupier.
Beyond the immediate harm that’s considerable, the West Bank’s geographical division causes severe long-term detriment to the entire Palestinian fabric of life - affecting their economic, political and social welfare. The result is an entire nation locked down, punished for being unwanted and in the way, and denied their right of self-determination and free movement on their own land.
Israel’s justification is fraudulent on its face, yet goes unchallenged by the world community as well as by neighboring Arab states. Shamefully and willfully, they turn a blind eye to a human calamity they won’t confront and denounce publicly as illegal and unacceptable.
B’Tselem has no such hesitancy. It ends its report by calling on Israel to:
– “immediately remove all the permanent and sweeping restrictions on movement inside the West Bank (including the Separation Wall ruled illegal by the International Court of Justice). In their place, Israel should” protect its citizens along the Green Line and inside the Jewish state according to the rule of law;
– “act immediately to evacuate all the settlements in the West Bank. Until this is done, Israel” has every right to protect its settlers security, but not to the detriment of the Palestinian people who are the lawful occupants of their own land; and
– “verify, before any temporary restriction….is approved (while settlements remain in place),” that it’s “needed for a legitimate security purpose and that the resultant harm to the Palestinian population will be proportionate,” according to international law. Restrictions in place “must be incorporated in a written order that specifies the nature of the restriction and the period of time it will remain in force.”
Until Israel takes these measures and begins ending its 41 year occupation, it will continue violating international law and remain in violation of dozens of UN resolutions condemning it for its actions, deploring it for committing them, and demanding they be ended. So far, Israel shows no signs of complying and continues acting with impunity, arrogance and defiance of the rule of law it disdains.
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This entry was posted on Friday, May 2nd, 2008 at 4:51 am and is filed under Contributions & Guests , General 一般 . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response , or trackback from your own site.
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