Denying Palestinians Free Movement in the West Bank无可否认，巴勒斯坦人的自由流动，在约旦河西岸
By Stephen Lendman |由Stephen lendman | RINF rinf - This article summarizes an August 2007 B’Tselem report now available in print. -本文总结了1 2 007年8月以色列占领区人权资料中心的报告，现已在打印。 It’s one of a series of studies it conducts on life in Occupied Palestine to reveal what major media accounts suppress.它的一了一系列的研究，进行对生活在巴勒斯坦被占领土透露什么各大媒体的帐户打压。 This one is titled: “Ground to a Halt - Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom of Movement in the West Bank.”这是一题为： “为理由，以制止-拒绝巴勒斯坦人的行动自由运动在约旦河西岸” 。 B’Tselem has a well-deserved reputation for accuracy and integrity.以色列占领区人权资料中心有一个良好的当之无愧的声誉，准确性和完整性。 It’s the Jerusalem-based independent Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT).它的耶路撒冷为基础的独立的以色列信息中心为人权在被占领的巴勒斯坦领土（选择） 。 It was founded in 1989 by prominent academics, attorneys, journalists and Knesset members to “document and educate the Israeli public and policymakers about human rights violations in (Occupied Palestine), combat (the Israeli public’s) denial, and create a human rights culture in Israel” to convince government officials to respect human rights and obey international law.它成立于1989年，由著名学者，律师，新闻记者和议会成员，以“文件和教育以色列公众和决策者有关侵犯人权的（被占领的巴勒斯坦） ，打击（以色列公众的）拒绝，并创建一个人权文化在以色列“ ，以说服政府官员，以尊重人权和遵守国际法的规定。
Its work is detailed, wide-ranging, carefully researched, and based on hundreds of testimonies and dozens of on-the-ground observations.它的工作是详细，广泛，认真研究，并基于对数以百计的证词和数十对- -地面观测。 For verification, it’s also cross-checked with relevant documents and other government sources.核查，它也交叉核对有关文件和其他政府消息来源。 Work on this report was completed over a six month period in 2007.这方面的工作报告已完成超过六个月期间，在2007年。 It included information from other reports, statements from political and military officials, petitions to Israel’s High Court of Justice, and media accounts.它包括信息从其他报告，报表，从政治和军事官员，请愿，向以色列高等法院的司法和媒体的帐户。
B’Tselem states: “For the past seven years (since the September 2000 Second Intifada began), Israel has imposed restrictions and prohibitions on Palestinian movement that are unprecedented in scope and duration.” It refers to hundreds of permanent and temporary checkpoints, other obstacles, physical barriers, and Israel’s Separation Wall (ruled illegal by the World Court) on confiscated Palestinian land. B'Tselem说： “在过去的七年（自2000年9月第二次起义开始） ，以色列施加限制和禁止对巴勒斯坦运动是前所未有的范围和期限。 ”它指的数以百计的永久和临时检查站，其他障碍，肢体障碍，以色列的隔离墙（排除非法由世界法庭）对没收的巴勒斯坦土地。
Free movement in the West Bank is severely restricted and nearly always entails “intolerable and arbitrary delays, much uncertainty, friction with soldiers, and often substantial expense.” B’Tselem stresses that throughout 2008, it will continue to focus on this topic - with new maps, short videos, and various “public education and advocacy activities to highlight” Israel’s unnecessary, outlandish and illegal restrictive measures.自由流动，在约旦河西岸受到严重限制和几乎总是需要“不能容忍的和武断的延误，很大的不确定性，摩擦与士兵，往往是大量的牺牲。 ”以色列占领区人权资料中心强调，在整个2008年，将继续把重点放在这个题目-新的地图，短期的影片，和各种“公共教育和宣传活动，以突出”以色列的不必要的，古怪的和非法的限制性措施。 People need to know, and B’Tselem intends to tell them.人们需要知道，以色列占领区人权资料中心打算告诉他们。
This is its 14th report on this topic since September 2000.这是它的第十四报告关于这一主题的2000年9月以来。 Previous ones covered specific type restrictions like checkpoints, for-Jews only roads, and the Separation Wall.以往所涵盖的特定类型的限制一样，检查站，为犹太人的唯一道路，和隔离墙。 The one is comprehensive.一个是全面的。 It surveys all of them and their collective effects on Palestinians’ lives.据调查，所有的他们和他们的集体影响，对巴勒斯坦人的生命。
The measures aren’t new or restricted to the West Bank.这些措施并不是新的或限制到西岸。 They’ve been ongoing since the early 1990s and have undergone expansion and refinement ever since.他们已经正在进行自20世纪90年代初经历了扩展并完善至今。 Until 1991, Palestinians (except small numbers designated security threats) could move freely throughout the Territories and were able to enter and stay in Israel during daytime hours.直至1991年，巴勒斯坦人（除少数指定的安全威胁）可自由移动的整个领土，并能进入并留在以色列期间，白天小时。 It helped Palestine establish social, cultural and commercial ties to its neighbor, Israeli Arab citizens in it, as well as between Gaza and the West Bank.它帮助巴勒斯坦建立社会，文化和商业联系，以它的邻邦，以色列的阿拉伯公民，因为之间以及加沙和西岸地区。
During the January 1991 Gulf war, everything changed.在1991年1月海湾战争中，一切都改变了。 General permits were cancelled and replaced by new restrictive policies.一般许可证被取消，而代之以新的限制性政策。 Thereafter, all Palestinians needed (selectively authorized) permits to enter Israel and East Jerusalem.此后，所有巴勒斯坦人需要（选择性授权）许可证，进入以色列和东耶路撒冷。 Checkpoints and barriers were erected for enforcement.检查站和屏障，竖立执行。 They’ve restricted movement ever since, and at times, like the 1993 killings of nine Israelis, became a general closure policy.他们已经限制了运动以来，和时代性，像1993年杀害九名以色列人，成为一般的封闭政策。 All free movement was halted, Palestinians lost their jobs in Israel, few opportunities at home could replace them, and the Territories suffered great economic and social harm.所有的自由流动停止，巴勒斯坦人失去了他们在以色列的工作，很少有机会在家里可以取代他们，和领土遭受巨大的经济和社会的伤害。
Closure also split the OPT into three areas: East Jerusalem, the remaining West Bank and Gaza.封闭也分裂选择到三个方面：在东耶路撒冷，剩下的西岸和加沙地带。 After September 2000, Israel tightened free movement further and continues harassing and containing relentlessly.之后， 2000年9月，以色列收紧的自由流动，进一步，并继续骚扰和遏制无情。 Two main factors explain how:两个主要因素解释如何：
– Israel’s “ever-expanding settlement enterprise….along the length and breadth of the West Bank;” they’re on strategically chosen and most valued lands; in areas designed to contain Palestinian city expansions; further harmed by Israel’s (for-Jews-only) bypass roads that constrict, isolate and divide West Bank areas; and -以色列的“不断扩展的解决企业… … 。沿长度和广度西岸; ： ”他们正在就战略选择和最有价值的土地;的领域，旨在遏制巴勒斯坦城市展开;进一步损害了以色列的（为犹太人只）绕道道路，会限制，孤立和隔膜西岸地区;
– the effects of the Oslo Accords; they split the West Bank into three areas - Area A under Palestinian Authority (PA) security and civil affairs control; Area B under Israel security and right to restrict free movement; and Area C under total Israeli control, including on matters relating to land, planning and building; Areas B and C comprise 80% of the West Bank, including its main roads, so that lets Israel restrict movement how, when, for as long, and for whatever purpose it wishes over most of the Territory. -影响奥斯陆协定;他们分裂西岸分为三个领域- A区根据巴勒斯坦权力机构（P A ）的安全和民事事务控制;B区，根据以色列的安全和权利限制的自由流动;C区总以色列控制，包括有关事宜，土地，规划和建设; B区和C区包括80 ％的西岸，包括其主要的道路，以便让以色列限制运动，如何，何时，只要，并为任何目的，它的意愿，超过大部分的领土。
After September 2000, its measures were hardened.之后， 2000年9月，其措施硬化。 It clamped down on free movement, isolated Palestinians in cantonized enclosures, and made a fundamental human right a privilege to grant or withhold as it pleases.它打击对自由流动的，孤立的巴勒斯坦人在cantonized罩，并提出了基本人权的特权批给或扣压，因为它随心所欲。 Its pretext is security but, in fact, that’s false.其借口是安全，但在事实上，这是假的。 The real aim is harassment, land grab, and a state-sponsored expulsion plan so Israel can seize all the land it wants for Jews only.真正的目的是骚扰，土地攫取，一个国家的赞助驱逐计划，使以色列能抓住所有的土地，要为犹太人只。 It’s gone on for decades and so far unchallenged by the world community.它的进行了几十年，至今质疑由世界社区。 B’Tselem wants to stop it along with all other law violations so Palestinians can have their long denied justice they deserve and should get.以色列占领区人权资料中心要阻止它一直与所有其他违法犯罪活动，使巴勒斯坦人能够有其长期被剥夺他们应得的正义和应得的。
Israel’s Means to Control Movement以色列的方式来控制运动
B’Tselem divides Israeli control into three categories reflecting “different layers” of restrictive policy.以色列占领区人权资料中心划分为以色列控制分为3类，反映了“不同层次”的限制性政策。 They, in turn, build on each other and are interrelated:那么它们反过来，建立在对方是相互关联的：
– physical means to divert movement to certain passageways and roads and prevent access to others; -身体的手段来转移运动的某些通道和道路，防止他人的;
– restrictions and prohibitions that first layer physical tools enforce; and -限制和禁止即第一层物理工具执行;
– the means to ease or tighten, selectively and under careful monitoring, second layer restrictions and prohibitions. -手段，以纾缓或收紧，选择性和下仔细监测，第二层的限制和禁令。
The essential idea is that in combination these layers represent a single control mechanism, all parts operate together, and determining their impact requires evaluating the combined effect of four types of control:基本的想法是，在这些层面的结合代表一个单一的控制机制，各部分共同操作，并确定其影响需要评估的综合效果，四种类型的控制：
(1) obstructions to deny access to main roads; they divert Palestinians to checkpoints where the army (IDF) supervises movement from one area to another or can deny it altogether; obstructions are in different forms - dirt mounds, concrete blocks, boulders, trenches, fences and iron gates; their numbers have gradually increased and in mid-2007 totaled 455 throughout the West Bank; they limit pedestrian and vehicular movement, and especially affect the elderly, the ill, pregnant women and small children; they’re even more restrictive in winter when water accumulation turns dirt areas muddy; （ 1 ）障碍物，以拒绝访问的主要道路;他们转移巴勒斯坦检查站的地方军队（ IDF ）上监督运动，从一个地区到另一个或不能否认它完全;障碍物是在不同的形式-污垢土堆，混凝土块，石块，壕沟，围栏及铁闸;他们的人数有逐渐增加和在2007年年中已达455整个西岸，他们限制行人和车辆的运动，特别是影响老年人，病患者，孕妇和小儿童，他们正在更限制性在冬季时，积水的地区轮流的污垢泥泞;
(2) permanent staffed checkpoints; they’re fairly constant in number, and Israel has used them to some degree throughout 41 years of occupation; they gained prominence, however, after Israel cancelled general-entry (free movement) permits in 1991; they were then expanded during the Second Intifada; over time, they’ve become the most conspicuous occupation symbol and one of its most hated; （ 2 ）永久性检查站的工作人员，他们正在相当的数量，和以色列使用他们在一定程度上在整个41年的占领，他们取得的突出，不过，经过以色列取消一般项目（自由流动）在1991年的许可证;然后，扩大在第二次起义;随着时间的推移，他们已经成为最突出的占领的象征之一，其最讨厌;
– in mid-2007, 80 were in place of which 33 were the last inspection point before entering Israel along the Green Line; the other 47 lie inside the West Bank, some with control towers; seven are to transfer goods; they’re called “back-to-back” because merchandise is unloaded on one side, checked, then reloaded on another truck on the other side; operating times vary - many open at 6AM and close at night; others are staffed around the clock but limit crossings to “urgent humanitarian” cases; -在2 007年年中， 8 0人在的地方，其中3 3人，最后检查点前进入以色列的绿线沿线;其他4 7所在内的西岸，一些与控制塔; 7顷转移货物;他们所谓的“背靠背” ，因为商品是卸下一方面，检查，然后重新在另一个卡车在另一边;经营的时代有所不同-许多在早上6时开放，并关闭在夜间;其他工作人员约2 4小时，但限制通行“紧急人道主义”的案件;
– movement restrictions vary from one checkpoint to another and always at Israel’s discretion; to pass, travelers must show proper ID or crossing permits; searches may be conducted; procedures are at the discretion and mood of soldiers; some checkpoints are for pedestrians only; others are restricted to commercial and public transportation. -流动的限制有所不同，从一站到另一始终在以色列的酌情权;通过，旅客必须拿出适当的I D或过境许可证;搜寻可能进行;程序，在裁量权和情绪的士兵;一些检查站，供行人使用的唯一;另一些限制，以商业和公共交通。
(3) so-called flying checkpoints; they’re temporary, may be erected anywhere, and remain for hours or longer; in recent years, they’ve increased in numbers - from a weekly average of 73 in late 2005 to 136 in 2006 to about 150 in 2007 and at times up to 200. （ 3 ）以所谓的飞行检查站;他们暂时的，可能是竖立在任何地方，并继续为小时或更长;近几年，他们已经增加了在数字-从每周平均7 3在2 005年底至1 36在2 006年约150名在2007年和时代的多达200个。 Again, the pretext is security, their real aim is to harass, and no one does it better than Israelis.再次，借口是安全，他们的真正目的是骚扰，也没有人是否优于以色列人。
Consider the effects of all checkpoints.考虑的影响，所有检查站。 Since September 2000, they’ve become “the main (source of) friction (between) Palestinians and Israeli security forces.” They generate tension, create uncertainty, deny or delay passage, humiliate and overall makes things intolerable. 2000年9月以来，他们已成为“主要（来源）摩擦（之间的）巴勒斯坦和以色列安全部队” 。它们产生的紧张，产生不确定性，拒绝或拖延通过，侮辱和整体，使事情是不能容忍的。 They’re also degrading by demanding that males expose their upper bodies in public simply as a way to harass them.他们也有辱人格的，要求男性，揭露他们的上层机构，在市民根本的一种方式骚扰他们。
It gets worse by selective detentions in so-called “positions” - isolated holding areas for additional “security” checks that, in fact, are to punish and further humiliate; they can last hours, in exposed heat or cold, without food or water, and at times include physical abuse; many Palestinians are affected daily; Israel’s high command has full knowledge; the government does as well; nominal recommendations are made to stop it, yet abuse continues and few offenders are ever punished.它进一步恶化选择性拘留在所谓的“阵地” -孤立举行的领域增加了新的“安全”的检查，事实上，是惩治和进一步的羞辱;他们可以去年小时，暴露在热或冷，没有食物或水，有时甚至包括身体虐待;许多巴勒斯坦人受到影响，每天;以色列的高级指挥有充分的知识;政府是否以及;的名义提出了一些建议，以阻止它，但滥用继续和几个罪犯是以往任何时候都受到惩罚。
(4) the Separation Wall; in June 2002, Israel decided to build it; again the claim was security; in fact, it was separation and theft of over 10% of Palestinian land, including for-Jews only roads to connect settlements with Israel and other settlements; most of the Wall is completed; its planned length is 721 kilometers; only 20% of it lies along the Green Line; most of it runs deep inside the West Bank; near Jerusalem, it surrounds the Ma’ale Adumim settlements about 14 km into the West Bank on stolen Palestinian land; （ 4 ）隔离墙;在2002年6月，以色列决定将其建成;再次索赔安全;事实上，这是分离和盗窃10 ％以上的巴勒斯坦人的土地，包括犹太人的唯一道路，以连接定居点与以色列和其他定居点;大部分的墙是完成;其计划的长度是七百二十一公里;只有20 ％的，它是沿着绿线;大部分的，它违背了我内心深处，西岸;耶路撒冷附近，它围绕在Ma'ale Adumim的住区约14公里，进入西岸关于被盗巴勒斯坦人的土地;
– its route creates two kinds of Palestinian enclaves - villages and farmland between the Wall and Green Line (in the “seam zone”) on the Israeli side of the barrier; another area comprises villages on the Palestinian side that are surrounded on three or more sides because of the route’s winding path or that the Wall meets roads on which Palestinian movement is forbidden or physical obstructions prevent it. -其航线创造了两种巴勒斯坦飞地-村庄和农田之间的隔离墙和绿线（在“接合区” ）对以色列方面的障碍;另一个领域包括村庄的巴勒斯坦一方包围三个或以上双方由于该航线的公司清盘的路径，或在墙上会见的道路上，巴勒斯坦运动是被禁止的或身体的障碍，防止它。
Physical restrictions and movement prohibitions give Israeli security forces more latitude, and they take full advantage through a fourfold layer of control:物理限制和运动的禁令，让以色列安全部队更多的纬度，和他们充分利用通过了四倍层的控制：
(1) by imposing a siege to completely or partially prevent Palestinians from crossing to or from a certain area as well as isolating the area from other parts of the West Bank; it’s done with physical obstructions to block access and force residents to pass through staffed checkpoints; closing off the area facilitates sweeping movement prohibitions on specific classifications of people by gender, age or place of residence; the IDF claims their “risk profile” makes them “potential terrorists;” targeting them by siege is a frequently used post-September 2000 tactic; large areas of the West Bank have been affected; their degree of harshness varies; and areas like the Jordan Valley, Area A and cities like Nablus, Jenin, Tulkarm and Hebron have been especially impacted. （ 1 ）实行包围完全或部分阻止巴勒斯坦人从通道或从某一个地区，以及隔离区从其他西岸部分地区，它的工作与身体的障碍，以阻止访问，并迫使居民通过通过检查站的工作人员;关闭该地区有利于清扫运动，禁止任何人的具体分类的人按性别，年龄或居住地点;以色列国防军声称他们的“风险”使他们“潜在的恐怖分子” ;针对他们的围困是一个经常使用的邮政2000年9月策略;大型西岸地区已受影响;程度的严厉不同;和地区一样，佐敦谷， A区和城市一样，纳布卢斯，杰宁，图勒凯尔姆和希伯伦已特别是影响。
– in December 2001, the West Bank IDF commander signed the Proclamation Regarding the Closure of Area (Encirclement) (Area A); it classified it as a closed military area, was unlimited in duration and still remains in force; in April 2007, a separate order was issued for Nablus restricting entry to and exit from the city to certain checkpoints; again the army claims it’sa security measure “to prevent terrorists and materiel from leaving Palestinian towns in Judea and Samaria….” -在2 001年1 2月，西岸的以色列国防军指挥官签署了关于宣布关闭区（围堵） （ A区） ;它归类它作为一个封闭的军事区，是在无限的时间长短和仍然生效的法律;在2 007年4月，单独的命令发出了纳布卢斯，限制进入和退出城市的某些检查站;再次军队声称这是安全措施“ ，防止恐怖分子和物资离开巴勒斯坦城镇在朱迪亚和撒马利亚… … ” 。
(2) the “seam zone;” Israelis say it’s the enclosed area between the Green Line and Separation Wall; when its first section was completed (in October 2003), the IDF declared this section a closed military area with entry into it forbidden; later areas may also be closed off, but even ones that aren’t will have severe movement restrictions the way they’re imposed throughout the West Bank; all Palestinians are affected; Jews and foreigners have permits permitting easy entry and exit. （ 2 ） “接合区” ;以色列人说，它的封闭地区之间的绿线和隔离墙;时，其第一部分已经完成（ 2003年10月） ，以色列国防军宣布，本节为封闭的军事区，进入它禁止;稍后地区也可能关闭，但即使那些没有将有严重的运动限制的方式，他们正在施加在整个西岸所有巴勒斯坦人受影响;犹太人和外国人的许可证，允许容易的入境和出境。
(3) prohibiting travel on certain roads for Jews only; on some roads, no Palestinian vehicles are allowed; on others, travel is allowed for ones with special permits; the Oslo Accords set the rules; most often (but not always), Palestinians may travel on Areas A and B roads but prohibited or restricted in Area C; they’re excluded from about 311 km of West Bank roads for Jews only; they connect settlements to Israel or other settlements. （ 3 ）禁止旅行，某些道路为犹太人只;有些道路，没有巴勒斯坦人的车辆都不准;别人，旅行是让那些持有特别许可证的;奥斯陆协议订定的规则;最常（但并不总是） ，巴勒斯坦人五月的旅行地区， A和B的道路，但禁止或限制在C区，他们正在排除约三百十一公里西岸道路为犹太人只;连接定居点对以色列或其他定居点。
– rules are so harsh and convoluted that further restrictions are imposed on some roads Palestinians may use; an example is forbidding Palestinian vehicles from crossing a road, requiring passengers to leave their vehicles on one side, cross on foot, and get other transportation on the other side; this creates great hardship, is only to harass, and in cases of passenger illness or mothers in labor it may be life-threatening; in addition, Israeli security forces have great enforcement latitude; orders are issued verbally, not in writing, and soldiers at checkpoints can pretty much do as they please, depending on their mood. -规则是如此苛刻，错综复杂，进一步限制对一些道路的巴勒斯坦人可能会使用;一个例子是，禁止巴勒斯坦人的车辆从横过道路，要求乘客离开自己的车辆一方，两岸对足部，并获得其他交通对另一边，这造成了很大的困难，只是骚扰，并在案件旅客生病或母亲在劳动，它可能会威胁生命;此外，以色列安全部队有很大的执法纬度;命令发出口头上，而不是在写作，和士兵在检查站可以非常做，因为他们请，取决于他们的心情。
(4) harsh travel laws act as deterrence; they impose high fines and/or insurance requirements; Palestinian violators are treated discriminatorily; and a high percentage of drivers are affected. （ 4 ）苛刻旅行的法律作为威慑;强加给他们高的罚款和/或保险的要求;巴勒斯坦违规处理歧视;及高比例的司机受到影响。
To counter public criticism, Israel issued two selective easing measures; they help some Palestinians but tighten movement restrictions for others:为了对付公众的批评，以色列发出两份选择性的缓和措施，他们帮助一些巴勒斯坦人，但收紧运动的限制，其他：
(1) the permits regime; since 1991, Israel required Palestinians to have personal entry permits to enter its territory and East Jerusalem; after 1996, Palestinians also needed permits to enter West Bank jurisdictional areas; post-September 2000, rules were further tightened; some Palestinians must have permits to enter, remain in, or leave large areas inside the West Bank, including the “seam zone” and areas under siege; other permits are needed to arrange (passenger and commercial) vehicular checkpoint crossings; a limited number are allowed based on the capacity of security forces to inspect vehicles, goods and passengers; （ 1 ）许可证制度;自1991年以来，以色列要求巴勒斯坦人拥有个人通行证进入其领土和东耶路撒冷; 1996年以后，巴勒斯坦人也需要许可证，进入约旦河西岸的管辖范畴;后的2000年9月，规则得到了进一步加强;一些巴勒斯坦人必须有许可证的进入，留在，或离开大面积内的西岸，包括“接合区”和围困下的地区;许可证，其他需要安排（客运和商业）的车辆检查站的通道;数量有限是允许的基础上的能力，安全部队检查车辆，货物和乘客;
– B’Tselem lists nine different type permits for passenger vehicles - commercial ones; public ones for taxis and buses; movement in areas under encirclement; humanitarian ones; for permanent “seam zone” residents; for daily “seam zone” entry; “seam zone” entry for farming or work; and to enter the Jordan Valley; -以色列占领区人权资料中心列出九种不同类型的许可证，客运车辆-商业;公众的的士及巴士;运动的合围之势下的地区;人道主义;永久“接合区”的居民;日报“接合区”进入“;煤层区“项为耕作或工作;及进入约旦谷地;
– movement restrictions and prohibitions are so onerous and for so many reasons that Israelis consider permits a privilege; for Palestinians, they’re essential to meet daily needs; West Bank District Coordination Offices (DCOs) issue them, but procedures are unclear and lack transparency; B’Tselem believes “two general and sweeping criteria must be met” to get one: -流动的限制和禁令是如此繁重，并为有这么多的原因，以色列人考虑许可证的特权;巴勒斯坦人，他们必须满足日常需要;西岸地区协调办公室（ d cos）问题，但程序不明确，缺乏透明度;以色列占领区人权信息中心认为， “两个一般和笼统的准则，必须得到满足”来获取一：
(a) “lack of ‘prevention,’ either for security or police-related reasons relating to the applicant,” and （一） “缺乏'预防， '无论是安全或警察有关的原因，有关申请人， ”和
(b) having documents to show justification for the request. （二）有文件证明的理由要求。
Quotas exist in all cases; when they’re filled, many qualified residents are left out; in addition, other qualifying procedures exist but are unstated; ultimately DCO officials have total discretion in awarding or denying permits and can be pretty arbitrary about it; “seam zone” residents provide an example of what all Palestinians endure; to get a permit to their own home area, they must prove they reside there from their ID card address on the day the declaration of closed military area was made or in some other way show their center of life is there; those getting one are allowed entry via one checkpoint only;配额的存在，在所有案件中;时，他们正在填补，许多合格的居民被排除;此外，其他合资格的程序存在，但都未有;最终会计处官员总的酌情权，在批出或拒绝许可证，并可以漂亮的任意关于它“ ;接合区“的居民提供一个例子，什么样的所有巴勒斯坦人忍受;获得许可证的自己的家园方面，他们必须证明他们居住的有从他们的身份证，地址在当天的宣言为封闭的军事区发了言，或以某种其他方式查看其中心的生活是有;那些越来越1顷获准入境途经一个检查站只;
(2) So-called “fabric of life” roads for Palestinians only; the West Bank’s main roads are only for Jews; initially, those for Palestinians passed through villages and city centers, but because of criticism an alternate plan was developed - creating a separate, contiguous road network running north-south in the West Bank; it’s based on separate levels in places where Israeli and Palestinian roads meet; bridges and interchanges achieve separation with Israelis able to travel on top at high speed; lower level “fabric of life” roads comprising 20% of the West Bank’s total are for Palestinians; elements of the plan have been implemented and “fabric of life” roads are being built; they represent another part of Israel’s repressive apartheid scheme. （ 2 ）以所谓的“生活结构”的道路，为巴勒斯坦人的唯一;西岸的主要道路，只为犹太人;最初，这些巴勒斯坦人通过的村庄和城市中心，但由于批评的一个替代方案是发展-创建一个单独的，连续的道路网运行的南北在约旦河西岸，它的基础上单独的各级的地方，以色列和巴勒斯坦的道路满足;交汇处的桥梁和实现的分离与以色列人能够旅行再加上高速;较低的水平“织物的生活”的道路组成的20 ％的西岸的总数为巴勒斯坦人;计划的基本内容已实施和“织物的生活”的道路正在兴建;他们所代表的另一部分，以色列的镇压种族隔离计划。
Splitting the West Bank分裂西岸
Article 13 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states:第13条的1948年世界人权宣言的国家：
(1) “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. （ 1 ） “人人有权享有自由迁徙和居住的边界，每一个国家。
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” （ 2 ）人人有权离开任何国家，包括其本国在内，并有权返回他的国家“ 。
Israel is a serial international law and human rights abuser.以色列是一个串行国际法和人权的施虐者。 For Palestinians, it believes allowing free movement is a privilege, denying it is the norm, and actions no matter how outlandish require no explanation or justification.巴勒斯坦人，它认为，允许人员自由流动是一种特权，否认它是规范，和行动，不管如何古怪的要求并没有解释或理由。
Israel divided the West Bank into three control areas - A, B and C. For purposes of restricting movement, it further split the Territory into six geographical units:以色列分为西岸分为三个管制区-A ， B和C为目的的限制运动，它进一步分裂领土分为六个地理单位：
– North that includes the Jenin, Tulkarm, Tubas and Nablus districts, except for those in the Jordan Valley and Separation Wall enclaves; about 840,000 Palestinians lived in this area as of summer 2007; today the number is somewhat higher; -北，包括杰宁，图勒凯尔姆，图巴斯和纳布卢斯地区，除了那些在约旦谷地和隔离墙的飞地;约8 4.0万巴勒斯坦人生活在这方面，截至2 007年夏天，今天有多少是有点高;
– Central that includes the Salfit, Ramallah, and Jericho districts, except for parts in the Separation Wall enclaves; in summer 2007, the Palestinian population exceeded 400,000; -中环，其中包括S alfit的，拉马拉，和杰里科地区，除部分在隔离墙的飞地;在2 007年夏天，巴勒斯坦的人口超过4 0.0万;
– South that includes the Hebron and Bethlehem districts, except for the northern Dead Sea and Separation Wall enclaves; Palestinians here number over 700,000; -南，其中包括希伯伦和伯利恒地区，除北部死海和隔离墙的飞地;巴勒斯坦人在这里的人数超过7 0.0万;
– the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea that includes the eastern strip of the West Bank, except for Jericho and nearby refugee camps; the Palestinian population is around 10,000; -约旦谷地和北部的死海，其中包括东部的狭长西岸，除杰里科和附近的难民营;巴勒斯坦人口大约是1 .0万;
– the Separation Wall-created “seam zone” and inside the West Bank “internal” enclaves; when the Wall is completed, the “seam zone” Palestinian population will number about 30,000; an additional 25,000 will be in “internal” enclaves; the “seam zone” also contains thousands of Palestinian farmland dunams (a dunam equals about one fourth of an acre) and 39 settlements; unlike the other geographical units, the enclaves are dozens of non-contiguous sections that are separated from the rest of the West Bank; and -隔离墙的建立“接合区”和西岸境内的“内部”飞地;时，隔离墙是完成后， “接合区”巴勒斯坦人口的人数将约3 .0万;额外的2 .5万将在“内部”飞地; “接合区”也包含了数以千计的巴勒斯坦农田德南（一德南相当于四分之一的一英亩）和第39条住区;不像其他地理单位，飞地几十个非连续的章节是的其余部分隔开西银行;
– East Jerusalem that includes all the area Israel annexed in 1967 and is attached to the Jerusalem Municipality, except for the Shu’afat refugee camp and Kfar Aqeb that the Wall separates from the city; around 200,000 Palestinians live in this section. -东耶路撒冷在内的，包括所有地区的以色列所附于1 967年，是连接到耶路撒冷市，除为s hu'afat难民营和在K fara qeb这堵墙隔开，从城市;约2 0.0万巴勒斯坦人生活在这一节。
All geographical units are constricted by Israel’s rigid control system explained above.所有地理单位constricted以色列的刚性控制系统的解释，以上。 Below are the checkpoints that control movement from one section to another:下面是检查站，控制运动从一个段落到另一个位置：
– Za’tara (Tupuah) Checkpoint controls North to Central sections movement; in addition, the IDF directs to this checkpoint all west and east traffic along the Trans-Samaria highway and from Route 60 from Nablus in the north and Ramallah in the southwest and south; Palestinians may generally pass freely heading north; those traveling south encounter ID and sometimes vehicle checks; delays are common; males aged 16 - 35 often aren’t allowed to go south. -z a'tara（ t upuah）检查站的管制，北至中环路段运动;此外，以色列国防军指挥这个检查站，所有的西部和东部沿横贯公路和撒马利亚从6 0号干线，从纳布卢斯在该国北部和拉马拉，在西南和南;巴勒斯坦人一般可通过自由的标题北;那些旅行南方遇到的ID和有时检查车辆;延误是常见的;男性，年龄在16岁-3 5，往往是不容许南向政策。
– Container Checkpoint almost totally controls movement between the South and Central sections; Border Police staff it round the clock; from 2002 to February 2007, passenger cars were prohibited without a special permit; it’s now cancelled; since September 2000, Palestinians have been prohibited from using Route 398 that runs from the checkpoint to the Ma’ale Adumim and Qedar settlements; Palestinians are diverted to other worn roads of nearby villages; Palestinian traffic passing through the checkpoint are subjected to lengthy delays and at times searches; when Israel declares a comprehensive closure, it applies to this checkpoint; it severs the southern West Bank from the rest of the Territory and requires Palestinians traveling to or from the South to do it by foot. -集装箱检查站几乎完全控制运动之间的南部和中部路段;边防警察人员二十四小时;从2 002年到2 007年2月，乘用车被禁止未经特别许可，它的现在已取消; 2 000年9月以来，巴勒斯坦人已禁止使用398号干线运行，从检查站向在Ma'ale Adumim和qedar定居点;巴勒斯坦人被转移到其他破旧的道路附近的村庄;巴勒斯坦的交通，通过检查站受到耽搁很长时间，有时搜索;时，以色列宣布全面封闭，它适用于这个检查站;断绝西岸南部从其余的领土，并要求巴勒斯坦人前往或从南到这样做步行。
– Tayasir, Hamra, Gittit and Yitav checkpoints control movement to and from the Jordan Valley. -t ayasir，哈姆拉，吉提特和y itav检查站，控制运动和从约旦谷地。 In May 2005, Israel instituted sweeping Palestinian movement prohibitions here, except for residents with ID cards and persons with special permits.在2005年5月，以色列建立了广泛的巴勒斯坦运动的禁令在这里，除居民身份证的人员和持有特别许可证。 They were cancelled in April 2007, it affects only pedestrians and those using public transportation (that also requires a permit), and applies only to the Tayasir and Hamra crossings.他们被取消，在2007年4月，它只会影响行人和那些使用公共交通（即还需要许可证） ，并只适用于该tayasir和Hamra通道。
– Almog Checkpoint that controls movement to and from the northern Dead Sea; generally only Palestinians with work permits for nearby settlements and/or to enter Israel may pass; since May 2007, the latter category was cancelled. -阿尔莫格检查站的控制运动和从北部死海;一般只有巴勒斯坦人与工作许可证附近的定居点和/或进入以色列可能通过;自2 007年5月，后一类被取消。
– the Separation Wall directs movement between the “seam zone” enclaves and the rest of the West Bank to several gates in the Wall; only Palestinians with special entry permits may pass; 38 gates are in place; only six operate daily from 12 to 24 hours continuously; 17 others open two or three times a day for 30 minutes to two hours; 13 additional ones operate during farming season; two other gates allow movement of residents of a few houses that are enclosed by the Wall and separated from their village; still other crossings are for Israeli travel between the West Bank and Israel; they operate round the clock. -隔离墙指示运动之间的“接合区”飞地和西岸其余几个盖茨在墙上，只有巴勒斯坦人，特别入境许可证可通过; 3 8盖茨是在地方，只有6运作，每天从1 2日至2 4日小时不断; 17别人打开两个或两个，每日3次， 30分钟至2小时; 13额外运作期间，耕作季节;其他两个闸门，让运动的居民数的房屋是由封闭的围墙和失散从他们村;还有其他通道，为以色列之间的旅行西岸和以色列，他们24小时运作。
– the Separation Wall also directs movement between East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank; this section is called the “Jerusalem envelope” and has 12 checkpoints; crossing (permitted only through four of them) requires a valid ID and permit and submitting to stringent checks; they include exiting vehicles, having them searched, and passing through a revolving gate equipped with a metal detector; the remaining eight checkpoints are for settlers, Israeli residents and East Jerusalem Palestinians with Israeli IDs. -隔离墙也指示运动之间的东耶路撒冷和西岸其余;本节是所谓的“耶路撒冷信封” ，并有1 2个检查站;过境（只允许通过，其中4 ）需要一个有效的I D，允许并提交严格的检查;它们包括驶出的车辆，让他们搜查，并通过一个旋转门配备了金属探测器;其余八名检查站是为定居者，以色列居民和东耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦人与以色列的ID 。
In addition to area to area restrictions, Israel tightens them further with others within areas by breaking them into sub-areas and controlling movement between them.此外，以区面积限制，以色列加强他们进一步与其他地区内，打破他们的分领域和控制它们之间的运动。 Nablus in the North is separated from nearby villages and from other northern West Bank districts.在纳布卢斯，在北，是脱离附近的村庄和从其他西岸北部地区。
The Nablus area includes the city, three refugee camps and 15 villages that contain over 200,000 Palestinians combined.纳布卢斯地区，包括城市，三个难民营和15个村庄中包含有超过20.0万巴勒斯坦人的总和。 It’s been under siege for seven years; entry and exit is through four surrounding checkpoints; passage through them entails stringent personal and vehicle checks, including for all merchandise in both directions; and special permits are required for passenger vehicle entry.它的被包围为七年;入境和出境，是透过四周围的检查站;通过他们需要严格的个人和车辆的检查，包括对所有商品在两个方向;特别许可证所需的客运车辆进入。
Collective Nablus movement prohibitions are harsh and unique in the Territory.集体纳布卢斯运动的禁令苛刻和独特的在该领土。 Males between 16 and 35 are especially affected, but they overall disrupt life for everyone.男性之间的16至35岁尤其是受影响的，但他们的整体破坏大家的生活。 The restricted male population alone affects 26,000 persons.限制男性人口仅影响2.6万人。 If the age is lowered to 15, it rises to 36,000, and if females are included (as sometimes happens) it totals 73,000.如果年龄降低到15 ，上升到36000 ，如果是女性，包括（有时发生）总计73000 。 This group is the area’s main work force, its entire economic life depends on them, and prohibiting their movement brings it to a halt.这个小组是该地区的主要工作力量，在其整个经济生活，取决于他们，并禁止其运动带来它停下。
When it’s in force, siege conditions vary by checkpoint for those allowed through.当它的生效的，围困条件而有所不同的检查站对于那些允许通过。 The two main Beit Iba and Huwara ones inflict the longest and most burdensome delays and restrictions.两个主要的Beit IBA和huwara的所造成的最长和最繁重的延误和限制。 In addition, all persons having a “risk profile” because of age are forbidden to leave the area and need a “movement permit in area under encirclement” if they want to exit.此外，所有的人具有“风险” ，因为年龄是禁止离开该地区需要一个“运动许可证的面积下，合围之势： ”如果他们要退出。 However, it’s not easy getting one with a convoluted system in place that requires a party permitted to cross to apply for persons who aren’t and even they can’t do it easily.不过，这并不容易获得，其中一个错综复杂的制度的地方，需要党允许跨申请的人谁不和，甚至他们不能这样做很容易。 In addition, permits aren’t issued for “ordinary” needs, such as work, family visits or school.在此外，许可证是发出了“普通”的需要，如工作，探亲或学校。 Those considered are only for “humanitarian” reasons like needed medical care.那些被认为是只为“人道主义”的理由一样，需要的医疗照顾。 Few overall are issued.数整体发出。
The Nablus siege also restricts movement in the Jenin Tulkarm and Tubas districts.纳布卢斯的围攻，也限制了运动，在杰宁和图勒凯尔姆地区的图巴斯。 Nablus is vital for them and for years was the West Bank’s economic and industrial center.纳布卢斯是非常重要的为他们多年的西岸的经济和工业中心。 Now these districts are separated, and major roads between them are blocked.现在，这些地区是分开的，和主要道路它们之间的封锁。 In the past, traveling from Jenin to Nablus took about 40 minutes on the main road.在过去，旅游，从杰宁到纳布卢斯需时约40分钟，对主要道路。 It now takes one to three hours on narrow, winding roads plus a long wait at one of the Nablus area checkpoints.现在需时1至3个小时就狭窄，曲折的道路，另加一个长期等待之一纳布卢斯地区的检查站。
Over the past two years especially, accessing Nablus has been hard and complicated for villagers located to its north.在过去两年，特别是进入纳布卢斯一直努力和复杂，为村民位于其北。 Checkpoint access is limited, some are closed to traffic, and those that operate have delays running up to hours.检查站的访问是有限的，有些是封闭的交通，以及那些经营有延误，运行高达小时。 In addition, soldiers at times block road traffic for several hours, no advance notice is given, and it causes undue hardship for travelers having to wait or use alternate routes.此外，士兵们在时代的座道路交通几个小时，没有预先通知发出的，它的成因不必要的困难，为旅客无需等待或使用替代路线。 The IDF is also at times punitive.以色列国防军也是在时代的惩罚。 It sets up indiscriminate flying checkpoints, uses them for punishment, and makes it harsher with instances of violence and confiscation of permits and identity cards that can only be redeemed at a permanent checkpoint that may or may not be operating.它规定了不分青红皂白地飞行检查站，利用他们的处罚，并使得它更严厉的实例的暴力行为和没收许可证和身份证，只可以赎回一个常设的检查可能会或不会经营。
The Central Section splitting caused much the same type hardships.中央的第分裂造成很大同一类型的困难。 It created two principal sub-areas around Salfit and Ramallah.它创造了两个主要分Salfit的周围地区和拉马拉。 It detached some of these cities’ villages and separated them from their residents’ farmland.它超脱一些，这些城市'的村庄和失散他们从居民的农田。
After the IDF blocked Salfit’s main entrance road from the north, alternate routes became necessary, and they lengthened travel times considerably.之后，以色列国防军封锁Salfit的的主要入口道路，从北，迂回路由，成为必要的，而且他们延长旅行时间相当。 It created great hardship for travelers who rely on Nablus for basic services and also for villagers who are blocked from their farmland.它创造了巨大困难，为旅客谁依赖于纳布卢斯的基本服务，也为村民谁是阻止从他们的农田。 Sixty-six thousand people are affected. 6.6万人受到影响。
It’s even worse for the 300,000 Ramallah district residents in a city that’s the West Bank’s seat of government because Israel denies East Jerusalem that status.它的更差为30.0万拉马拉地区的居民在一个城市的西岸的政府所在地，因为以色列否认东耶路撒冷的地位。 In addition, after undo restrictions and hardships caused many Palestinian entrepreneurs to leave Nablus and the northern West Bank, Ramallah developed into the Territory’s cultural and economic center.此外，在复原的限制和困难，造成许多巴勒斯坦企业家离开纳布卢斯和约旦河西岸北部，拉马拉已发展成为本港的文化和经济中心。 Obstructions, checkpoints and the Separation Wall demarcate the area and combined make movement just as hard as throughout the rest of the West Bank.障碍物，检查站和隔离墙划定面积和结合，使运动一样，努力在整个西岸其余。
It’s the same for Jericho’s 40,000 residents.它的同时，为杰里科的4.0万居民。 In addition, for 10,000 of them in the north in the besieged Jordan Valley, they’re separated from the city, and for those in the east there’s another obstacle - 19 km of trenches and land east of it that’sa closed military area.此外，对于万，他们在北部地区，在被围困的约旦谷地，他们正在脱离城市，并为那些在东部地区还有一个障碍-1 9公里长的壕沟和土地以东，它t hat'sa为封闭的军事区。
The South section’s splitting has been less conspicuous, but it hasn’t made movement easier.南段的分裂已不足突出，但一直没有取得运动更容易。 Most notably since September 2000, have been restrictions in Route 60’s southern section that runs the entire length of the southern West Bank and is this subsection’s principal roadway.最显着的2000年9月以来，已限制在60号干线的南段运行的整个长度西岸南部，是本款的主要巷道。 Access roads to the Route are now blocked, over time some have been eased, but use of the road remains limited.通往干线现正阻止，随着时间的推移，有些得到缓解，但使用的道路上仍然有限。
Most harmed are residents in towns and villages in Hebron’s southern area.最伤害是居民在城镇和村庄在希伯伦的南部地区。 To reach the city, they must use long, winding, beat-up roads that are no substitute for decent ones.要达到城市，他们必须使用长，清盘，拍了道路，是无法替代的体面。 Once the Separation Wall is completed east of the Efrat and Gush Atzion settlements, Route 60’s northern quarter in the South section will be on the Wall’s Israeli side and completely off-limits to Palestinians.一旦隔离墙是完成东的埃弗拉特和Gush atzion定居点， 60号干线的北部季的南段，将上墙的以色列一侧和完全抵消限制巴勒斯坦人。 As a result, Bethlehem will be separated from Jerusalem as well as the main road to Hebron with all the hardships that will create.因此，伯利恒将脱离耶路撒冷以及主要道路，以希伯伦与所有的困难，这将创造。
Consider how they affect Hebron.考虑它们如何影响希伯伦。 It’s the only Palestinian West Bank city (other than East Jerusalem that Israel annexed in 1967) with an Israeli settlement in its center.它的唯一的巴勒斯坦人在约旦河西岸城市（除东耶路撒冷，以色列在所附的1967 ）与一个以色列定居点在其中心。 Because of it, the IDF created a contiguous strip of land through the city over which Palestinian vehicles are prohibited.因为它，以色列国防军创建了一个连续的狭长土地，通过城市，其中巴勒斯坦人的车辆被禁止。 It runs from the Kiryat Arba settlement in the east to the Palestinian Tel Rumeida neighborhood in the west, and in many sections along its center, Palestinian pedestrians are banned.它违背了从阿尔巴镇定居在东部地区向巴勒斯坦电话rumeida居委会在西方，而且在许多路段沿线的中心，巴勒斯坦行人被禁止。 The main Shuhada Street is most affected.主要Shuhada街是受影响最严重的。 In addition, the strip blocks Hebron’s main north-south artery harming the entire Palestinian population.此外，该带座希伯伦的主要南北动脉损害了整个巴勒斯坦人口。
Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea restrictions involve the use of Route 90 that runs the entire length of the section.约旦谷地和北部死海的限制，涉及使用的90号干线上运行的整个长度的一节。 Israel operates five checkpoints here for control.以色列检查站的运作，五在这里控制。 Only public transportation and vehicles with special permits may pass.只有公共交通和持有特别许可证的车辆可通过。 That frees the Route for settlers and Israelis traveling between Jerusalem and the Beit She’an Valley, the Sea of Galilee, or the Galilee area in the north.释放该航线的定居者和以色列来往耶路撒冷和拜she'an谷，海加利利，或加利利地区在北方。 It also allows the IDF to use large Jordan Valley sections as fire-exercise zones and close off much of their water and grazing areas to Palestinians.它还允许以色列国防军使用的大型约旦谷地路段作为消防演习区和关闭其大部分水源和牧场地区的巴勒斯坦人。
Dozens of non-contiguous “seam-zone” enclaves are also affected.数十名非连续“煤层区”飞地也受到了影响。 The Separation Wall separates them by winding back and forth between the Green Line and deep into the West Bank.隔离墙分隔他们的清盘回到之间来回绿线和深入到约旦河西岸。 They all contain Palestinian farmland on the barrier’s Israeli side.它们都包含巴勒斯坦农田就隔离墙的以色列一侧。 Some also include villages where 30,000 Palestinians live.有些还包括村庄3.0万巴勒斯坦人居住。 Because they aren’t connected, crossing from one subsection to another at best is hard and at worst impossible.因为他们是未连接，穿越从第1到另一个最好的是艰苦奋斗，在最坏的是不可能的。 It forces travelers to cross the Wall twice with all the hardships that entails.它迫使旅客过境墙两次与所有的困难，这需要。 Further, since permits are for one enclave only, entering another one requires a second permit.此外，由于许可证是一飞地只，进入另一个需要第二许可证。
The Separation Wall then can be divided into five sections plus the Jerusalem area, and each one contains separate enclaves.隔离墙，然后可分为五个部分，再加上耶路撒冷地区，每一个包含独立的飞地。 Combined they form a crazy quilt isolation pattern with physical obstacles and human repression used against a defenseless civilian population.结合他们的形式一个疯狂的棉被分离模式与身体的障碍和人力镇压用来对付一手无寸铁的平民百姓。
Internal community and farmland enclaves are affected as well but not by having to pass through the Wall or obtain permits.内部社会和耕地的飞地，受影响的，以及，而不是因通过墙壁或领取许可证。 However, roads that used to connect them have been closed making travel times longer and more complicated.然而，道路，可用来连接他们已经关闭，使旅行时间更长和更复杂。 When completed, the Wall’s route will create 13 non-contiguous internal enclaves for about 240,000 Palestinians in dozens of towns and villages.一旦完成后，隔离墙路线的将创造13个非连续的内部飞地约24.0万巴勒斯坦人在几十个城镇和村庄。
East Jerusalem is the final section.东耶路撒冷是最后一节。 Israeli Arabs with identity cards may move about fairly freely with one notable exception.以色列的阿拉伯人与身份证可动议约相当自由地与一个明显的例外。 It’s the use of temporary checkpoints (so-called “collection” ones) to collect resident tax debts.它的使用临时检查站（即所谓的“集合”的）收集居民税的债务。 They operate a few hours at a time on main neighborhood roads where Israeli Police (usually Border Police) provide security along with tax officials to do the collecting.他们运作的几个小时在一个时间对主要街道的道路，以色列警察（通常是边防警察）提供安全保障，随着税收的官员也这样做收集。 Police stop cars, collectors do the rest, but never to Jerusalem’s Jewish residents.警方停止车，收藏做休息，但从来没有到耶路撒冷的犹太居民。
Harm to Palestinians’ Fabric of Life伤害巴勒斯坦人生活结构
West Bank separation and division inflicts great harm to Palestinians’ fabric of life in the short and longer term. This section examines how.
First consider health as a fundamental human right and how restricting movement affects it. Ill persons needing treatment are greatly impeded reaching medical centers. The quality and availability of service is hampered as well by delaying or restricting physicians and staff. First aid crews also aren’t able to reach the sick and injured quickly. Even when situations aren’t life threatening, movement restrictions increase morbidity chances and may shorten a life span.
Overall, West Bank Palestinians have limited or no access to medical care, and residents of villages and outlying areas are most gravely affected. Then consider so-called “risk profile” people being denied passage through checkpoints. Another example is persons needing a permit for access to Jerusalem hospital treatment. To get one, patients must provide medical documents testifying to their illness and confirming their appointment at a specific hospital.
The situation is especially problematic for pregnant women when their time to deliver approaches and their hospital is in Jerusalem. Permits are valid only for one or two days, as it is for all ill persons, but the moment when it’s needed is uncertain. They must thus be continually renewed, and there are times when it’s impossible. It thus forces mothers to give birth at checkpoints because they’re denied passage through them.
In 1996, the Physicians for Human Rights petitioned the State Attorney’s office for relief and nominally got it - to allow passage through checkpoints without permits in cases of medical emergency so ill persons can be treated. All checkpoint locations are supposed to comply, but it turns out they don’t. Soldiers don’t treat Palestinians kindly, are unresponsive to their needs, and are untrained medically to recognize emergencies.
Patients encounter other obstacles as well. Their travel is slowed by having to use long, winding and worn roads; they’re sometimes blocked causing long delays; they have no access to ambulances or other transportation; must pass through checkpoints when they do or by foot; be up against closed ones; be forced to wait at open ones; and undergo searches.
These problems make people more dependent on first aid that can’t cope in emergency cases where special expertise is required. At times, long distances are involved, and when need is greatest, it means lives are endangered. This is what Palestinians endure daily.
Movement restrictions also affect hospitals, especially East Jerusalem ones that are considered the OPT’s best because they provide services unavailable elsewhere in the Territories. East Jerusalem’s separation from the rest of the West Bank and needing a permit to enter is the problem. It affects staff and patients with the situation at al-Makassed Hospital typical. Twelve of its workers live outside the city and are classified “prevented entry.” They have no permits. Even workers with them face long checkpoint delays or their closure when Israel wishes.
Restricting free movement also impacts health care professionals from developing their skills through in-service training. Students as well are affected, are unable to complete their studies or receive a lower professional training degree. It places Palestinians needing medical care in a hopeless situation. They’re unable to move freely or receive expert care if they can.
B’Tselem’s report is on the West Bank. Gaza is another matter, and since Israel’s June 2007 siege, 130 in the Territory have died because they couldn’t be treated. Their deaths are in addition to the hundreds of others from near daily incursions that continue without letup.
Movement restrictions also greatly affect the OPT’s economy and trade. Post-September 2000, it’s been in deep depression. GDP has declined around 40%, unemployment stands at about 80%, and the poverty level is punishing. It’s how Israel and Washington planned it to bring the Territories to their knees and demand surrender as the price for relief.
At present, look how working conditions and transport of goods are affected. Palestinians could once travel freely outside their communities to jobs. No longer, and many lost out and have no means of employment. Employers as well are affected. They lost workers, had to scale back their operations or shut them down entirely.
The same hardships apply to transporting goods. They can no longer move freely, permits are required, they’re hard to get, travel times are longer even with them, at much greater cost, and an example is trade between Nablus and Ramallah. The cost is fourfold what it was in 2002, the result is greatly reduced trade, it’s forced merchants to concentrate more on their own communities and those nearby, and the result is far less commerce overall that severely impacts everyone.
Here’s what’s involved to move goods between Nablus and East Jerusalem:
– permits are needed;
– a quota restricts the number;
– goods allowed to be transported endure the so-called “back-to-back” method; at point of shipment they’re loaded; then stopped at a checkpoint; unloaded; inspected by mechanical scanner, manually, and/or by dogs; they’re then reloaded on another truck for delivery;
– damage is frequent because of extra handling and Israelis aren’t too gentle about it;
– delays are the rule and they’re costly;
– transport requires passing through other checkpoints and repeating the whole procedure again that may be more or less stringent depending on the whims of inspectors;
– when the Separation Wall is completed, transport will be even harder and its cost greater.
Tourism is also affected. Between the Oslo Accords and September 2000, cities like Bethlehem were desired destinations. No longer because of difficulties getting there and how hard it is to move around. The result is privately owned tourist sites throughout the West Bank have closed or have greatly cut back. An example is the Barahameh family’s park in al-Badhan, a village 10 km north of Nablus. Getting there from Ramallah means passing through four permanent checkpoints plus whatever flying ones are up for the day. The result is wasted hours to spend a day at the park, and most tourists won’t do it.
Small businesses like stores, souvenir shops and restaurants are also impacted. Many close down or operate at a fraction of their former levels. A World Bank West Bank report cites movement restrictions and their costs as two major obstacles affecting a healthy Palestinian economy.
They affect farming as well in areas like the Jordan Valley and “seam zone.” Agriculture is an important source of Palestinians’ income. Farmers need permits for it in these areas. Many are denied and their livelihoods destroyed or greatly impacted. Farm workers are also affected. They, too, need permits, but even having them means putting up with long travel times and exhausting days. Many workers won’t do it it so farmers lose a vital work force and the ability to grow their crops productively.
Farmer and merchant Husni Muhammad ‘Adb a-Rahman Sawafteh is an example of what others like him endure:
– he lives, works and farms in Tubas; he and his brothers have a house and 250 dunams of land in Bardala, a northern Jordan Valley village; they also have livestock;
– to reach Bardala, they must pass through Tayasir checkpoint; doing it involves “much difficulty;” it affects their workers as well;
– to sell their produce, they need to reach Bardala, but the hardship forces Sawafteh to manage things by phone; it’s inadequate because it’s vital to be current on prices and dealer payments that requires being in Bardala to do it;
– sometimes he can’t be for a month; the result is dealers send “payment on account” and pay less than the amount owed; their back due debts accumulate; being there is essential to handle things; when he can’t do it, he hasn’t enough money for materials to fertilize the land and grow crops;
– caring for the livestock is another problem; they need daily care; Sawafteh had to build a new Tubas farm to do it, but it was lacking; Tubas hasn’t enough grazing land so the flock can’t do it daily as they need to; he thus has to buy them food; it’s an additional expense he can’t afford;
– he and other farmers have an additional problem as well; they need permits for themselves but also for their tractors and farm vehicles; it forces most of them to go long distances on foot or donkeys;
– it also restricts what crops can be grown; restrictions forced farmers like Sawafteh to forgo higher revenue-generating ones like tomatoes and cucumbers and switch to less labor intensive ones like wheat;
– some farmers give up altogether and let their land lie fallow rather than risk economic failure or work under onerous conditions.
Family and social life are also affected. Palestinian community life is based on extended familial ties even though members don’t often live in the same towns and villages. Movement restrictions and inability to get permits prevent their ability to see each other, and it’s especially felt in the “seam zone,” Jordan Valley and Nablus under siege.
Ni’ma ‘Ali Salameh Abu Sahara from Nablus is a case in point:
– her daughter married and moved to the Jordan Valley;
– no one has been able to see her, not even during holidays, because “the army doesn’t let us cross the Hamra checkpoint;”
– she wasn’t able to visit her first grandson and only saw him two months after his birth when her daughter visited her;
– her daughter just had a second child by Caesarean section; Abu Sahara went to the checkpoint to get through to see her; soldiers refused to let her pass; she begged them; they still refused; Abu Sahara “went home and cried.”
This story and many others like it are commonplace, and it’s caused the splitting up of nuclear families. Students leave parents to be near school. Wage earners and tradesmen leave families to be close to work. The ill live in cities to be near essential medical care facilities. From the time they leave homes to whenever they try to return, they encounter problems. For most Palestinians, they’re painful to impossible.
Restrictions prevent routine family gatherings as well as special ones like weddings, funerals, and caring for the sick. Palestinians once could take vacations, and a favorite spot was the northern Dead Sea area with its 25 km of coastline. No longer. The ‘Ein Fascha nature reserves there (one of the most popular recreational sites) are now operated by Israel’s Nature Reserves and Parks Authority for Jews only.
Movement restrictions affect all facets of daily life, including basic services and law enforcement - urban infrastructure, social services, mail, governance, rescue operations, electricity and gas, water, and locally-based security. When breakdowns occur and repairs are needed or other vital services have to be performed, district government employees get no preferential treatment crossing checkpoints to handle them. The result is long delays fixing essential public services or dealing with problems like medical emergencies.
“Fabric of life” roads for Palestinians are also affected, including the way they were built. They’re on expropriated private land, inefficiently use public property, and take other Palestinian land for the Separation Wall. An example is a road Israel built between the village of Shufa (south of Tulkarm) and a-Ras, northeast of the Sal’it settlement. Israel took village lands for it - from Far’on, a-Ras and ‘Izbat Shufa. To connect the two district seats, Israel seized private land, destroyed olive and citrus orchards on them, asked no permission to do it, and paid no compensation for the losses.
Israel unilaterally chooses routes for new roads, Palestinians’ interests aren’t considered, and injuries and losses they incur get no redress. They’re also harmed in other ways. Roads often demarcate villages, they limit their ability to build and expand for their growing populations, their costs outweighs their benefits, the harm affects whole communities, and it’s long-term.
Restrictions on Free Movement from the Perspective of International Law
Besides Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international humanitarian law, the UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is very clear about free movement. Its Article 12 states:
1. 1 。 “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within the territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.
2. 2 。 Everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own.
3. 3 。 The above-mentioned rights shall not be subject to any restrictions except those which are provided by law, are necessary to protect national security, public order, public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others, and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Covenant.
4. 4 。 No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.”
Besides legitimate national security and military necessity, restricting free movement must meet another requirement - proportionality. Under Israeli administrative law as well, the state must prove the legitimate necessity of restrictions, that security can’t be achieved by less harmful means, and that the end result justifies the cost under international law. The UN Human Rights Committee states that the principle of proportionality requires that movement restrictions be incorporated in clear and justifiable legislation. Failure to do so violates international law under which Israel is accountable.
Israel claims justification for its occupation policies - that they’re vital to secure its West Bank settlers as well as Israelis traveling on the Territory’s roads. Clearly, the threat is real, but unasked is why. It’s because of Israel’s longstanding belligerency forcing Palestinians to respond in self-defense and at times take Israeli lives. There’s no secret how to stop it, but Israel abjures - stop attacking Palestinians so they stop fighting back. Long ago it was that way before Palestine became Israel. Arabs and Jews lived peacefully at a time the population imbalance heavily favored Palestinians and the great Jewish immigration wave hadn’t begun.
Today, it’s another matter, Israel manufactures its own security problem, then unjustifiably claims the right to react, and in the process, inflict great harm on a mostly-civilian population. Its actions are unrelated to security, are entirely political and stem from its annexation aims - to seize the West Bank’s most valued areas, remove the Palestinian population, and resettle them in isolated cantons unconnected to the others except by a crazy quilt patchwork of obstructive checkpoints, barriers, and hard to traverse road network.
Israel acts illegally on occupied lands, and its draconian restrictions follow as a result. They’re less for security and mainly to let settlers (on stolen land) move around freely. They’re heavily protected, isolated from their Arab neighbors, able to travel on for-Jews only roads, live in Jewish-only communities, and get all the conveniences of a modern state that denies them to non-Jews in a country claiming to be a model democracy.
All West Bank settlements are illegal under international law. So is the main road network forbidden to Palestinians that’s built on annexed land. Israel’s justifications are unfounded. Security is a non-starter. So is the claim that it’s to protect against terrorist attacks that are, in fact, self-defense measures in an unfair fight. Palestinians are matched against the world’s fourth most powerful military that flexes its muscles by attacking civilians and claims its occupation is just. International law says otherwise, but Israel ignores it.
It also acts disproportionately. It fails the test by all measures:
– there’s no rational connection between the harm restrictions cause and Israel’s declared security objective; independent security and human rights experts concur on this; their view is that there’sa converse relationship between restrictions imposed and security desired; the greater the former, the less of the latter;
– a second failure is the lack of an alternative that causes less harm to achieve a security goal; in some instances, Israel admitted it hasn’t used other methods that would have caused less harm; the Separation Wall is the clearest example of a measure causing great harm with little payback except for confiscated land; after that, the Wall is purely punitive and the Palestinian response justifiable anger;
– a third failure is the lack of a proper relationship between the harm caused and security benefit gained; whatever reasons Israel claims for its policy, it must still justify that it acted in proper proportion to the benefit achieved; sweeping and protracted West Bank restrictions clearly fail the test; they affect all aspects of Palestinians’ lives, infringe on their human rights and deny them the right to family life, health, education, work, and all else Israelis take for granted and get; and in cases of Nablus under siege, the effects are much worse on a locked-down population; there’s no justification for causing so much harm for whatever benefits Israel claims to be getting; they’re disproportionately way out of whack.
Israel also imposes its might without military legislation or written orders. For measures this far-reaching and causing so much harm, orders are merely passed down the chain of command verbally with lots of latitude on their implementation on the ground no matter how harsh. Such a system begs for abuse, and that’s exactly what happens repeatedly.
Without official restrictions in writing, it’s near impossible to monitor how the IDF administers them or judge what’s right or wrong. By its policy, Israel has, in fact, given the army unlimited latitude, made it unaccountable, and instituted a system guaranteed to punish and abuse.
Under international humanitarian law, it’sa system of strictly prohibited collective punishment. Article 50 of the Hague Regulations states: “No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, shall be inflicted upon the population on account of the acts of individuals for which they cannot be regarded as jointly and severally responsible.”
Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention also states: “No protected person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited.” The UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (quoted above) concurs. So do all independent human rights experts.
Israel claims it acts to deter, not collectively punish, but evidence on the ground proves otherwise. The vast majority of Palestinians affected are innocent civilians, they’re suspected of nothing, they’re made to endure great suffering, and Israel’s actions have been imposed continuously and repressively for over seven and a half years plus the punitive effects of 41 years under occupation.
These are actions of one ethnic group against another, thus constituting another international law violation. It’s prohibited by the 1966 (UN General Assembly-adopted) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination that Israel ratified in 1979. Article 1.1 defines racial discrimination as follows:
“Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent, or national origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.”
Article 5(d)(1) gives every person the right of free movement within the borders of the state without discrimination. Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits all measures that discriminate solely on the basis of race, color, sex, language, religion, or social origin. Israel violates all of the above. Its claims otherwise hold no water and are, in fact, convoluted. It denies legitimate citizens their legal rights on their own land, but provides preferential treatment for illegal settlers in stark breach of the law.
Conclusion
Israel’s repressive measures force West Bank Palestinians to live in a constant state of uncertainty, prevent them from making plans, deny them their basic rights, harm them when emergencies arise, and overall consign their lives to the will and whims to an illegal occupier.
Beyond the immediate harm that’s considerable, the West Bank’s geographical division causes severe long-term detriment to the entire Palestinian fabric of life - affecting their economic, political and social welfare. The result is an entire nation locked down, punished for being unwanted and in the way, and denied their right of self-determination and free movement on their own land.
Israel’s justification is fraudulent on its face, yet goes unchallenged by the world community as well as by neighboring Arab states. Shamefully and willfully, they turn a blind eye to a human calamity they won’t confront and denounce publicly as illegal and unacceptable.
B’Tselem has no such hesitancy. It ends its report by calling on Israel to:
– “immediately remove all the permanent and sweeping restrictions on movement inside the West Bank (including the Separation Wall ruled illegal by the International Court of Justice). In their place, Israel should” protect its citizens along the Green Line and inside the Jewish state according to the rule of law;
– “act immediately to evacuate all the settlements in the West Bank. Until this is done, Israel” has every right to protect its settlers security, but not to the detriment of the Palestinian people who are the lawful occupants of their own land; and
– “verify, before any temporary restriction….is approved (while settlements remain in place),” that it’s “needed for a legitimate security purpose and that the resultant harm to the Palestinian population will be proportionate,” according to international law. Restrictions in place “must be incorporated in a written order that specifies the nature of the restriction and the period of time it will remain in force.”
Until Israel takes these measures and begins ending its 41 year occupation, it will continue violating international law and remain in violation of dozens of UN resolutions condemning it for its actions, deploring it for committing them, and demanding they be ended. So far, Israel shows no signs of complying and continues acting with impunity, arrogance and defiance of the rule of law it disdains.
See More: World News ÂHave Your Say: Denying Palestinians Free Movement in the West Bank
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This entry was posted on Friday, May 2nd, 2008 at 4:51 am and is filed under Contributions & Guests , General . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response , or trackback from your own site.
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