Denying Palestinians Free Movement in the West Bank 운동의 자유를 부정 팔레스타인 웨스트 뱅크
By Stephen Lendman | 스티븐 의해 lendman | RINF rinf - This article summarizes an August 2007 B’Tselem report now available in print. -이 자료를 요약 2007년 8월 an b'tselem보고 현재 인쇄합니다. It’s one of a series of studies it conducts on life in Occupied Palestine to reveal what major media accounts suppress. 둘 중 하나의 생활에서 일련의 연구를 실시 점령이 팔레스타인을 표시하는 방법 주요 언론 계정을 어떻게 억제합니다. This one is titled: “Ground to a Halt - Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom of Movement in the West Bank.” 이것의 제목은 : "지상을 중단 - 팔레스타인 거부 '운동의 자유를 요르단강 서안합니다." B’Tselem has a well-deserved reputation for accuracy and integrity. - 당연히 평판을 잘 b'tselem는 정확성과 완전성합니다. It’s the Jerusalem-based independent Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). 그것은 이스라엘의 예루살렘 - 기반 독립적인 인간의 권리를위한 정보 센터 팔레스타인 점령 지역 (선택). It was founded in 1989 by prominent academics, attorneys, journalists and Knesset members to “document and educate the Israeli public and policymakers about human rights violations in (Occupied Palestine), combat (the Israeli public’s) denial, and create a human rights culture in Israel” to convince government officials to respect human rights and obey international law. 그것은 1989 년 설립하여 저명한 학자, 변호사, 언론인, 국회 의원을 "문서와 교육을 인권 침해에 대한 이스라엘의 공용 및 정책 (점령한 팔레스타인), 전투 (이스라엘의 공공의) 거부, 그리고 인간의 권리를 만듭니다 문화의 이스라엘 "인간의 권리를 존중 정부 관계자를 설득하고 국제법을 준수합니다.
Its work is detailed, wide-ranging, carefully researched, and based on hundreds of testimonies and dozens of on-the-ground observations. 그 작업은 상세한, 넓은 - 범위, 신중하게 조사, 그리고 수십개의를 기반으로하고 - 수백명의 증언 - 지상 관측합니다. For verification, it’s also cross-checked with relevant documents and other government sources. 에 대한 검증, 또한 교차 - 검사와 관련성이 높은 문서와 다른 정부 소식통합니다. Work on this report was completed over a six month period in 2007. 작업이 보고서는 6 개월 이상 2007 년 완공합니다. It included information from other reports, statements from political and military officials, petitions to Israel’s High Court of Justice, and media accounts. 그것의 정보를 포함 다른 보고서, 문장 정치 및 군사 관계자, 청원을 할수있다는 이스라엘의 고등 법원에 공정 및 미디어 계정을합니다.
B’Tselem states: “For the past seven years (since the September 2000 Second Intifada began), Israel has imposed restrictions and prohibitions on Palestinian movement that are unprecedented in scope and duration.” It refers to hundreds of permanent and temporary checkpoints, other obstacles, physical barriers, and Israel’s Separation Wall (ruled illegal by the World Court) on confiscated Palestinian land. b'tselem 상태 : "을 과거 7 년간 (이천초 년 9 월 이후 시작된 인티 파다), 이스라엘은 팔레스타인 자치 운동을 부과하는 전례가없는 규제와 금지의 범위 및 기간합니다."수백명의 상설 및 임시 검문소에 관련된 기타 장애, 물리적 장벽, 그리고 이스라엘의 분리 장벽 (불법으로 세계를 지배 법원) 팔레스타인 토지를 압수합니다.
Free movement in the West Bank is severely restricted and nearly always entails “intolerable and arbitrary delays, much uncertainty, friction with soldiers, and often substantial expense.” B’Tselem stresses that throughout 2008, it will continue to focus on this topic - with new maps, short videos, and various “public education and advocacy activities to highlight” Israel’s unnecessary, outlandish and illegal restrictive measures. 웨스트 뱅크 운동의 자유가 심각하게 제한하고 거의 항상 하드 "참을 수 있고 임의의 지연, 많은 불확실성, 마찰과 군인, 그리고 자주 실질적인 지출합니다."한다고 강조했다 b'tselem 전체 2008, 그것은이 주제에 초점을 계속해서 -과 새지도, 짧은 비디오, 각종 "공공 교육 및 옹호 활동을 하이라이트"이스라엘의 불필요한, 이상한와 불법 제한 조치합니다. People need to know, and B’Tselem intends to tell them. 사람들이 알아야 할, 그리고 의도 b'tselem을 알려 줘야합니다.
This is its 14th report on this topic since September 2000. 이것은 2000 년 9 월 이후이 주제의 보고서를 14 일. Previous ones covered specific type restrictions like checkpoints, for-Jews only roads, and the Separation Wall. 이전 것들 제한이 같은 특정 유형 커버 검문소를 - 유대인 전용 도로, 그리고 벽면의 분리합니다. The one is comprehensive. 하나는 포괄적인합니다. It surveys all of them and their collective effects on Palestinians’ lives. 그들과 그들의 집단이 미칠 영향에 대한 설문 조사의 모든 팔레스타인 인들의 삶합니다.
The measures aren’t new or restricted to the West Bank. 신규 또는 제한 조치는 요르단강 서안을합니다. They’ve been ongoing since the early 1990s and have undergone expansion and refinement ever since. 그들은 1990 년대 초반 이후 지속적으로 개선하고 확장 및 보수 공사 이후로합니다. Until 1991, Palestinians (except small numbers designated security threats) could move freely throughout the Territories and were able to enter and stay in Israel during daytime hours. 까지 1991 년, 팔레스타인 (작은 숫자를 제외하고 지정된 보안 위협)의 영토를 자유롭게 옮길 수있게하고 이스라엘과 같이 지낼 수 있었다 동안 낮 시간을 입력합니다. It helped Palestine establish social, cultural and commercial ties to its neighbor, Israeli Arab citizens in it, as well as between Gaza and the West Bank. 설립는데 도움이 팔레스타인 사회, 문화, 상업적인 관계를 그 이웃 사람, 이스라엘이 아랍 시민뿐만 아니라 가자지구와 요르단강 서안 사이에합니다.
During the January 1991 Gulf war, everything changed. 1 월 중 1991 년 걸프 전쟁, 모든 변경합니다. General permits were cancelled and replaced by new restrictive policies. 일반적인 사용이 취소를 제한하는 정책을 신규로 대체합니다. Thereafter, all Palestinians needed (selectively authorized) permits to enter Israel and East Jerusalem. 그 이후, 모든 팔레스타인 필요합니다 (선별적으로 승인)를 사용 이스라엘과 동부 예루살렘을 입력합니다. Checkpoints and barriers were erected for enforcement. 집행 기관과 장벽이 세워진 검문소를합니다. They’ve restricted movement ever since, and at times, like the 1993 killings of nine Israelis, became a general closure policy. 그들은 제한된 운동 이후로, 그리고 시간, 살인 사건은 1993 년 9 명의 이스라엘인처럼됐다 일반적인 폐쇄 정책을합니다. All free movement was halted, Palestinians lost their jobs in Israel, few opportunities at home could replace them, and the Territories suffered great economic and social harm. 모두 무료 운동은 중단, 팔레스타인에서 일자리를 잃었다 이스라엘, 몇 기회를 처음으로 대체할 수도하고, 또 막대한 경제적, 사회적 위험의 영토합니다.
Closure also split the OPT into three areas: East Jerusalem, the remaining West Bank and Gaza. 또한 3 개의 영역으로 분할되어 폐쇄 선택 : 동부 예루살렘으로, 나머지 웨스트 뱅크와 가자지구합니다. After September 2000, Israel tightened free movement further and continues harassing and containing relentlessly. 2000 년 9 월 이후 이스라엘과 계속 괴롭 히 더 운동을 강화하고 무료 강박 관념을 포함합니다. Two main factors explain how: 두 가지 주요 요인을 설명하기 방법 :
– Israel’s “ever-expanding settlement enterprise….along the length and breadth of the West Bank;” they’re on strategically chosen and most valued lands; in areas designed to contain Palestinian city expansions; further harmed by Israel’s (for-Jews-only) bypass roads that constrict, isolate and divide West Bank areas; and - 이스라엘의 "적 - 확대 결제 엔터 프라이즈….를 따라 요르단강 서안의 길이와 너비,"그들은 대부분의 귀중한 토지를 전략적으로 선택하고, 팔레스타인 도시를 포함하여 설계의 확장 영역에서; 추가 피해를 이스라엘의 ( 에 대한 - 유대인 -에만 해당) 우회 도로가 혈관을 분리하고 분리 요르단강 서안 지역, 그리고
– the effects of the Oslo Accords; they split the West Bank into three areas - Area A under Palestinian Authority (PA) security and civil affairs control; Area B under Israel security and right to restrict free movement; and Area C under total Israeli control, including on matters relating to land, planning and building; Areas B and C comprise 80% of the West Bank, including its main roads, so that lets Israel restrict movement how, when, for as long, and for whatever purpose it wishes over most of the Territory. - 오슬로 협정에 미치는 영향에 있지 않으며, 3 개의 영역으로 분할되어 요르단강 서안 - 부는 아래 팔레스타인 당국 (팔레스타인) 보안 및 민사 제어; 영역 b에서 이스라엘 보안 및 자유를 제한할 권리 운동, 그리고 영역 c 이스라엘의 통제 밑에 합계 을 포함한이 문제와 관련된 토지, 계획 및 건물; 분야 b와 c 요르단강 서안의 80 %를 구성을 비롯한 주요 도로, 그래서 이스라엘을 제한하는 움직임을 사용하는 방법, 언제, 동안, 그리고 이상 어떤 목적이 소원 대부분의 영토합니다.
After September 2000, its measures were hardened. 2000 년 9 월 이후 그 대책을 강화합니다. It clamped down on free movement, isolated Palestinians in cantonized enclosures, and made a fundamental human right a privilege to grant or withhold as it pleases. 고정된 아래에서 그것 자유 운동, 팔레스타인을 고립 cantonized 인클로저, 그리고 근본적인 인간의 권리는대로 특권을 부여하거나 원천 기쁘게합니다. Its pretext is security but, in fact, that’s false. 그 명분은 안전하지만, 실제로, 그것의 허위. The real aim is harassment, land grab, and a state-sponsored expulsion plan so Israel can seize all the land it wants for Jews only. 실제 목적은 성희롱, 토지 잡고, 그리고 주 - 스폰서 추방 계획을 잡을 수있습니다 그래서 이스라엘의 모든 유대인만을위한 토지 원하고있습니다. It’s gone on for decades and so far unchallenged by the world community. 그리고 지금까지 수십 년 동안 증발을 국제 사회에 도전되지 않는다. B’Tselem wants to stop it along with all other law violations so Palestinians can have their long denied justice they deserve and should get. b'tselem 원하는 다른 모든 법률 위반 행위를 중지 너무 팔레스타인과 함께 그것은 그들의 오랜 부정 정의를받을 자격을 받아야합니다.
Israel’s Means to Control Movement 이스라엘의 움직임을 제어 수단
B’Tselem divides Israeli control into three categories reflecting “different layers” of restrictive policy. 3 개의 카테고리로 구분 이스라엘의 통제를 반영 b'tselem "다른 레이어"을 제한하는 정책을합니다. They, in turn, build on each other and are interrelated: 그들은, 순서, 빌드를 서로 상호 작용하는가 :
– physical means to divert movement to certain passageways and roads and prevent access to others; - 실제 수단을 돌리게 운동을 특정 통로와 도로와 다른 접근을 방지하기;
– restrictions and prohibitions that first layer physical tools enforce; and - 제한 및 금지 물리적 도구를 시행할 그 첫 번째 계층, 그리고
– the means to ease or tighten, selectively and under careful monitoring, second layer restrictions and prohibitions. - 그 의미를 완화 또는 강화, 선별 세 이하 조심 모니터링, 두 번째 레이어 제한 및 금지합니다.
The essential idea is that in combination these layers represent a single control mechanism, all parts operate together, and determining their impact requires evaluating the combined effect of four types of control: 근본적인 개념은 계층을 대표하는 조합이 하나의 제어 메커니즘, 모든 부품 함께 동작, 그리고 그들의 영향이 필요 평가를 결합 효과를 결정하는 4 종류의 제어 :
(1) obstructions to deny access to main roads; they divert Palestinians to checkpoints where the army (IDF) supervises movement from one area to another or can deny it altogether; obstructions are in different forms - dirt mounds, concrete blocks, boulders, trenches, fences and iron gates; their numbers have gradually increased and in mid-2007 totaled 455 throughout the West Bank; they limit pedestrian and vehicular movement, and especially affect the elderly, the ill, pregnant women and small children; they’re even more restrictive in winter when water accumulation turns dirt areas muddy; (1) 주요 도로에 장애물이 될 액세스를 거부하다, 그들을 돌리게 검문소에서 팔레스타인 군 (idf) 감독 운동을 거부하거나 그것을 다른 한 영역에서 모두; 장애물은 서로 다른 양식 - 흙 고분, 콘크리트 블록, 바위, 참호 , 울타리, 철분 게이츠, 그들의 숫자가 점차적으로 증가 - 2007 년 중반, 총 455 내내 요르단강 서안 있지 않으며, 보행자 및 차량 이동 제한, 특히 고령자에 영향을 미치지는 아픈, 임신 여성과 어린 아이; 그들은 더 많은 겨울의 경우 지역 제한이 진흙 물 먼지 축적 turns;
(2) permanent staffed checkpoints; they’re fairly constant in number, and Israel has used them to some degree throughout 41 years of occupation; they gained prominence, however, after Israel cancelled general-entry (free movement) permits in 1991; they were then expanded during the Second Intifada; over time, they’ve become the most conspicuous occupation symbol and one of its most hated; (2) 영구적인 인력 검문소; 그들은 불변의 공정 번호와 이스라엘은 그들을 사용을 어느 정도는 41 살 직업;을 얻을 수 융기 그러나 이스라엘 취소 후 일반 - 등록 (무료 운동) 허가는 1991 년 않으며, 이 확장하는 동안 다음 두 번째 인티 파다; 시간별, 그들 점령의 상징 해지고, 그 중에 가장 뚜렷하게 가장 싫어하는;
– in mid-2007, 80 were in place of which 33 were the last inspection point before entering Israel along the Green Line; the other 47 lie inside the West Bank, some with control towers; seven are to transfer goods; they’re called “back-to-back” because merchandise is unloaded on one side, checked, then reloaded on another truck on the other side; operating times vary - many open at 6AM and close at night; others are staffed around the clock but limit crossings to “urgent humanitarian” cases; - 2007 년 중반 - 2007, 80은 33의 자리를 입력하기 전에는 이스라엘의 마지막 검사 포인트를 따라 녹색 선이며, 나머지 47 거짓말 내부의 웨스트 뱅크, 일부와 컨트롤 타워; 칠아르를 전송하는 물품; 그들은 전화 "뒤로 -가 - 뒤로"상품가 언로 드 한쪽 때문에, 검사되면, 그때 다시로드의 또 다른 트럭이 다른쪽에; 운영 타임스 다양 - 많은 열어 야간에 오전 6시하고 닫습니다; 다른 사람들이 직원으로 주위의 시계하지만 한도 횡단 "긴급 인도주의"의 경우;
– movement restrictions vary from one checkpoint to another and always at Israel’s discretion; to pass, travelers must show proper ID or crossing permits; searches may be conducted; procedures are at the discretion and mood of soldiers; some checkpoints are for pedestrians only; others are restricted to commercial and public transportation. - 운동 제한을 따라 다릅니다 검문소를 다른 하나는 이스라엘의 재량에 항상;을 통과, 적절한 신분증이나 횡단 여행 허가를 보여 주어야합니다; 검색을 실시 수있습니다; 절차는 군인의 재량과 분위기를 표현하며 일부는 보행자 전용 검문소 ; 다른 사람들이 상업 및 공공 교통 기관으로 제한됩니다.
(3) so-called flying checkpoints; they’re temporary, may be erected anywhere, and remain for hours or longer; in recent years, they’ve increased in numbers - from a weekly average of 73 in late 2005 to 136 in 2006 to about 150 in 2007 and at times up to 200. (3) 그래서 - 불리는 비행 검문소; 그들은 일시적인 건립된 수있습니다 어디, 그리고 몇 시간 이상 남아;에서 최근 몇 년 동안, 그들의 숫자 증가 - 매주 평균 73에서 2006 년 후반 2005-136 타임스에 약 150의 2007 년 그리고 최대 200 개의합니다. Again, the pretext is security, their real aim is to harass, and no one does it better than Israelis. 또, 명분은 보안, 그들의 진짜 목적은 언어 폭력, 그리고 아무도는 그것보다 더 이스라엘합니다.
Consider the effects of all checkpoints. 의 모든 검문소에 미치는 영향을 고려합니다. Since September 2000, they’ve become “the main (source of) friction (between) Palestinians and Israeli security forces.” They generate tension, create uncertainty, deny or delay passage, humiliate and overall makes things intolerable. 2000 년 9 월 이후, 그들은 "주 (소스를) 마찰 (사이) 팔레스타인과 이스라엘의 보안 병력합니다."그들은 긴장을 생성를 작성 불확실성을 거부 또는 지연 통로, 창피와 전반적인 견딜 수없는이 일을합니다. They’re also degrading by demanding that males expose their upper bodies in public simply as a way to harass them. 그들은 또한 그들의 상단에 노출 남성 타락하여 몸을 요구하는 공공 장소에서 그들을 괴롭히는하는 방법을 간단하게합니다.
It gets worse by selective detentions in so-called “positions” - isolated holding areas for additional “security” checks that, in fact, are to punish and further humiliate; they can last hours, in exposed heat or cold, without food or water, and at times include physical abuse; many Palestinians are affected daily; Israel’s high command has full knowledge; the government does as well; nominal recommendations are made to stop it, yet abuse continues and few offenders are ever punished. 상황이 더 나빠지고 선택하여 방과 이렇게 -라는 "포지션"- 절연 지주 분야에 대한 "보안"검사를, 실제로는 더 창피를 처벌하고, 그들은 마지막 시간,이 노출 예선이나 감기, 음식도 물도없이 , 그리고 시간에는 신체적인 학대, 그러나 많은 영향을받는 팔레스타인 인은 매일; 이스라엘의 높은 명령은 완전한 지식; 정부는되지도; 명목 권장 사항은 내용을 그만, 아직 학대가 계속되고 몇 범죄자들은 적 처벌을합니다.
(4) the Separation Wall; in June 2002, Israel decided to build it; again the claim was security; in fact, it was separation and theft of over 10% of Palestinian land, including for-Jews only roads to connect settlements with Israel and other settlements; most of the Wall is completed; its planned length is 721 kilometers; only 20% of it lies along the Green Line; most of it runs deep inside the West Bank; near Jerusalem, it surrounds the Ma’ale Adumim settlements about 14 km into the West Bank on stolen Palestinian land; (4)의 분리 벽, 2002 년 6 월, 이스라엘 빌드하기로했다; 또 주장은 보안; 사실은, 분리 및 도난의 10 % 이상의 팔레스타인 땅 - 유대인 전용 도로를 포함하여 이스라엘과의 타협을 연결 및 기타 타협; 대부분의 장벽이 완료; 그 계획의 길이는 721km, 단지 20 %의 거짓말을 따라 그것의 녹색 라인; 대부분의 깊은 안쪽에 그것을 실행 요르단강 서안; 부근 예루살렘, adumim 타협을 둘러싸는 ma'ale 서쪽으로 14km에 대해 은행에 도난당한 팔레스타인 땅;
– its route creates two kinds of Palestinian enclaves - villages and farmland between the Wall and Green Line (in the “seam zone”) on the Israeli side of the barrier; another area comprises villages on the Palestinian side that are surrounded on three or more sides because of the route’s winding path or that the Wall meets roads on which Palestinian movement is forbidden or physical obstructions prevent it. - 그것은 팔레스타인 두 종류의 노선을 창조 enclaves - 마을과 벽 사이의 농지와 녹색 선 (에서 "이음새 지역")은 이스라엘의 측면의 장벽; 다른 지역 구성 마을을 포위하는 측면에서 3 개 이상의 팔레스타인 측면 때문에 불한 노선의 도로를 경로 또는 팔레스타인 운동을 충족하는 벽 또는 물리적 장애물을 막기위해 참여가 금지되어있습니다.
Physical restrictions and movement prohibitions give Israeli security forces more latitude, and they take full advantage through a fourfold layer of control: 육체적인 제한 사항 및 이스라엘의 보안 병력의 움직임 금지에게 더 많은 위도, 그리고 그들의 레이어 4 배 활용을 통해 제어 :
(1) by imposing a siege to completely or partially prevent Palestinians from crossing to or from a certain area as well as isolating the area from other parts of the West Bank; it’s done with physical obstructions to block access and force residents to pass through staffed checkpoints; closing off the area facilitates sweeping movement prohibitions on specific classifications of people by gender, age or place of residence; the IDF claims their “risk profile” makes them “potential terrorists;” targeting them by siege is a frequently used post-September 2000 tactic; large areas of the West Bank have been affected; their degree of harshness varies; and areas like the Jordan Valley, Area A and cities like Nablus, Jenin, Tulkarm and Hebron have been especially impacted. (1)를 부과 팔레스타인에서 a 포위를 완전히 또는 부분적으로 방지하기 횡단하거나 특정 지역에서 그 지역에서뿐만 아니라 다른 부분을 분리 요르단강 서안; 끝났다 주민과 물리적 장애물을 통과하고 강제로 접근을 차단 직원을 통해 검문소; 접근을 용이 따로 청소 운동이 지역의 특정 종류의 사람을 금지 성별, 연령이나 장소의 거주하며 클레임 idf 그들의 "위험 프로필"가 그들에게 "잠재적인 테러리스트;"타겟 그들의 포위가 자주 사용하는 게시물 - 2000년 9월 전술, 요르단강 서안으로 사용하는 장소에 큰 영향을 받았다고, 그들의 거친 정도를 다양하며 같은 분야 요르단 밸리, 부는 및 도시 같은 나블루스, 예닌, tulkarm과 헤브론에 영향이 특히합니다.
– in December 2001, the West Bank IDF commander signed the Proclamation Regarding the Closure of Area (Encirclement) (Area A); it classified it as a closed military area, was unlimited in duration and still remains in force; in April 2007, a separate order was issued for Nablus restricting entry to and exit from the city to certain checkpoints; again the army claims it’sa security measure “to prevent terrorists and materiel from leaving Palestinian towns in Judea and Samaria….” - 2007 년 12 월 2001 년 요르단강 서안 idf 사령관에 관한 선언에 서명을 폐쇄 구역 (포위) (구역);이 기밀로 폐쇄 군사 지역, 그리고 아직 남아있는 시간은 무제한의 힘, 2007 년 4 월에, 별도의 주문이 발급을 제한 항목을 나블루스 도시에서와 출구를 특정 검문소;을 다시 청구 이것 미 육군 보안 조치 "를 방지하기 자재에서 테러리스트와 팔레스타인 자치 지역을 떠나 유대와 사마리아…."
(2) the “seam zone;” Israelis say it’s the enclosed area between the Green Line and Separation Wall; when its first section was completed (in October 2003), the IDF declared this section a closed military area with entry into it forbidden; later areas may also be closed off, but even ones that aren’t will have severe movement restrictions the way they’re imposed throughout the West Bank; all Palestinians are affected; Jews and foreigners have permits permitting easy entry and exit. (2)의 "이음새 지대;"이스라엘 동봉된 영역하다고 할 수 있죠 벽 사이의 녹색 라인과 분리; 때 그 첫 번째 섹션이 완료 (2003 년 10 월)는이 섹션을 선언 idf 군사 지역으로 진입이 닫힌 금지된; 나중에 지역 폐쇄있을 수있습니다,하지만 심한 운동은하지 않는 것들도 제한을 부과하는 방법을 그들은 요르단강 서안;의 모든 팔레스타인의 영향; 유대인과 외국인은 허용 쉬운 입구와 출구를 사용합니다.
(3) prohibiting travel on certain roads for Jews only; on some roads, no Palestinian vehicles are allowed; on others, travel is allowed for ones with special permits; the Oslo Accords set the rules; most often (but not always), Palestinians may travel on Areas A and B roads but prohibited or restricted in Area C; they’re excluded from about 311 km of West Bank roads for Jews only; they connect settlements to Israel or other settlements. (3) 특정 도로에 대한 여행을 금지하는 유대인에서만 일부 도로, 아니오 팔레스타인 차량은 허용;이 다른 사람, 여행은 허용되는 것들과 특별 허가;은 오슬로 협정 규칙을 설정합니다; 자주 (항상 그런 것은 아니지만), 팔레스타인 a 둘째 수있습니다 지역 여행을 금지 또는 제한된 지역 도로를하지만 c; 그들은 요르단강 서안에서 제외된 도로를 위해 약 311km의 유대인에만 있지 않으며, 또는 다른 정착촌을 이스라엘 정착촌에 연결합니다.
– rules are so harsh and convoluted that further restrictions are imposed on some roads Palestinians may use; an example is forbidding Palestinian vehicles from crossing a road, requiring passengers to leave their vehicles on one side, cross on foot, and get other transportation on the other side; this creates great hardship, is only to harass, and in cases of passenger illness or mothers in labor it may be life-threatening; in addition, Israeli security forces have great enforcement latitude; orders are issued verbally, not in writing, and soldiers at checkpoints can pretty much do as they please, depending on their mood. - 규칙이 너무 복잡 엄격한과 팔레스타인이 더 제한이 부과되는 일부 도로를 사용할 수있습니다; 예제는 팔레스타인 금지 교차로에서 도로 차량, 여객을 떠날 필요로 그들의 차량은 한쪽에, 크로스 도보로, 당장에 다른 교통 수단 반대편; 이렇게하면 큰 어려움은 언어 폭력에만, 그리고 어머니로 인한 경우에는 승객이 질병이나 생명 - 위협하는 노동 할 수도있습니다; 또한, 이스라엘의 보안 병력의 좋은 집행 기관 위도; 주문이 발급 구두가 아닌 서면으로 검문소와 군인은 거의대로 수있습니다하시기 바랍니다에 따라 자신의 기분합니다.
(4) harsh travel laws act as deterrence; they impose high fines and/or insurance requirements; Palestinian violators are treated discriminatorily; and a high percentage of drivers are affected. (4) 혹독한 여행 법령의 역할 억지력 있지 않으며, 높은 벌금을 부과 및 / 또는 보험 요구 사항, 팔레스타인 위반자는 대우 discriminatorily;과 높은 비율의 드라이버가 영향을받는합니다.
To counter public criticism, Israel issued two selective easing measures; they help some Palestinians but tighten movement restrictions for others: 여론의 비판을 카운터, 이스라엘 두 개의 선택적 발급 완화 조치; 그들이 도움이 일부 팔레스타인 그러나 운동에 대한 제한을 강화 기타 :
(1) the permits regime; since 1991, Israel required Palestinians to have personal entry permits to enter its territory and East Jerusalem; after 1996, Palestinians also needed permits to enter West Bank jurisdictional areas; post-September 2000, rules were further tightened; some Palestinians must have permits to enter, remain in, or leave large areas inside the West Bank, including the “seam zone” and areas under siege; other permits are needed to arrange (passenger and commercial) vehicular checkpoint crossings; a limited number are allowed based on the capacity of security forces to inspect vehicles, goods and passengers; (1)이 허용 정권; 이후 1991 년, 이스라엘 필수 팔레스타인 영토를 개인과 동쪽 예루살렘을 입력 항목을 허용; 후 1996 년, 요르단강 서안 팔레스타인 관할 지역을 입력하면이 필요; 포스트 - 2000 년 9 월 규칙은 더 강화; 일부 팔레스타인 있어야합니다을 입력하면, 남아있는, 또는 떠나지 큰 영역 내부의 웨스트 뱅크를 포함하여 "이음새 지역"및 지역을 포위, 다른 허용을 필요로 정렬 (여객 및 상업용) 차량 검문소 횡단; 제한된 번호가 보안 병력의 용량을 기반으로 허용을 검사 차량, 물품 및 승객;
– B’Tselem lists nine different type permits for passenger vehicles - commercial ones; public ones for taxis and buses; movement in areas under encirclement; humanitarian ones; for permanent “seam zone” residents; for daily “seam zone” entry; “seam zone” entry for farming or work; and to enter the Jordan Valley; - 9 개 다른 종류를 사용에 대한 목록을 b'tselem 승용차 - 상업적인 것들; 공공 것들에 대한 택시와 버스; 운동의 분야에서 포위; 인도주의적인 것들;에 대한 영구적인 "이음새 지역"주민;를 매일 "이음새 영역"항목을; "이음새 지역 "항목이 농업이나 작업, 그리고 요르단 밸리를 입력합니다;
– movement restrictions and prohibitions are so onerous and for so many reasons that Israelis consider permits a privilege; for Palestinians, they’re essential to meet daily needs; West Bank District Coordination Offices (DCOs) issue them, but procedures are unclear and lack transparency; B’Tselem believes “two general and sweeping criteria must be met” to get one: - 운동 제한 및 금지은 너무 귀찮은 이유는 이스라엘과 너무 많은 권한을 고려하면;에 대한 팔레스타인, 그들은 중요한 역할을 충족 매일 필요가 요르단강 서안 지구 조정 사무소 (dcos) 문제 그들,하지만 절차가 불투명하고 투명성 결여 ; b'tselem 믿고 "2 일반 및 청소 기준을 충족해야합니다"와 함께 1 :
(a) “lack of ‘prevention,’ either for security or police-related reasons relating to the applicant,” and (가) "부족의 '예방,'중 하나 - 관련상의 이유로 보안이나 경찰에 관련된 출원,"
(b) having documents to show justification for the request. (나) 데 문서의 요청에 대한 정당성을 표시합니다.
Quotas exist in all cases; when they’re filled, many qualified residents are left out; in addition, other qualifying procedures exist but are unstated; ultimately DCO officials have total discretion in awarding or denying permits and can be pretty arbitrary about it; “seam zone” residents provide an example of what all Palestinians endure; to get a permit to their own home area, they must prove they reside there from their ID card address on the day the declaration of closed military area was made or in some other way show their center of life is there; those getting one are allowed entry via one checkpoint only; 모든 경우에 존재하는 것으로 할당량 때 그들이 채워진, 많은 자격을 주민들이 탈락; 또한, 기타 자격 수속이 존재하지만이 무언; dco 관계자들은 총 재량에 궁극적으로 수여하거나 임의의에 대해 상당히 부정 허가 및 수있습니다 그것; " 이음새 지역 "주민의 모든 팔레스타인 무엇을 제공 영속의 예입니다; 사러들이 자신의 홈페이지를 허용 지역, 그들은 그들이 거주 증명해야합니다 그들의 신분증 지점에서 해당 위치에있는 주소로 하루 폐쇄 군사 지역은 다음과 같은 선언문이나 다른 방법으로 만들어 보기 삶의 중심이; 한 검문소를 통해 이들 항목을 하나 사려고에서만 사용할 수있습니다;
(2) So-called “fabric of life” roads for Palestinians only; the West Bank’s main roads are only for Jews; initially, those for Palestinians passed through villages and city centers, but because of criticism an alternate plan was developed - creating a separate, contiguous road network running north-south in the West Bank; it’s based on separate levels in places where Israeli and Palestinian roads meet; bridges and interchanges achieve separation with Israelis able to travel on top at high speed; lower level “fabric of life” roads comprising 20% of the West Bank’s total are for Palestinians; elements of the plan have been implemented and “fabric of life” roads are being built; they represent another part of Israel’s repressive apartheid scheme. (2) 그래서 - 불리는 "직물의 인생"도로에 대한 팔레스타인에만하며 요르단강 서안의 주요 도로가에 대해서만 유대인; 초기에, 그 마을과 도시에 대한 팔레스타인을 통과 센터, 그러나 비판을 위해 대안을 개발 계획은 - 창조 별도의 북 - 남쪽으로 실행하는 연속적인 도로망 요르단강 서안; 그것은 별도의 수준에 따라 이스라엘과 팔레스타인 도로를 만나는 곳, 다리와 별거를 달성하기 이스라엘인 인터체인지를 여행 수있습니다 위에 고속; 낮은 수준 "구조의 인생"도로의 20 %를 구성 요르단강 서안의 총은 팔레스타인; 요소의 계획을 구현은, "직물의 인생"도로가 건설되고 있지 않으며, 또 다른 일부는 이스라엘의 억압적인 아파 르트 헤이트 방식 대표합니다.
Splitting the West Bank 분할 서방 은행
Article 13 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: 제 13 조이 1948 년 세계 인권 선언 상태 :
(1) “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. (1) "모든 사람은 운동과 거주의 자유를 수있는 권리를 각 상태의 경계합니다.
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” (2) 모든 사람은 떠날 수있는 권리를 어느 나라를 포함한 자신의, 그리고 자신의 나라로 돌아가려합니다. "
Israel is a serial international law and human rights abuser. 이스라엘이 연쇄 국제법과 인권 학대합니다. For Palestinians, it believes allowing free movement is a privilege, denying it is the norm, and actions no matter how outlandish require no explanation or justification. 에 대한 팔레스타인 자유 운동이 특권 수 있도록 믿고, 거절하는 것은 규범, 그리고 행동이나 정당이 아무리 이상한 설명을 필요로하지 않는다.
Israel divided the West Bank into three control areas - A, B and C. For purposes of restricting movement, it further split the Territory into six geographical units: 이스라엘 웨스트 뱅크로 나눠 3 개의 제어 분야 -, b을 받았어 제한하는 목적을위한 운동, 더 정밀하게 분할의 영토로 6 개의 지리적 단위 :
– North that includes the Jenin, Tulkarm, Tubas and Nablus districts, except for those in the Jordan Valley and Separation Wall enclaves; about 840,000 Palestinians lived in this area as of summer 2007; today the number is somewhat higher; - 북쪽이 포함되어있는 예닌, tulkarm, tubas 및 나블루스 지역을 제외하고, 이들은 요르단 계곡과 분리 벽 enclaves; 840000 팔레스타인에 대해 2007 년 여름의이 지역에 살고; 오늘의 숫자가 다소 높은;
– Central that includes the Salfit, Ramallah, and Jericho districts, except for parts in the Separation Wall enclaves; in summer 2007, the Palestinian population exceeded 400,000; - 중앙이 포함되어있는 salfit, 라말라, 그리고 여리고 지역을 제외한 부분의 분리 벽 enclaves;에서 2007 년 여름, 당신은 팔레스타인 인구를 초과 400000;
– South that includes the Hebron and Bethlehem districts, except for the northern Dead Sea and Separation Wall enclaves; Palestinians here number over 700,000; - 남쪽이 포함되어있는 헤브론과 베들레헴 지역을 제외하고, 사해의 북쪽 벽면과 분리 enclaves; 팔레스타인 인 이상 여기에 번호 700000;
– the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea that includes the eastern strip of the West Bank, except for Jericho and nearby refugee camps; the Palestinian population is around 10,000; - 사해 요르단 계곡과 북부를 포함하는 요르단강 서안 지구의 동쪽을 제외하고, 난민 캠프 및 주변 여리고;, 팔레스타인 인구는 약 10000;
– the Separation Wall-created “seam zone” and inside the West Bank “internal” enclaves; when the Wall is completed, the “seam zone” Palestinian population will number about 30,000; an additional 25,000 will be in “internal” enclaves; the “seam zone” also contains thousands of Palestinian farmland dunams (a dunam equals about one fourth of an acre) and 39 settlements; unlike the other geographical units, the enclaves are dozens of non-contiguous sections that are separated from the rest of the West Bank; and - 분리 벽 - 창조 "이음새 지대"와 내부의 웨스트 뱅크 "내부"enclaves; 벽이 완료되면, "이음새 지역"팔레스타인의 인구는 약 30000 번호;을 추가 25000 될 수있을거야 "내부"enclaves하며 "이음새 지역"도 포함되어 농지 수천 명의 팔레스타인 dunams (dunam 에이커의 4 분의 1에 대해 같음)와 39 타협;과는 달리 다른 지리적 단위를 enclaves - 연속적인 부분이 아닌 수십개의 분리가 서방의 나머지 부분 은행 및
– East Jerusalem that includes all the area Israel annexed in 1967 and is attached to the Jerusalem Municipality, except for the Shu’afat refugee camp and Kfar Aqeb that the Wall separates from the city; around 200,000 Palestinians live in this section. - 동 예루살렘의 모든 영역을 포함하고는 1967 년 합병 이스라엘 예루살렘에서 지자체에 부착된 경우를 제외하고는 난민 캠프 shu'afat 도시에서 분리 장벽을 kfar aqeb; 주위 200000 팔레스타인 인이 섹션에 살고있습니다.
All geographical units are constricted by Israel’s rigid control system explained above. 모든 지리적 단위는 이스라엘의 엄격한 통제 시스템을 수축 위의 설명했다. Below are the checkpoints that control movement from one section to another: 다음은 한 섹션에서 검문소를 다른 움직임을 제어 :
– Za’tara (Tupuah) Checkpoint controls North to Central sections movement; in addition, the IDF directs to this checkpoint all west and east traffic along the Trans-Samaria highway and from Route 60 from Nablus in the north and Ramallah in the southwest and south; Palestinians may generally pass freely heading north; those traveling south encounter ID and sometimes vehicle checks; delays are common; males aged 16 - 35 often aren’t allowed to go south. - za'tara (tupuah) 검문소 컨트롤을 북쪽으로 중앙 부분 운동; 또한, idf 지시 서쪽과 동쪽의 모든 트래픽을이 검문소 트랜스 - 사마리아 고속도로 및 국도를 따라 60에서 북한과 라말라에서 남서부에 나블루스, 남; 팔레스타인 북쪽으로 5 월 일반적으로 패스를 자유; 그 여행 남쪽 만남 아이디와 때로는 차량 점검; 지연은 일반적인; 남성 노인 16-35 종종 갈 남쪽은 허용되지 않습니다.
– Container Checkpoint almost totally controls movement between the South and Central sections; Border Police staff it round the clock; from 2002 to February 2007, passenger cars were prohibited without a special permit; it’s now cancelled; since September 2000, Palestinians have been prohibited from using Route 398 that runs from the checkpoint to the Ma’ale Adumim and Qedar settlements; Palestinians are diverted to other worn roads of nearby villages; Palestinian traffic passing through the checkpoint are subjected to lengthy delays and at times searches; when Israel declares a comprehensive closure, it applies to this checkpoint; it severs the southern West Bank from the rest of the Territory and requires Palestinians traveling to or from the South to do it by foot. - 컨테이너를 거의 완전히 통제 검문소 움직임 사이의 남부와 중부 섹션을; 국경 경찰의 직원이 24 시간, 2002 년 ~ 2 월 2007 년, 승용차는 특별한 허가없이는 금지됩니다; 이제 취소, 2000 년 9 월 이후, 팔레스타인이 루트 398의 사용 금지를 실행 qedar의 검문소와 타협을 ma'ale adumim; 팔레스타인은 마을 인근 우회 도로를 다른 착용; 팔레스타인 검문소를 통과 트래픽을 대상으로 장기 지연 및 때로는 검색을; 때 이스라엘 선언 종합 클로저, 그것의 제품에 적용됩니다이 검문소; 그것이 벌인 요르단강 서안에서 남부 지역의 나머지 부분을 요구 팔레스타인의 영토에서 남쪽으로 여행을하거나 도보로 해합니다.
– Tayasir, Hamra, Gittit and Yitav checkpoints control movement to and from the Jordan Valley. - tayasir, hamra, yitav 검문소 컨트롤 및 gittit 요르단 계곡에서 운동을하고있습니다. In May 2005, Israel instituted sweeping Palestinian movement prohibitions here, except for residents with ID cards and persons with special permits. 에서 2005 년 5 월, 이스라엘은 팔레스타인 운동기구 전면 금지 여기 주민과 신분증과 사람을 제외하고 특별한 허용합니다. They were cancelled in April 2007, it affects only pedestrians and those using public transportation (that also requires a permit), and applies only to the Tayasir and Hamra crossings. 그들은 2007 년 4 월에 취소, 저를 사용하여 보행자와 대중 교통 수단에만 영향을 미칩니다 (그것도 허용이 필요합니다), 그리고 tayasir 및 hamra를 횡단에만 적용합니다.
– Almog Checkpoint that controls movement to and from the northern Dead Sea; generally only Palestinians with work permits for nearby settlements and/or to enter Israel may pass; since May 2007, the latter category was cancelled. - almog 검문소를 제어 사해의 북쪽에서 운동을하고, 일반적으로 주변에만 타협에 대한 팔레스타인과 취업 비자 및 / 또는 이스라엘이 지나갈 수를 입력, 5 월 이후 2007 년, 후자의 범주가 취소합니다.
– the Separation Wall directs movement between the “seam zone” enclaves and the rest of the West Bank to several gates in the Wall; only Palestinians with special entry permits may pass; 38 gates are in place; only six operate daily from 12 to 24 hours continuously; 17 others open two or three times a day for 30 minutes to two hours; 13 additional ones operate during farming season; two other gates allow movement of residents of a few houses that are enclosed by the Wall and separated from their village; still other crossings are for Israeli travel between the West Bank and Israel; they operate round the clock. - 운동의 분리 벽 사이에 감독은 "이음새 지역"enclaves와 요르단강 서안의 나머지 부분에 여러 게이츠 벽;에만 팔레스타인과 특별 항목을 허용이 지나갈 수; 38 게이츠는 장소; 12-24 불과 6 일간 운영 영업 시간 지속적으로; 17 기타 열려 하루에 2 ~ 3 시간 30 분 ~ 2 시간, 13의 추가적인 것들 농업 시즌 동안 작동; 두 개의 다른 게이츠 움직임을 허용하는 주민들이 주택 몇 벽에 둘러싸인 그들의 마을과 분리; 다른 횡단 여행은 여전히 이스라엘의 요르단강 서안과 이스라엘 사이에 있지 않으며, 회전의 시계 작동합니다.
– the Separation Wall also directs movement between East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank; this section is called the “Jerusalem envelope” and has 12 checkpoints; crossing (permitted only through four of them) requires a valid ID and permit and submitting to stringent checks; they include exiting vehicles, having them searched, and passing through a revolving gate equipped with a metal detector; the remaining eight checkpoints are for settlers, Israeli residents and East Jerusalem Palestinians with Israeli IDs. - 지휘 운동의 분리 벽 사이에 또 동부 예루살렘과 요르단강 서안의 나머지 부분;이 섹션은 "예루살렘에서 봉투를"그리고는 12 검문; 교차로 (허용을 통해서만 그 중 4)를 사용하려면 유효한 아이디와 허가증을 제출하는 방법 엄격한 검사; 그것은 다음을 포함 종료 차량, 그녀들이 수색, 그리고 일종의 회전 게이트를 통과 갖춘 휴대용 금속 탐지기;의 나머지 8 개 이주민 검문소는 이스라엘 예루살렘에서 팔레스타인과 이스라엘의 신분증 주민과 동쪽합니다.
In addition to area to area restrictions, Israel tightens them further with others within areas by breaking them into sub-areas and controlling movement between them. 이외에 영역을 지역 제한, 지역 시간을 다른 사람들과 이스라엘을 파괴함으로써 더 탄력을 그들을 그들을 그 사이에 운동 서브 - 지역 및 제어합니다. Nablus in the North is separated from nearby villages and from other northern West Bank districts. 북한이 분리 나블루스 인근의 다른 마을과 요르단강 서안 지구 북부합니다.
The Nablus area includes the city, three refugee camps and 15 villages that contain over 200,000 Palestinians combined. the 나블루스 지역에는 도시, 3 개 이상이 포함된 난민 캠프와 15 마을 200000 팔레스타인 결합합니다. It’s been under siege for seven years; entry and exit is through four surrounding checkpoints; passage through them entails stringent personal and vehicle checks, including for all merchandise in both directions; and special permits are required for passenger vehicle entry. 7 년간의 공격이 지났; 입구와 출구는 4 개의 주변 지역의 체크 포인트를 통해; 통과 그들을 하드 엄격한 개인 및 차량 점검을 포함하는 모든 제품에 대한 쌍방향 및 승용차 항목을위한 특별 허가가 필요합니다.
Collective Nablus movement prohibitions are harsh and unique in the Territory. 나블루스 운동을 금지하고 독특한 집단의 영토는 가혹합니다. Males between 16 and 35 are especially affected, but they overall disrupt life for everyone. 영향을받은 남성 사이 16 그리고 18은 특히,하지만 그들 모두들 전반적인 생활을 방해합니다. The restricted male population alone affects 26,000 persons. 혼자가 제한된 남성 인구 26,000 명 영향을 미칩니다. If the age is lowered to 15, it rises to 36,000, and if females are included (as sometimes happens) it totals 73,000. 나이가를 낮춘 경우에는 15 일, 그것 상승으로 36000, 그리고 만약 여성이 포함되어있습니다 (로 때로는 일이)의 합계 73000. This group is the area’s main work force, its entire economic life depends on them, and prohibiting their movement brings it to a halt. 이 그룹은이 지역의 주요 작품 힘, 그들의 모든 경제 생활에 따라 달라집니다, 그리고 그들의 운동 금지를 중단 이걸 가져 왔 다니….
When it’s in force, siege conditions vary by checkpoint for those allowed through. 에서가되었을 때, 힘, 그 허용에 대한 포위를 통해 검문소 조건에 따라 달라집니다. The two main Beit Iba and Huwara ones inflict the longest and most burdensome delays and restrictions. 도어 벨트 다른 사람과 사람의 두 가지 주요 huwara 최장 지연 및 제한 사항 및 대부분의 부담합니다. In addition, all persons having a “risk profile” because of age are forbidden to leave the area and need a “movement permit in area under encirclement” if they want to exit. 또한, 모든 사람은 참 "위험 프로필"나이 때문에 그 지역을 필요로 떠날를 금지합니다 "아래 상자에 넣는 지역 운동 허용"만일 그들이 원하는를 종료합니다. However, it’s not easy getting one with a convoluted system in place that requires a party permitted to cross to apply for persons who aren’t and even they can’t do it easily. 그러나, 그게 쉽지가 않아요 복잡한 시스템을 하나 사려고 장소를 필요로하는 사람을 신청할 파티를 횡단 허용하고 심지어 그들은 쉽게 할 수 없다. In addition, permits aren’t issued for “ordinary” needs, such as work, family visits or school. 또한, 발급 허용되지 않습니다 "일반적으로"이 필요와 같은 작품, 가족 방문이나 학교. Those considered are only for “humanitarian” reasons like needed medical care. 이러한 생각은 "인도적"같은 이유로 의료를 필요로합니다. Few overall are issued. 몇 전체가 발급합니다.
The Nablus siege also restricts movement in the Jenin Tulkarm and Tubas districts. the 나블루스 포위 및 tubas tulkarm 또한 예닌 지역에서 움직임을 제한합니다. Nablus is vital for them and for years was the West Bank’s economic and industrial center. 그리고 몇 년 동안의 사활이 그들을 위해 나블루스은 요르단강 서안의 경제와 산업 센터합니다. Now these districts are separated, and major roads between them are blocked. 이제는이 지구는 분리, 그리고 그 사이에 주요 도로가 차단합니다. In the past, traveling from Jenin to Nablus took about 40 minutes on the main road. 과거에는 여행을 나블루스 예닌에서 중앙 도로를 약 40 분 데려합니다. It now takes one to three hours on narrow, winding roads plus a long wait at one of the Nablus area checkpoints. 이제는 1~3시간에 좁고 긴 기다려 불한 도로를 더하기 나블루스 지역에서 검문 중 하나를합니다.
Over the past two years especially, accessing Nablus has been hard and complicated for villagers located to its north. 지난 2 년간 특히, 마을의 액세스에 대한 나블루스가 복잡하게 공부하고 그 북쪽에 위치해있습니다. Checkpoint access is limited, some are closed to traffic, and those that operate have delays running up to hours. 검문소 액세스 권한이 제한된, 또 다른 일부는 통행금지, 그리고 그들이 지연으로 작동하는 최대 시간을 실행합니다. In addition, soldiers at times block road traffic for several hours, no advance notice is given, and it causes undue hardship for travelers having to wait or use alternate routes. 또한, 몇 시간 동안 병사 때로 블록 도로 교통, 지역 사전에 통지이 부여하고 기다리는 데로 인해 여행객에 대한 부당한 고난이나 다른 경로를 사용합니다. The IDF is also at times punitive. 때로 the idf는 징벌적합니다. It sets up indiscriminate flying checkpoints, uses them for punishment, and makes it harsher with instances of violence and confiscation of permits and identity cards that can only be redeemed at a permanent checkpoint that may or may not be operating. 무차별적인 비행이 검문소를 설정, 사용 그들을 처벌, 그리고 폭력과 몰수의 인스턴스가 그것의 사용과 엄격한과 정체성 카드를 상환에만 수있는 상설 검문소를 운영하는 중이거나 그렇지 않을 수있습니다.
The Central Section splitting caused much the same type hardships. 중앙 부분의 동일한 유형별로 분할 어려움을 발생합니다. It created two principal sub-areas around Salfit and Ramallah. 2 개의 주요 서브 - 주변이 만들어 salfit과 라말라합니다. It detached some of these cities’ villages and separated them from their residents’ farmland. 그것 분리 이들 중 어떤 도시 '마을과 분리된에서 그들을 그들의 주민의 농지합니다.
After the IDF blocked Salfit’s main entrance road from the north, alternate routes became necessary, and they lengthened travel times considerably. idf salfit의 메인 입구 도로 후 북쪽에서 차단, 대체 경로가 필요, 그리고 여행 시간이 매우 길어집니다. It created great hardship for travelers who rely on Nablus for basic services and also for villagers who are blocked from their farmland. 여행에 큰 어려움이 만들어 나블루스에 의존 누구를위한 기본 서비스와 또한 그들의 농지에서 마을 사람이 차단됩니다. Sixty-six thousand people are affected. 66,000명의 영향합니다.
It’s even worse for the 300,000 Ramallah district residents in a city that’s the West Bank’s seat of government because Israel denies East Jerusalem that status. 니생각보다 300000 라말라 지역 주민의 도시에서 정부의 그것은 요르단강 서안의 좌석이 상태 때문에 이스라엘 예루살렘에서 동쪽을 거부합니다. In addition, after undo restrictions and hardships caused many Palestinian entrepreneurs to leave Nablus and the northern West Bank, Ramallah developed into the Territory’s cultural and economic center. 또한, 제약과 어려움을 취소 후 원인을 떠나 기업가 많은 팔레스타인 요르단강 서안 나블루스와 북부, 라말라의 영토의 문화 및 경제 센터로 발전합니다. Obstructions, checkpoints and the Separation Wall demarcate the area and combined make movement just as hard as throughout the rest of the West Bank. 장애물, 검문하고이 지역의 분리와 결합을 구분하는 벽에 운동의 나머지 부분을 최대한 단지 요르단강 서안합니다.
It’s the same for Jericho’s 40,000 residents. 그것은 동일합니다 40,000 여리고의 주민합니다. In addition, for 10,000 of them in the north in the besieged Jordan Valley, they’re separated from the city, and for those in the east there’s another obstacle - 19 km of trenches and land east of it that’sa closed military area. 또한, 북한의 10000의 공간에서 그들을 포위 요르단 계곡, 그들은 도시에서 분리, 그리고 이들의 동쪽에 해당 또 다른 장애물 - 19 킬로미터를 참호 동쪽의 그것과 토지 이것은 폐쇄 군사 지역합니다.
The South section’s splitting has been less conspicuous, but it hasn’t made movement easier. 남부 섹션의 분할이 적은 뚜렷하게, 그러나, 그것은 쉽게 이루어지지 않아 이동합니다. Most notably since September 2000, have been restrictions in Route 60’s southern section that runs the entire length of the southern West Bank and is this subsection’s principal roadway. 특히 2000 년 9 월 이후, 1960 년대 남부 노선이 제한 구역의 전체 길이를 실행하는 요르단강 서안과 남부 지역의 주요 도로는이 하위합니다. Access roads to the Route are now blocked, over time some have been eased, but use of the road remains limited. 접속 경로는 현재의 도로를 차단 시간의 경과가 일부 완화했지만 도로의 사용은 제한합니다.
Most harmed are residents in towns and villages in Hebron’s southern area. 마을과 마을 주민 대부분의 피해는 헤브론의 남부 지역합니다. To reach the city, they must use long, winding, beat-up roads that are no substitute for decent ones. 이 도시에 도달, 그들을 사용해야합니다 길고 불한을 깨버 -을 도로를 대신할 수없습니다 살만한 것들이있습니다. Once the Separation Wall is completed east of the Efrat and Gush Atzion settlements, Route 60’s northern quarter in the South section will be on the Wall’s Israeli side and completely off-limits to Palestinians. 동쪽으로의 분리 벽이 완료된 후 efrat 및 홍수 atzion 타협, 노선 60의 북쪽에있을 분기 남부 섹션에서는 이스라엘의 장벽은 팔레스타인 인 측면과 완전히 따로 - 한계가있습니다. As a result, Bethlehem will be separated from Jerusalem as well as the main road to Hebron with all the hardships that will create. 그 결과, 베들레헴은 예루살렘에서 분리의 주요 도로를 헤브론뿐만 아니라 그 모든 고난이 될 것으로 보입니다.
Consider how they affect Hebron. 그들이 어떻게 헤브론에 영향을 고려해야합니다. It’s the only Palestinian West Bank city (other than East Jerusalem that Israel annexed in 1967) with an Israeli settlement in its center. 그것이 유일한 팔레스타인 요르단강 서안 도시 (동부 예루살렘을 이스라엘이 아닌 1967 년 합병)를 중심 정착에 대한 이스라엘합니다. Because of it, the IDF created a contiguous strip of land through the city over which Palestinian vehicles are prohibited. 이 때문에, 연속적인 스트립 idf 만들어 팔레스타인 제어할 수있는이 도시의 토지를 통해 차량이 금지됩니다. It runs from the Kiryat Arba settlement in the east to the Palestinian Tel Rumeida neighborhood in the west, and in many sections along its center, Palestinian pedestrians are banned. 그것을 실행에 합의에서 동쪽으로 kiryat arba 팔레스타인 전화 번호 rumeida 동네에서 서쪽으로, 그리고 대부분의 섹션을 따라 그 센터, 팔레스타인 보행자는 금지합니다. The main Shuhada Street is most affected. 의 주요 shuhada 거리는 대부분의 영향을받은합니다. In addition, the strip blocks Hebron’s main north-south artery harming the entire Palestinian population. 또한, 북 - 남 동맥 스트립 블록 헤브론의 메인 팔레스타인의 전체 인구를 조작할합니다.
Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea restrictions involve the use of Route 90 that runs the entire length of the section. 요르단 사해 계곡과 북부의 사용을 제한이 참여의 길이를 90 번 도로 구역의 전체를 실행합니다. Israel operates five checkpoints here for control. 이스라엘의 검문을 보시려면 여기를 관리 운영하고 5 개. Only public transportation and vehicles with special permits may pass. 특별한 허가 유일한 대중 교통 수단과 차량이 지나갈 수있습니다. That frees the Route for settlers and Israelis traveling between Jerusalem and the Beit She’an Valley, the Sea of Galilee, or the Galilee area in the north. 여행 루트에 대한 석방과 이스라엘 정착민이 예루살렘과 벨트 사이에 she'an 밸리, 갈릴리 바다의, 또는 갈릴리 지역의 북쪽합니다. It also allows the IDF to use large Jordan Valley sections as fire-exercise zones and close off much of their water and grazing areas to Palestinians. 또한 대형 요르단 계곡을 사용 idf 섹션을 사용하면 화재 - 운동 영역과 주변으로 그들의 물, 방목 영역을 따로 많은 팔레스타인합니다.
Dozens of non-contiguous “seam-zone” enclaves are also affected. 수십 아닌 - 연속적인 "이음새 - 지역"enclaves도 영향을받습니다. The Separation Wall separates them by winding back and forth between the Green Line and deep into the West Bank. 분리의 분리 벽 사이에 그들의 태엽을 앞뒤로 요르단강 서안의 녹색 라인과 깊이로합니다. They all contain Palestinian farmland on the barrier’s Israeli side. 그들은 모두를 포함 장벽은 팔레스타인의 이스라엘의 측면에서 농지합니다. Some also include villages where 30,000 Palestinians live. 30000 팔레스타인 마을이 어디에 살고 일부도 포함합니다. Because they aren’t connected, crossing from one subsection to another at best is hard and at worst impossible. 때문에 그들은 안 연결되어있는 경우, 하위 섹션을 다른 기껏해야 한 교차로에서 그리고 최악의 어려운 불가능합니다. It forces travelers to cross the Wall twice with all the hardships that entails. 여행자를 횡단 세력과 그것을 두 번 벽에 하드의 모든 고난을합니다. Further, since permits are for one enclave only, entering another one requires a second permit. 또한, 이후에만 허용은 한 국외자, 또 하나를 입력 필요로 두 번째를 허용합니다.
The Separation Wall then can be divided into five sections plus the Jerusalem area, and each one contains separate enclaves. 의 분리 장벽을 나눌 수있습니다 5 개의 섹션을 더하기 예루살렘 지역, 그리고 각각 별도의 enclaves 포함합니다. Combined they form a crazy quilt isolation pattern with physical obstacles and human repression used against a defenseless civilian population. 그들이 양식을 결합 누비이불 절연 패턴을 미친 인간의 억압과 물리적 장애물과 민간 인구 무방비 상태에 대해 사용됩니다.
Internal community and farmland enclaves are affected as well but not by having to pass through the Wall or obtain permits. 내부 지역 사회와 농지 enclaves의 영향도 아닌 벽을 통과하게함으로써 또는 포획 허용합니다. However, roads that used to connect them have been closed making travel times longer and more complicated. 그러나, 이들이 도로를 연결을 사용 긴 여행 시간을 폐쇄하고 더 복잡합니다. When completed, the Wall’s route will create 13 non-contiguous internal enclaves for about 240,000 Palestinians in dozens of towns and villages. 이 완료되면 13 아닌 벽면의 노선이 될 것으로 보입니다 - 240000 팔레스타인에 대한 연속적인 내부 enclaves에 대한 수십개의 마을과 마을을합니다.
East Jerusalem is the final section. 예루살렘에서 동쪽의 마지막 부분이있습니다. Israeli Arabs with identity cards may move about fairly freely with one notable exception. 아랍과 이스라엘의 공정에 대한 정체성 카드를 자유롭게 이동할 수있습니다 한 주목할만한 예외가있습니다. It’s the use of temporary checkpoints (so-called “collection” ones) to collect resident tax debts. 이것은 사용의 임시 검문소 (그래서 - 불리는 "컬렉션"것들)를 수집하는 주민세 채무합니다. They operate a few hours at a time on main neighborhood roads where Israeli Police (usually Border Police) provide security along with tax officials to do the collecting. 그들은 한 번에 몇 시간을 운영하는 주요 인근 도로에서 이스라엘 경찰 어디에 (일반적으로 국경 경찰)을 제공 세무 당국과 함께 보안 방법을 모집합니다. Police stop cars, collectors do the rest, but never to Jerusalem’s Jewish residents. 경찰의 정지 자동차, 수집하지 나머지는, 그러나 예루살렘의 유대인 거주자를하지 않기로합니다.
Harm to Palestinians’ Fabric of Life 팔레스타인 인들에게 해를 '직물의 삶
West Bank separation and division inflicts great harm to Palestinians’ fabric of life in the short and longer term. This section examines how.
First consider health as a fundamental human right and how restricting movement affects it. Ill persons needing treatment are greatly impeded reaching medical centers. The quality and availability of service is hampered as well by delaying or restricting physicians and staff. First aid crews also aren’t able to reach the sick and injured quickly. Even when situations aren’t life threatening, movement restrictions increase morbidity chances and may shorten a life span.
Overall, West Bank Palestinians have limited or no access to medical care, and residents of villages and outlying areas are most gravely affected. Then consider so-called “risk profile” people being denied passage through checkpoints. Another example is persons needing a permit for access to Jerusalem hospital treatment. To get one, patients must provide medical documents testifying to their illness and confirming their appointment at a specific hospital.
The situation is especially problematic for pregnant women when their time to deliver approaches and their hospital is in Jerusalem. Permits are valid only for one or two days, as it is for all ill persons, but the moment when it’s needed is uncertain. They must thus be continually renewed, and there are times when it’s impossible. It thus forces mothers to give birth at checkpoints because they’re denied passage through them.
In 1996, the Physicians for Human Rights petitioned the State Attorney’s office for relief and nominally got it - to allow passage through checkpoints without permits in cases of medical emergency so ill persons can be treated. All checkpoint locations are supposed to comply, but it turns out they don’t. Soldiers don’t treat Palestinians kindly, are unresponsive to their needs, and are untrained medically to recognize emergencies.
Patients encounter other obstacles as well. Their travel is slowed by having to use long, winding and worn roads; they’re sometimes blocked causing long delays; they have no access to ambulances or other transportation; must pass through checkpoints when they do or by foot; be up against closed ones; be forced to wait at open ones; and undergo searches.
These problems make people more dependent on first aid that can’t cope in emergency cases where special expertise is required. At times, long distances are involved, and when need is greatest, it means lives are endangered. This is what Palestinians endure daily.
Movement restrictions also affect hospitals, especially East Jerusalem ones that are considered the OPT’s best because they provide services unavailable elsewhere in the Territories. East Jerusalem’s separation from the rest of the West Bank and needing a permit to enter is the problem. It affects staff and patients with the situation at al-Makassed Hospital typical. Twelve of its workers live outside the city and are classified “prevented entry.” They have no permits. Even workers with them face long checkpoint delays or their closure when Israel wishes.
Restricting free movement also impacts health care professionals from developing their skills through in-service training. Students as well are affected, are unable to complete their studies or receive a lower professional training degree. It places Palestinians needing medical care in a hopeless situation. They’re unable to move freely or receive expert care if they can.
B’Tselem’s report is on the West Bank. Gaza is another matter, and since Israel’s June 2007 siege, 130 in the Territory have died because they couldn’t be treated. Their deaths are in addition to the hundreds of others from near daily incursions that continue without letup.
Movement restrictions also greatly affect the OPT’s economy and trade. Post-September 2000, it’s been in deep depression. GDP has declined around 40%, unemployment stands at about 80%, and the poverty level is punishing. It’s how Israel and Washington planned it to bring the Territories to their knees and demand surrender as the price for relief.
At present, look how working conditions and transport of goods are affected. Palestinians could once travel freely outside their communities to jobs. No longer, and many lost out and have no means of employment. Employers as well are affected. They lost workers, had to scale back their operations or shut them down entirely.
The same hardships apply to transporting goods. They can no longer move freely, permits are required, they’re hard to get, travel times are longer even with them, at much greater cost, and an example is trade between Nablus and Ramallah. The cost is fourfold what it was in 2002, the result is greatly reduced trade, it’s forced merchants to concentrate more on their own communities and those nearby, and the result is far less commerce overall that severely impacts everyone.
Here’s what’s involved to move goods between Nablus and East Jerusalem:
– permits are needed;
– a quota restricts the number;
– goods allowed to be transported endure the so-called “back-to-back” method; at point of shipment they’re loaded; then stopped at a checkpoint; unloaded; inspected by mechanical scanner, manually, and/or by dogs; they’re then reloaded on another truck for delivery;
– damage is frequent because of extra handling and Israelis aren’t too gentle about it;
– delays are the rule and they’re costly;
– transport requires passing through other checkpoints and repeating the whole procedure again that may be more or less stringent depending on the whims of inspectors;
– when the Separation Wall is completed, transport will be even harder and its cost greater.
Tourism is also affected. Between the Oslo Accords and September 2000, cities like Bethlehem were desired destinations. No longer because of difficulties getting there and how hard it is to move around. The result is privately owned tourist sites throughout the West Bank have closed or have greatly cut back. An example is the Barahameh family’s park in al-Badhan, a village 10 km north of Nablus. Getting there from Ramallah means passing through four permanent checkpoints plus whatever flying ones are up for the day. The result is wasted hours to spend a day at the park, and most tourists won’t do it.
Small businesses like stores, souvenir shops and restaurants are also impacted. Many close down or operate at a fraction of their former levels. A World Bank West Bank report cites movement restrictions and their costs as two major obstacles affecting a healthy Palestinian economy.
They affect farming as well in areas like the Jordan Valley and “seam zone.” Agriculture is an important source of Palestinians’ income. Farmers need permits for it in these areas. Many are denied and their livelihoods destroyed or greatly impacted. Farm workers are also affected. They, too, need permits, but even having them means putting up with long travel times and exhausting days. Many workers won’t do it it so farmers lose a vital work force and the ability to grow their crops productively.
Farmer and merchant Husni Muhammad ‘Adb a-Rahman Sawafteh is an example of what others like him endure:
– he lives, works and farms in Tubas; he and his brothers have a house and 250 dunams of land in Bardala, a northern Jordan Valley village; they also have livestock;
– to reach Bardala, they must pass through Tayasir checkpoint; doing it involves “much difficulty;” it affects their workers as well;
– to sell their produce, they need to reach Bardala, but the hardship forces Sawafteh to manage things by phone; it’s inadequate because it’s vital to be current on prices and dealer payments that requires being in Bardala to do it;
– sometimes he can’t be for a month; the result is dealers send “payment on account” and pay less than the amount owed; their back due debts accumulate; being there is essential to handle things; when he can’t do it, he hasn’t enough money for materials to fertilize the land and grow crops;
– caring for the livestock is another problem; they need daily care; Sawafteh had to build a new Tubas farm to do it, but it was lacking; Tubas hasn’t enough grazing land so the flock can’t do it daily as they need to; he thus has to buy them food; it’s an additional expense he can’t afford;
– he and other farmers have an additional problem as well; they need permits for themselves but also for their tractors and farm vehicles; it forces most of them to go long distances on foot or donkeys;
– it also restricts what crops can be grown; restrictions forced farmers like Sawafteh to forgo higher revenue-generating ones like tomatoes and cucumbers and switch to less labor intensive ones like wheat;
– some farmers give up altogether and let their land lie fallow rather than risk economic failure or work under onerous conditions.
Family and social life are also affected. Palestinian community life is based on extended familial ties even though members don’t often live in the same towns and villages. Movement restrictions and inability to get permits prevent their ability to see each other, and it’s especially felt in the “seam zone,” Jordan Valley and Nablus under siege.
Ni’ma ‘Ali Salameh Abu Sahara from Nablus is a case in point:
– her daughter married and moved to the Jordan Valley;
– no one has been able to see her, not even during holidays, because “the army doesn’t let us cross the Hamra checkpoint;”
– she wasn’t able to visit her first grandson and only saw him two months after his birth when her daughter visited her;
– her daughter just had a second child by Caesarean section; Abu Sahara went to the checkpoint to get through to see her; soldiers refused to let her pass; she begged them; they still refused; Abu Sahara “went home and cried.”
This story and many others like it are commonplace, and it’s caused the splitting up of nuclear families. Students leave parents to be near school. Wage earners and tradesmen leave families to be close to work. The ill live in cities to be near essential medical care facilities. From the time they leave homes to whenever they try to return, they encounter problems. For most Palestinians, they’re painful to impossible.
Restrictions prevent routine family gatherings as well as special ones like weddings, funerals, and caring for the sick. Palestinians once could take vacations, and a favorite spot was the northern Dead Sea area with its 25 km of coastline. No longer. The ‘Ein Fascha nature reserves there (one of the most popular recreational sites) are now operated by Israel’s Nature Reserves and Parks Authority for Jews only.
Movement restrictions affect all facets of daily life, including basic services and law enforcement - urban infrastructure, social services, mail, governance, rescue operations, electricity and gas, water, and locally-based security. When breakdowns occur and repairs are needed or other vital services have to be performed, district government employees get no preferential treatment crossing checkpoints to handle them. The result is long delays fixing essential public services or dealing with problems like medical emergencies.
“Fabric of life” roads for Palestinians are also affected, including the way they were built. They’re on expropriated private land, inefficiently use public property, and take other Palestinian land for the Separation Wall. An example is a road Israel built between the village of Shufa (south of Tulkarm) and a-Ras, northeast of the Sal’it settlement. Israel took village lands for it - from Far’on, a-Ras and ‘Izbat Shufa. To connect the two district seats, Israel seized private land, destroyed olive and citrus orchards on them, asked no permission to do it, and paid no compensation for the losses.
Israel unilaterally chooses routes for new roads, Palestinians’ interests aren’t considered, and injuries and losses they incur get no redress. They’re also harmed in other ways. Roads often demarcate villages, they limit their ability to build and expand for their growing populations, their costs outweighs their benefits, the harm affects whole communities, and it’s long-term.
Restrictions on Free Movement from the Perspective of International Law
Besides Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international humanitarian law, the UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is very clear about free movement. Its Article 12 states:
1. “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within the territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.
2. Everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own.
3. The above-mentioned rights shall not be subject to any restrictions except those which are provided by law, are necessary to protect national security, public order, public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others, and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Covenant.
4. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.”
Besides legitimate national security and military necessity, restricting free movement must meet another requirement - proportionality. Under Israeli administrative law as well, the state must prove the legitimate necessity of restrictions, that security can’t be achieved by less harmful means, and that the end result justifies the cost under international law. The UN Human Rights Committee states that the principle of proportionality requires that movement restrictions be incorporated in clear and justifiable legislation. Failure to do so violates international law under which Israel is accountable.
Israel claims justification for its occupation policies - that they’re vital to secure its West Bank settlers as well as Israelis traveling on the Territory’s roads. Clearly, the threat is real, but unasked is why. It’s because of Israel’s longstanding belligerency forcing Palestinians to respond in self-defense and at times take Israeli lives. There’s no secret how to stop it, but Israel abjures - stop attacking Palestinians so they stop fighting back. Long ago it was that way before Palestine became Israel. Arabs and Jews lived peacefully at a time the population imbalance heavily favored Palestinians and the great Jewish immigration wave hadn’t begun.
Today, it’s another matter, Israel manufactures its own security problem, then unjustifiably claims the right to react, and in the process, inflict great harm on a mostly-civilian population. Its actions are unrelated to security, are entirely political and stem from its annexation aims - to seize the West Bank’s most valued areas, remove the Palestinian population, and resettle them in isolated cantons unconnected to the others except by a crazy quilt patchwork of obstructive checkpoints, barriers, and hard to traverse road network.
Israel acts illegally on occupied lands, and its draconian restrictions follow as a result. They’re less for security and mainly to let settlers (on stolen land) move around freely. They’re heavily protected, isolated from their Arab neighbors, able to travel on for-Jews only roads, live in Jewish-only communities, and get all the conveniences of a modern state that denies them to non-Jews in a country claiming to be a model democracy.
All West Bank settlements are illegal under international law. So is the main road network forbidden to Palestinians that’s built on annexed land. Israel’s justifications are unfounded. Security is a non-starter. So is the claim that it’s to protect against terrorist attacks that are, in fact, self-defense measures in an unfair fight. Palestinians are matched against the world’s fourth most powerful military that flexes its muscles by attacking civilians and claims its occupation is just. International law says otherwise, but Israel ignores it.
It also acts disproportionately. It fails the test by all measures:
– there’s no rational connection between the harm restrictions cause and Israel’s declared security objective; independent security and human rights experts concur on this; their view is that there’sa converse relationship between restrictions imposed and security desired; the greater the former, the less of the latter;
– a second failure is the lack of an alternative that causes less harm to achieve a security goal; in some instances, Israel admitted it hasn’t used other methods that would have caused less harm; the Separation Wall is the clearest example of a measure causing great harm with little payback except for confiscated land; after that, the Wall is purely punitive and the Palestinian response justifiable anger;
– a third failure is the lack of a proper relationship between the harm caused and security benefit gained; whatever reasons Israel claims for its policy, it must still justify that it acted in proper proportion to the benefit achieved; sweeping and protracted West Bank restrictions clearly fail the test; they affect all aspects of Palestinians’ lives, infringe on their human rights and deny them the right to family life, health, education, work, and all else Israelis take for granted and get; and in cases of Nablus under siege, the effects are much worse on a locked-down population; there’s no justification for causing so much harm for whatever benefits Israel claims to be getting; they’re disproportionately way out of whack.
Israel also imposes its might without military legislation or written orders. For measures this far-reaching and causing so much harm, orders are merely passed down the chain of command verbally with lots of latitude on their implementation on the ground no matter how harsh. Such a system begs for abuse, and that’s exactly what happens repeatedly.
Without official restrictions in writing, it’s near impossible to monitor how the IDF administers them or judge what’s right or wrong. By its policy, Israel has, in fact, given the army unlimited latitude, made it unaccountable, and instituted a system guaranteed to punish and abuse.
Under international humanitarian law, it’sa system of strictly prohibited collective punishment. Article 50 of the Hague Regulations states: “No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, shall be inflicted upon the population on account of the acts of individuals for which they cannot be regarded as jointly and severally responsible.”
Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention also states: “No protected person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited.” The UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (quoted above) concurs. So do all independent human rights experts.
Israel claims it acts to deter, not collectively punish, but evidence on the ground proves otherwise. The vast majority of Palestinians affected are innocent civilians, they’re suspected of nothing, they’re made to endure great suffering, and Israel’s actions have been imposed continuously and repressively for over seven and a half years plus the punitive effects of 41 years under occupation.
These are actions of one ethnic group against another, thus constituting another international law violation. It’s prohibited by the 1966 (UN General Assembly-adopted) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination that Israel ratified in 1979. Article 1.1 defines racial discrimination as follows:
“Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent, or national origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.”
Article 5(d)(1) gives every person the right of free movement within the borders of the state without discrimination. Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits all measures that discriminate solely on the basis of race, color, sex, language, religion, or social origin. Israel violates all of the above. Its claims otherwise hold no water and are, in fact, convoluted. It denies legitimate citizens their legal rights on their own land, but provides preferential treatment for illegal settlers in stark breach of the law.
Conclusion
Israel’s repressive measures force West Bank Palestinians to live in a constant state of uncertainty, prevent them from making plans, deny them their basic rights, harm them when emergencies arise, and overall consign their lives to the will and whims to an illegal occupier.
Beyond the immediate harm that’s considerable, the West Bank’s geographical division causes severe long-term detriment to the entire Palestinian fabric of life - affecting their economic, political and social welfare. The result is an entire nation locked down, punished for being unwanted and in the way, and denied their right of self-determination and free movement on their own land.
Israel’s justification is fraudulent on its face, yet goes unchallenged by the world community as well as by neighboring Arab states. Shamefully and willfully, they turn a blind eye to a human calamity they won’t confront and denounce publicly as illegal and unacceptable.
B’Tselem has no such hesitancy. It ends its report by calling on Israel to:
– “immediately remove all the permanent and sweeping restrictions on movement inside the West Bank (including the Separation Wall ruled illegal by the International Court of Justice). In their place, Israel should” protect its citizens along the Green Line and inside the Jewish state according to the rule of law;
– “act immediately to evacuate all the settlements in the West Bank. Until this is done, Israel” has every right to protect its settlers security, but not to the detriment of the Palestinian people who are the lawful occupants of their own land; and
– “verify, before any temporary restriction….is approved (while settlements remain in place),” that it’s “needed for a legitimate security purpose and that the resultant harm to the Palestinian population will be proportionate,” according to international law. Restrictions in place “must be incorporated in a written order that specifies the nature of the restriction and the period of time it will remain in force.”
Until Israel takes these measures and begins ending its 41 year occupation, it will continue violating international law and remain in violation of dozens of UN resolutions condemning it for its actions, deploring it for committing them, and demanding they be ended. So far, Israel shows no signs of complying and continues acting with impunity, arrogance and defiance of the rule of law it disdains.
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This entry was posted on Friday, May 2nd, 2008 at 4:51 am and is filed under Contributions & Guests , General . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response , or trackback from your own site.
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