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‘Challenging Authority’ "Desafiando Autoridade"

Thursday, May 15th, 2008 Quinta-feira, 15 de maio, 2008

activism.jpg By Stephen Lendman - Por Stephen Lendman -- RINF | Frances Fox Piven is a Canadian-born Professor of Political Science and Sociology at The Graduate Center, City University of New York (CUNY). | Frances Fox Piven é um canadense-nascida professor de Ciência Política e Sociologia no The Graduate Center, City University of New York (CUNY). Her career is long and distinguished. Sua carreira é longa e distinta. She’s the recipient of numerous awards, has combined scholarship with activism, and is the author of many important books. Ela é o destinatário de inúmeros prêmios, tem bolsa de estudo combinado com ativismo, e é autor de vários livros importantes. Most notable is her 1971 classic “Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare.” It’sa landmark historical and theoretical analysis of how welfare policy is used to control the poor and working class. Mais notável é o seu clássico 1971 "Regulamento das Pobres: as funções de bem-estar público." É um marco histórico e análise teórica de como bem-estar política é utilizado para controlar os pobres ea classe trabalhadora.

A more recent book is her 2006-published “Challenging Authority” and subject of this review. Um é o seu mais recente livro 2006-publicado "Desafiando Authority" eo objecto do presente reexame. It’s about how social movements can be pivotal forces for change because ordinary people in enough numbers have enormous political clout. É sobre a forma como os movimentos sociais podem ser cruciais para a mudança porque obriga as pessoas comuns, em número suficiente têm enorme influência política. Abolitionists, labor movements and civil rights activists proved it. Abolicionistas, movimentos trabalhistas e ativistas dos direitos civis provou-o. Piven examines their collective actions plus one other in the four examples she chose - the American Revolution. Piven analisa suas ações coletivas mais um outro, no que ela escolheu quatro exemplos - a Revolução Americana.

Piven’s book is succinct and masterful. Piven do livro é sucinto e magistral. Howard Zinn calls it a “brilliant analysis of the interplay between popular protest and electoral politics.” Canadian Professor Leo Panitch says the book is “theoretically profound, yet immensely readable,” and sociologist and social movements expert Susan Eckstein describes the book as “quintessentially Piven-esque.” It “eloquently (shows) how ordinary people….have taken it upon themselves to correct injustices.” Howard Zinn solicita-lhe um "brilhante análise da interacção entre protestos populares e política eleitoral." Canadian Professor Leo Panitch diz o livro é "teoricamente profundo, ainda imensamente legível", eo sociólogo e movimentos sociais perito Susan Eckstein descreve o livro como "tradição Piven-esque. "It" eloquentemente (mostra) o modo como as pessoas comuns…. Tomaram-lo em si mesmos para corrigir injustiças. "

Piven’s theme is powerfully relevant at a perilous time in our history. Piven O tema é altamente relevante em um perigoso momento da nossa história. The nation is at war on two fronts, a third one looms, constitutional protections have eroded, social services erased, the country is militarized, dissent repressed, and the government is empowered to crush freedom and defend privilege at the expense of beneficial social change it won’t tolerate. A nação está em guerra em duas frentes, uma terceira teares, proteções constitucionais tenham erosão, os serviços sociais apagado, o país está militarizada, dissidência reprimidas, eo governo está habilitada a esmagar liberdade e defender privilégio em detrimento da mudança social é benéfica não irá tolerar.

Introduction Introdução

In light of the current situation, Piven’s introductory Thomas Jefferson quote is relevant. À luz da situação actual, Piven da citação introdutória Thomas Jefferson é relevante. It was his response to the repressive 1798 Alien and Sedition Acts. Foi sua resposta à repressão e 1798 Alien sedição Atos. He wrote: “A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolve, and the people, recovering their true sight, restore their government to its true principles.” Disruptive social actions have done it in the past, and Piven puts it this way: “ordinary people (have) power….when they rise up in anger and hope, defy the rules….disrupt (state) institutions….propel new issues to the center of political debate….(and force) political leaders (to) stem voter defections by proferring reforms. Ele escreveu: "Um pouco de paciência, e vamos ver o reinado de passar mais de bruxas, dissolver os seus feitiços, e as pessoas, recuperando sua verdadeira visão, restabelecer o seu governo a sua verdadeira princípios." Disruptive ações sociais já fez no passado , Piven e colocá-lo desta forma: "o cidadão comum (ter) poder…. Quando se erguer-se em raiva e de esperança, desafiar as regras…. Perturbar (estado)… instituições. Impulsionar novas questões para o centro do debate político…. ( e vigor) dirigentes políticos (a) caule eleitor defections por proferring reformas. These are the conditions that produce (America’s) democratic moments.” Estas são as condições que produzem (America's) momentos democráticos. "

Electoral participation alone won’t do it. Participação eleitoral por si só não fazê-lo. “In the real American political world, numerous obstacles” remain - structural, legal and practical. "No mundo político real americano, numerosos obstáculos" permanecem - estruturais, jurídicas e práticas. Despite liberalization of the process through the years, “large numbers of ostensibly eligible voters” are effectively disenfranchised. Apesar de o processo de liberalização ao longo dos anos, "um grande número de eleitores elegíveis ostensivamente" são efectivamente disenfranchised. Former restrictive laws are gone, but new schemes replaced them - intimidation, misinformation, electoral fraud, and the corrupting power of money in a nation beholden to capital at the expense of the greater good. Antigo leis restritivas estão ido, mas novos esquemas substituído eles - intimidação, a desinformação, fraude eleitoral, e ao poder corruptor do dinheiro em uma nação preciso ficar de capital à custa do bem maior.

Piven cites more as well: Piven cita como mais bem:

– the power of incumbency, -- O poder da histórica,

– the two-party system that shuts out independent and minority interests, -- Os dois sistema de partido que fecha os independentes e os interesses minoritários,

– the construct of the law that empowers the powerful, -- A construção da lei que autoriza o poderoso,

– the revolving door between business and government, -- A porta giratória entre as empresas eo governo,

– the corrupted dominant media, -- Os corrompidos dominante meios de comunicação social,

– the lack of accountability to voters, -- A falta de prestação de contas aos eleitores,

– arbitrary redistricting for political advantage, -- Arbitrária redistricting para benefícios políticos,

– believing markets work best so let them, -- Acreditando mercados funcionam melhor deixá-los assim,

– disdaining the harm they cause, -- Disdaining os danos que provocam,

– feeling interfering with market excess is “moral trespass,” -- Sentimento interferir no mercado excesso é "moral trespasse,"

– sacrificing democracy in the pursuit of profit, -- Sacrificar a democracia na busca do lucro,

– and it all turning the public away from a process they no longer trust. -- E tudo transformando o público de distância de um processo que já não confia.

It shows in declining voter turnout with half or less of the electorate showing up at the polls and many without conviction. Apresenta-se em declínio eleições com metade ou menos do eleitorado mostrando-se as urnas em grande número e sem convicção.

Post-WW II, “most political scientists viewed American democracy with a self-satisfied complacency.” It wasn’t perfect, but it was the best possible at the time. Pós-WW II, "a maior parte cientistas políticos vistas a democracia americana com uma auto-satisfação complacência." Não foi perfeito, mas foi o melhor possível no momento. Two decades later, system imperfections were more apparent, and more recently political science professor Robert Dahl said our system is “among the most opaque, complex, confusing, and difficult to understand” to show how badly we fare compared to other democracies. Duas décadas mais tarde, sistema imperfeições foram mais aparente e, mais recentemente ciência política professor Robert Dahl disse o nosso sistema é "uma das mais opaco, complexo, confuso, e difícil de compreender" para mostrar como estamos mal tarifa, se comparado a outras democracias.

Inequalities are extreme and growing, and Piven calls it “pernicious.” It breeds “patterns of domination and subservience (and) undermines democratic capabilities.” She quotes political analyst Kevin Phillips saying Washington is “the leading interest-group bazaar of the Western World,” and economist Paul Krugman calling our political system “utterly and perhaps irrevocably corrupted.” As desigualdades extremas e estão crescendo, e convida-lo Piven "perniciosos". Raças "padrões de dominação e subserviência (e) mina democrático capacidades." Ela cita analista político Kevin Phillips dizendo Washington é "o principal interesse-grupo bazar do Mundo Ocidental ", Eo economista Paul Krugman chamando o nosso sistema político" e, talvez irreversivelmente absolutamente corrompido ".

Bad as it now is, Piven says democracy “never worked well in the United States.” Citing the 19th century, she notes how it “was stamped and molded by intense religious and ethnic allegiances (that in turn created a culture of) political parties (at all levels) steeped in patronage.” It was at a time corporate power grew and began to gain advantages that are now commonplace and harmful to the public interest. Bad como ela é agora, diz Piven democracia "nunca funcionou bem nos Estados Unidos." Citando século 19, ela observa como ele "estava carimbado e moldado pela intensa religiosas e étnicas lealdades (que, por sua vez, criou uma cultura de) dos partidos políticos (em todos os níveis) mergulhado na clientelismo. "Era uma vez no poder corporativo cresceu e começou a ganhar vantagens que são agora comuns e prejudiciais ao interesse público.

Nonetheless, egalitarian reform is possible, and Piven recounts four crucial times when it showed up. No entanto, igualitária reforma é possível, e reconta Piven quatro vezes quando se revelou crucial para cima. Each time, protest movements achieved it by influencing American politics, “if only temporarily.” It’s no surprise that power “flows to those who have more of the things and attributes valued in social life.” But times emerge when “workers or peasants or rioters exercise power,” it’s “distinctive….disruptive or interdependent,” and it happens when conditions are right for it to be actualized. Cada vez, protesto movimentos conseguido influenciar a política americana que, "se apenas temporariamente." Não é surpresa que o poder "fluxos para aqueles que têm mais das coisas e atributos valorizados na vida social." Mas vezes surgem quando "os trabalhadores ou camponeses ou desordeiros exercer poder ", é" distintivo…. perturbador ou interdependentes ", e isso acontece quando as condições forem adequadas para que possa ser actualizado.

Piven states the “central question” of her book: “given the power inequalities (in America)” and how it corrupts the political process, “how does egalitarian reform ever occur” at all? Piven afirma a "questão central" de seu livro: "dado o poder das desigualdades (na América)" e como é que corrompe o processo político ", como é que a reforma nunca ocorrem igualitária" a todos? It’s only been at times of “disruptive protest movements” with their “distinctive kind of power” Piven calls “disruptive power.” É só foi em tempos de "perturbador protesto movimentos" com seu "distintivo tipo de poder" Piven chamadas "perturbador poder".

The Nature of Disruptive Power A natureza do poder perturbador

First a definition of power in the abstract. Em primeiro lugar uma definição de poder no resumo. Piven notes the “widely held thesis that (it’s) based on control of wealth and force” - big landowners over peasants, rich over poor, armies over civilians, and so forth. Piven regista o "amplamente realizada tese de que (é) baseada no controle da riqueza e de vigor" - grandes proprietários rurais ao longo camponeses, mais ricos pobres, os exércitos mais de civis, e assim por diante. However, it’s not always the case, and “history is dotted” with examples of “people without wealth or coercive resources….exercis(ing) power, at least for a time.” No entanto, não é sempre o caso, e "história é pontilhada", com exemplos de "pessoas sem riquezas ou coerção recursos…. Exercis (ING) poder, pelo menos por um tempo."

She notes how societies organize through cooperation and interdependence, but disparate interests at times conflict. Ela observa como organizar sociedades, através da cooperação e da interdependência, mas interesses díspares, por vezes, conflitos. While workers depend on management for jobs, managers, in turn, need a work force to produce. Enquanto os trabalhadores dependem da gestão de postos de trabalho, gestores, por sua vez, necessitam de uma obra para produzir. If labor is withheld, production halts. Se trabalhista está retido, a produção paragens. Both sides have leverage. Ambos os lados têm alavancagem. Either one can activate it. Ou um pode ativá-la. Piven calls the “activation of interdependent power ‘disruption.’ ” It’sa power strategy based on “withdrawing cooperation in social relations.” Protest movements “mobilize disruptive power.” They achieve leverage by breaking down “institutionally regulated cooperation” as in strikes, boycotts or riots. Piven apela a "ativação de interdependentes poder" perturbação "." É um poder estratégia baseada em "retirar cooperação em matéria de relações sociais." Protesto movimentos "perturbador mobilizar o poder." Eles conseguir alavancar a dividir o "institucionalmente regulamentado cooperação" como em greves , Boicotes ou tumultos.

At these times, ordinary people (potentially) have enormous power - “their ability to disrupt institutionalized cooperation that depends on their continuing contributions.” Key is that great reforms in history have been “responses to the threatened (or use of) disruptive power.” In the US, it achieved representative government, ending slavery, the right to organize, social welfare and civil rights. Nessas alturas, as pessoas comuns (potencialmente) têm um enorme poder - "perturbar a sua capacidade de cooperação institucionalizada que depende da sua contínua contribuição." Key é que grandes reformas na história, foram "as respostas ao ameaçadas (ou uso de) perturbador poder. "Em os E.U., é atingido governo representativo, que termina escravatura, o direito de organizar, bem-estar social e direitos civis. Grassroots bottom-up “disruptive power” produced them. Grassroots de baixo para cima "perturbador poder" eles produzidos.

But it takes more than marches, rallies, slogans, shouting or even violence. Mas é necessário mais do que marchas, comícios, slogans, gritar ou até mesmo violência. It’s also too simplistic to think power from below is there for the taking. Também é demasiado simplista de pensar de potência abaixo está lá, para o acesso. Actualizing power depends on the ability to withhold cooperation. Actualizing poder depende da capacidade de reter cooperação. But it’s not “actionable” until certain problems are solved: Mas não é "recurso" até que sejam resolvidos alguns problemas:

– recognizing interdependence and the potential power from below such as workers withholding their labor or wives their domestic services; -- Interdependência e reconhecendo o potencial de potência inferior a reter os seus trabalhadores, como a trabalhista suas esposas ou serviços domésticos;

– the necessity of people breaking rules; rules are power strategies; they allow some people to dominate others, establish property rights, become law, and so forth; -- A necessidade de quebrar regras povo; regras são estratégias potência; eles permitem que algumas pessoas a dominar outros, estabelecer os direitos de propriedade, tornar-se lei, e assim por diante;

– individuals must coordinate their disruptive power for strategic advantage; -- Indivíduos devem coordenar as suas perturbador para poder vantagem estratégica;

– they must overcome constraints of an entire matrix of social relations; examples are the influence of family ties or the threat of religious excommunication; -- Eles têm de ultrapassar limitações de toda uma matriz de relações sociais; exemplos são a influência dos laços familiares ou a ameaça de excomunhão religiosas;

– disruptive power must be sustained, cooperation withheld, and be able to withstand whatever reprisals occur; and -- Perturbador poder deve ser sustentado, a cooperação retido, e ser capaz de resistir a qualquer represália ocorrer; e

– the determination to stay the course in the wake of threats and uncertainty - employers who may hire scabs or relocate their plants and facilities. -- A vontade de permanecer no curso, na sequência de ameaças e insegurança - empregadores que contratam maio escaras ou deslocalizar as suas fábricas e instalações.

New strategies aren’t invented for each challenge. Novas estratégias não são inventadas para cada desafio. They’re “embedded in memory or culture, in a language of resistance (and) become a ‘repertoire’ (of a) specific constellation of strategies to actualize interdependent power.” New repertoires from below are developed in response to social and economic change. Eles são "embutidos na memória ou cultura, em uma linguagem de resistência (e) tornar-se um 'repertório' (de um) constelação de estratégias específicas para poder atualizar interdependentes." New repertórios de infra são desenvolvidas em resposta à mudança social e económica . They become “forged in a political process of action and reaction.” Popular struggles change over time, so, for example, food riots became rare and strike actions typical. Eles se tornam "forjados em um processo político de ação e reação." Lutas populares mudar ao longo do tempo, por isso, por exemplo, se tornaram raros distúrbios alimentares e de greve ações típicas. However, they’re now threatened with weakened labor protections, the growth of temporary workers, and the ability of employers to operate anywhere in the world under WTO rules. No entanto, eles estão agora ameaçados com enfraquecido proteções trabalhistas, o crescimento dos trabalhadores temporários, e à capacidade das entidades patronais para operar em qualquer parte do mundo sob as regras da OMC.

Slowly over time, new repertoires emerge to respond to conditions of the times. Lentamente ao longo do tempo, surgem novos repertórios para responder às condições dos tempos. Lessons are learned from defeat, anger and defiance builds, and creative imagination invents new solutions to old problems. As aulas são aprendidas a partir de derrota, raiva e desafiando constrói, imaginação criativa e inventa novas soluções para velhos problemas.

The Mob and the State - Disruptive Power and the Construction of American Electoral-Representative Arrangements O Mob e do Estado - Disruptive Poder ea Construção da American Eleitoral-Representante Modalidades

Disorderly and defiant crowds or mobs figure prominently in the history of disruptive movements. Desordenada e defiant multidões ou mobs figura proeminente na história dos movimentos perturbadores. They played an important role in the Revolutionary War period and years leading up to it. Eles desempenharam um papel importante no período da Guerra Revolucionária e os anos que leva à sua criação. American elites allied with mobs because they grew uneasy about British rule and developed radical ideas about the right of the colonies to self-government. Elites americanas aliadas com mobs porque cresceu melindrado por norma britânica desenvolveu radical e idéias sobre o direito das colónias de auto-governo. Without mob support, the war with England couldn’t have been won. Sem máfia apoio, a guerra com a Inglaterra não poderia ter sido ganha. They provided the troops who fought it. Eles forneceram as tropas que lutaram-lo.

Most colonists were from England, and by the mid-1700s numbered around 1.6 million. A maioria dos colonos eram da Inglaterra, e em meados da década de 1700 numeradas cerca de 1,6 milhões de euros. Most had egalitarian ideas and were ordinary people - artisans, apprentices, sailors, laborers, urban poor, farmers, bonded servants, and so forth. A maioria tinha idéias igualitárias e eram pessoas comuns - artesãos, aprendizes, marinheiros, trabalhadores, pessoas pobres nas zonas urbanas, agricultores, coladas públicos, e assim por diante. They also relied on mob action for results. Eles também invocou a máfia acção de resultados.

In the pre-revolutionary period, “riots and tumults” were commonplace. No período pré-revolucionário ", motins e tumultos" eram comuns. Bacon’s 1676 Rebellion of discontented frontiersmen and slaves was the first one of note. Bacon's 1676 Rebelião de descontentes frontiersmen e escravos foi a primeira de uma nota. In the next 100 years, another 18 uprisings erupted (according to Howard Zinn) against colonial governments along with six black rebellions and 40 riots. Nos próximos 100 anos, mais 18 revoltas eclodiram (de acordo com Howard Zinn) contra o governo colonial, juntamente com seis negras rebeliões e 40 motins.

Tensions grew as the years passed. As tensões cresceram à medida que os anos passaram. They challenged Britain and colonial elites. Eles contestaram Bretanha e colonial elites. Inequalities also increased, and they spawned protests against them. As desigualdades também aumentou, e eles desovado protestos contra eles. One study cited 150 riots in cities and rural areas between 1765 and 1769. Um estudo citado 150 motins nas cidades e zonas rurais, entre 1765 e 1769. In addition, merchants and landowners grew angry with the Crown. Além disso, comerciantes e proprietários rurais cresceu irritado com a Coroa. In 1763, it sent a standing army to the colonies, introduced new taxes, made demands to billet British troops and to curb colonial assemblies’ power. Em 1763, ele enviou um exército permanente para as colónias, introduzidos novos impostos, a exigência feita billet tropas britânicas e colonial assembléias de refrear o poder. It introduced the Sugar Act, Tea Act and a new Stamp Act. Ele introduziu a Lei do Açúcar, Chá e de uma nova lei Stamp Act. Colonists resisted and mob action was crucial. Colonos resistiram e mob acção foi crucial.

They made Stamp Act enforcement impossible and dumped tea into more than one harbor to prove it, besides the notable December 16, 1773 Boston action. Eles fizeram Stamp Act execução impossível e despejadas chá em mais de um porto para o provar, para além dos notáveis 16 de dezembro de 1773 Boston acção. Historian Edward Countryman called it the “final rupture” leading up to war. O historiador Edward conterrâneo chamou-lhe a "ruptura definitiva" que levaram à guerra. Those who took up arms wanted popular democracy, and it affected the post-revolutionary drafting of state constitutions. Aqueles que ocuparam os braços quis democracia popular, e é afectada ao período pós-revolucionário elaboração de constituições estatais. They reflected “egalitarian and libertarian ideas that were spreading up and down the eastern seaboard.” They wanted popular liberty and drafted laws that limited executive powers, established unicameral legislatures or at least powerful lower houses, short terms of office to force elected officials to face voters more often, and essentially make government accountable to the people. Eles reflectida "igualitária e libertária ideias que foram espalhando para cima e para baixo do Leste da fachada." Eles queriam liberdade e popular que elaborou leis poderes executivos limitados, estabelecida unicameral legislaturas, ou pelo menos poderosas casas menores, a curta duração do mandato vigor funcionários eleitos para enfrentar eleitores com mais freqüência, e essencialmente governo fazer contas aos cidadãos.

It alarmed the nation’s elites who, in turn, precipitated efforts to reform the new state constitutions and reign in their democratic excesses. Trata-alarmado elites da nação que, por sua vez, precipitou os esforços para reformar o novo Estado e de reinar em suas constituições democráticas excessos. Defeating England unleashed electorate demands, and they showed up in popular rebellions. Derrotar Inglaterra desencadeada eleitorado demandas, e eles mostraram-se nas rebeliões populares. They were fueled by postwar depression, debt, and legislative imposition of poll and property taxes on farmers. Eles foram alimentado por pós depressão, dívida, legislativo e imposição de sondagem e de impostos sobre a propriedade agricultores. They petitioned for relief, got none, so armed mobs closed the courts to stop debtor suits and stave off foreclosure on their farms. Eles requerido para ajuda de emergência, obteve nenhum, de forma armada mobs fechado os tribunais para travar devedor fatos e evitar encerramento nas suas explorações. Rebellions spread across New England with Daniel Shays leading the most famous one in 1786 and 1787. Rebeliões espalhadas pela Nova Inglaterra com Daniel Shays conduzindo a um mais famosos em 1786 e 1787. The rebels were dispersed, but they got amnesty, tax relief, and most imprisoned debtors were released. Os rebeldes foram dispersos, mas eles tiveram anistia, benefícios fiscais, ea maioria dos devedores presos foram libertados.

Elites were alarmed, excess democracy had to be curbed, and the 1787 Constitutional Convention became the way to do it. Elites ficaram alarmados, o excesso de democracia teve de ser controlada, e de 1787 a Convenção Constitucional passou a ser a maneira de o fazer. There were other problems as well. Houve outros problemas também. The Articles of Confederation were unwieldy, had to be replaced, and a new document was needed that would last into “remote futurity” to serve the interests of “the (only) people” who mattered. Os artigos da Confederação foram pesadas, teve de ser substituído, e era necessário um novo documento que teria passado em "remotas futurity" para servir os interesses de "a (apenas) as pessoas" que importava. They were established white male property owning delegates and members of state conventions who rammed the ratification process through in the face of a largely indifferent and uncomprehending populace left out entirely. Eles foram criados brancos do sexo masculino propriedade proprietária delegados e membros do estado convenções que rammed através do processo de ratificação em face de uma população em grande parte indiferente e uncomprehending deixados fora totalmente.

The challenge was to offer democratic concessions, create an appearance of democracy, but frame a document for rich property owners in charge of the process for their own self-interest. O desafio era o de oferecer concessões democráticas, criar uma aparência de democracia, mas um documento para a moldura ricos proprietários a cargo do processo para a sua própria auto-interesse. Only the privileged could vote. Somente poderão votar os privilegiados. Women, blacks, Indians and children couldn’t and most who qualified didn’t bother. As mulheres, negros, índios e crianças que não podia mais qualificada e não se preocupar. The process, and what it produced, showed operatively democracy is little more than fantasy, but it wasn’t designed to appear that way. O processo, eo que ela produziu, mostrou operatório democracia é pouco mais do que fantasia, mas não foi concebido para ser exibido dessa forma.

The “people” got to elect lower house members, who, in turn, elected senators to the upper chamber. O "povo" começou a eleger os membros inferiores casa, que, por sua vez, senadores eleitos para a câmara superior. The system stayed that way until the 17th Amendment (ratified in 1913) allowed voters in each state to elect representatives to both Houses of Congress. O sistema permaneceu dessa forma até a 17 ª alteração (ratificado em 1913) permitiu eleitores em cada estado para eleger representantes de ambas as Câmaras do Congresso.

Also proposed was a chief executive, a national judiciary with a Supreme Court, and provisions for admitting new states with republican governments. Também foi proposto um executivo-chefe, um sistema judicial nacional com um Supremo Tribunal, e provisões para admitir novos Estados com governos republicanos. In addition, the Constitution had procedures for amendments and much more, including terms of office and staggered elections to prevent too many officials being unseated at the same time. Além disso, a Constituição havia procedimentos de alterações e muito mais, incluindo termos de escalonamento de escritório e de eleições para evitar demasiados funcionários unseated sendo ao mesmo tempo. In the end, the final product was a bundle of compromises, yielded little of substance to “the people,” and assured power was left to the powerful. No final, o produto final foi um conjunto de compromissos, rendeu pouco de fundo para "o povo", e garantiu poder foi deixada para os poderosos.

The Constitution’s opening words were “We the people,” but, in fact, they were nowhere in sight. A Constituição da abertura palavras foram "Nós o povo", mas, na verdade, eles estavam muito longe de vista. The framers “engineered a conservative counter-revolution….whose purpose….was to thwart the will of the people in whose will they acted.” Government under the new document was created to fill the vacuum created by the defeat of Great Britain. O framers "engenharia de uma contra-revolução conservadora…. Cuja finalidade…. Foi para contrariar a vontade do povo em cujo irá eles agiram." Governo no âmbito do novo documento foi criado para preencher o vazio criado pela derrota da Grã-Bretanha. It restored the essential British commercial and financial system and put it under new management. É essencial restabelecida a British sistema comercial e financeiro e de colocá-la sob nova gerência. Monarchal wrappings were removed, everything changed, and yet everything, in fact, stayed the same. Monarchal envolvimentos foram removidas, tudo mudou, e ainda tudo, na verdade, permaneceu o mesmo. Rarely, if ever, was there so much rebellion with so little cause, and with so little to show for it. Raramente, ou nunca, foi aí tanta revolta com tão pouco causar, e com tão pouco para mostrar.

Consider the Constitution’s crowing achievement, at least so we’re told - the Bill of Rights. Considere a Constituição louvores da realização, no mínimo, por isso disse - o Bill of Rights. Adopting them made the difference to get 13 states to ratify the document and make it law. Adotando-lhes fez a diferença para obter 13 estados para que ratifiquem o documento e torná-lo lei. Their protections weren’t for “the people.” They were for the privileged who wanted: As suas proteções não eram para "o povo." Eles eram privilegiados para o que queria:

– prohibitions against quartering troops in their property; -- Proibições contra as tropas quartos em sua propriedade;

– unreasonable searches and seizures there as well; -- Irrazoável buscas e apreensões ali tão bem;

– the right to have state militias protect them; -- O direito de ter estado milícias protegê-los;

– the right to bear arms, but not the way the Second Amendment is today interpreted; -- O direito de portar armas, mas não da forma como é hoje a segunda alteração interpretada;

– - the rights of free speech, the press, religion, assembly and petition - largely for the monied and propertied interests; -- - Os direitos de liberdade de expressão, de imprensa, de religião, de reunião e de petição - em grande parte para o monied e propertied interesses;

– due process of law with speedy public trials; and -- Devido processo de direito público com a rapidez dos processos; e

– various other provisions worked out through compromise; two additional amendments were proposed but rejected; Jefferson and Madison wanted them; Adams and Hamilton were opposed; they would have banned monopolies and standing armies; in the end, the first 10 alone were adopted; we never saw what difference the other two might have made. -- Diversas outras disposições de desenvolver, através compromisso; duas alterações adicionais foram propostas, mas rejeitada; Jefferson e Madison eles queriam; Adams e Hamilton se opuseram; eles teriam proibido monopólios e exércitos permanentes; no final, os primeiros 10 foram aprovadas por si só; nós nunca vi o que os outros dois diferença poderia ter feito.

Piven’s main point isn’t that “constitution-making” limited “popular power.” It’s that “disruptive power challenges (of the time) could not be (entirely) ignored….” The founders established a republican government, popular liberties (to a degree) were conceded, and the idea (if not the reality) of the “consent of the governed” became a fundamental principle of political thought. Piven principal do ponto não é que a "constituição de tomada de" limitada "poder popular." É que o "poder perturbador desafios (do tempo) não poderia ser (integralmente)… ignorados." Os fundadores estabeleceram um governo republicano, popular liberdades (para um grau), foram concedidas, e à ideia (se não a realidade) do "consentimento dos governados" se tornou um princípio fundamental do pensamento político.

Further, in subsequent decades, suffrage expanded, taxpaying requirements replaced property ones, and these, too, were gradually eliminated. Além disso, nas décadas subsequentes, sufrágio expandiu, os contribuintes requisitos substituído propriedade, e estas, também, foram gradualmente eliminados. By the 1830s, most white men had the right to vote. Até ao 1830s, a maioria dos homens brancos tinham o direito de voto. It’s unlikely these changes would have happened under British rule. É pouco provável que estas mudanças têm acontecido sob britânico regra. So while was no disagreement on how government was to be run, (in John Adams’ words, by “the rich, the well born, and the able,”) the mob, according to Piven, “played a large if convoluted role in the construction of a new state with at least some of the elemental features of democracy.” Por isso, enquanto não foi desacordo sobre a forma como governo estava a ser executado, (de John Adams' palavras, por "os ricos, os bem nascidos, e do poder,") a máfia, de acordo com a Piven, "desempenhou um grande papel no caso convolutos a construção de um novo Estado com pelo menos algumas das funções elementares da democracia. "

Dissensus Politics, or the Interaction of Disruptive Challenges with Electoral Politics - The Case of the Abolitionist Movement Dissensus Política, ou de eventuais distúrbios causados Desafios da Interação com política eleitoral - o caso do movimento abolicionista

Piven defines “dissensus” as a tug of war between the need for political leaders to “mobilize majorities” and “disruptive challengers work(ing) to fragment them.” She also calls this “the key to understanding” disruptive protest power over public policy decisions. Piven define "dissensus" como um rebocador de guerra entre a necessidade de os líderes políticos para "mobilizar maiorias" e "perturbador adversários trabalho (ING) a fragmentar-los." Ela também chama a esta "a chave para o entendimento" perturbador protesto poder sobre políticas públicas decisões. Political coalitions are at times fragile and vulnerable. Coalizões políticas são, por vezes, frágeis e vulneráveis. When opposition to consensus surfaces and builds, it can be fractious, disruptive, and an “opening (to get) policy concessions on the (breakaway) movement’s issues.” Quando a oposição consenso superfícies e constrói, pode-se divisório, perturbador, e uma "abertura (para obter) sobre as concessões políticas (separatista) do movimento questões."

Case in point - “Abolitionism.” By one estimate, free blacks numbered around 59,000 in 1790. Caso em apreço - "abolicionismo." Por uma estimativa, negros livres numeradas cerca de 59000 em 1790. By the start of the Civil War, the total had increased eightfold to about 488,000. Até o início da Guerra Civil, o total havia aumentado para cerca de oito vezes 488000. In the run-up the the Revolutionary War, slavery issues were contentious with hints early on about what later might develop. No período que antecedeu a Guerra do Revolucionária, a escravidão foram as questões controversas com dicas sobre o que a antecipada poderia desenvolver mais tarde.

In spite of owning slaves himself, Jefferson’s first Declaration of Independence draft included grievances against the Crown’s involvement in trafficking. Apesar da proprietária escravos si próprio, Jefferson da primeira Declaração de Independência projecto incluiu queixas contra a Coroa do envolvimento em tráfico. Southern representatives took issue, the clause was dropped, and to build postwar consensus the South had to be reassured that their slave system would remain intact. Southern representantes tomou questão, a cláusula foi abandonada, e de construir o consenso pós-Sul teve de ser tranquilizado que o seu slave sistema permaneceria intacta.

It led to Article 1, Section 2, Clause 3 of the Constitution saying that slaves would be counted as three-fifths of a person for purposes of allocating congressional representation. Ele levou ao artigo 1 º, Seção 2, artigo 3 º da Constituição dizendo que seria contado como escravos de três quintos de uma pessoa para fins de atribuição de representação congressual. According to historian Gary Wills: For southern states, this issue was “a nonnegotiable condition for their joining the Union” and with it they got “a large and domineering representation in Congress.” De acordo com o historiador Gary Wills: Para os Estados do Sul, este tema foi "um nonnegotiable condição para a sua adesão à União Europeia" e com isso eles tiveram "um grande e dominador representação no Congresso."

Consider some other relevant facts: Considere alguns outros factos relevantes:

– large slave owners had disproportionate power; they controlled state legislatures and selected senators; -- Slave grandes proprietários tinham poder desproporcionado; eles controladas estado selecionado legislaturas e senadores;

– most American presidents until the Civil War were southerners and slaveholders (including Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson); -- A maioria presidentes americano até a Guerra Civil foram southerners e slaveholders (incluindo Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe e Jackson);

– the first US 1790 census reported 757,000 blacks or nearly one-fifth of the total four million population; -- O primeiro censo 1790 E.U. relatados 757000 negros ou quase um quinto do total de quatro milhões de habitantes;

– in 1807, Congress outlawed the importation of African slaves after 1808, yet trafficking illegally brought in another 250,000 until 1860; -- Em 1807, Congresso Africano baniu a importação de escravos após 1808, ainda trouxe o tráfico ilegal de outro 250000 até 1860;

– enacted slavery provisions were for the North as well as the South; only Pennsylvania and the New England states outlawed the practice; in 1787, most states were slave states, and the new Constitution protected their holdings; -- Promulgada escravidão disposições foram para o Norte como o Sul; apenas a Pensilvânia e Nova Inglaterra estados baniu a prática; em 1787, a maior parte dos estados foram slave estados, e da nova Constituição protegidos suas explorações;

– intersectional planter, commercial, banking and manufacturing interests tied the North and South together; slavery and cotton enriched the South, production boomed, and northern manufacturing also benefitted; -- Intersectional planter, comercial, bancário e de fabrico interesses vinculados do Norte e do Sul juntos; escravidão e do algodão enriquecido a Sul, a produção explodiu, e do norte da indústria transformadora também beneficiado;

– the human bondage system affected radical abolitionists; they knew that ending slavery meant “overturning” the Constitution; -- Os humanos bondage sistema afectado radicais abolicionistas, pois eles sabiam que termina escravidão significava "viragem" à Constituição;

– to accommodate consensus politics, compromise was preferable to conflict; to protect the South from the majority nonslave North, “balanced” admission of new slave and free states was agreed on as well as a similar arrangement for presidential and vice-presidential tickets; -- Para acomoda consenso político, compromisso era preferível conflito; proteger o Sul a partir da maioria nonslave Norte, "equilibrado" admissão de novos escravos e livres foi acordado com os Estados, bem como um mecanismo semelhante para a presidência e vice-presidencial bilhetes;

– nonetheless, compromises were fragile and sectional conflicts arose; one instance was over the Mexican War, annexation of Texas, and disposition of 650,000 square miles of new territory; neither side was satisfied even though compromise was achievable on matters of tariffs, centralized banking, internal improvements, and free western land. -- No entanto, compromissos eram frágeis e seccionais conflitos surgiram, um exemplo foi durante a Guerra Mexicano, anexação do Texas, e de transferência de 650000 milhas quadradas de novos territórios; lado nem foi satisfeito, embora compromisso foi alcançado em matéria de tarifas e centralizado bancário, melhorias internas, terrestres e livre ocidental.

Given the enormous costs of dissolution, why weren’t both sides committed to preventing it? Tendo em conta as enormes custos de dissolução, por que não foram cometidos dois lados para impedi-la? Piven cites “the strident and disruptive abolitionist campaign with its demands for immediate emancipation. Piven cita "a campanha abolicionista gritantes e perturbador com as suas exigências para a emancipação imediata. Abolitionism fractured….the sectional accord” that held disparate elements together - until 1860. Abolicionismo fraturado…. Seccionais o acordo ", que realizou diversos elementos juntos - até 1860.

Who were the abolitionists? Que eram os abolicionistas? According to Howard Zinn, they were “editors, orators, run-away slaves, free Negro militants, and gun-toting preachers.” Together they “shaped….the movement and contributed to its disruptive power.” Its effects fractured intersectional parties, divided the nation, and led to the Civil War and legal emancipation. De acordo com Howard Zinn, eles foram "editores, orators, execute-longe escravos, livres Negro militantes, e gun-toting pregadores." Juntos eles "moldaram…. Do movimento e contribuiu para o seu poder perturbador." Os seus efeitos fraturado intersectional partes, dividiu a nação, e levaram à Guerra Civil e jurídico emancipação.

“Evangelical revivalists” were committed to reform. "Evangélica revivalists" foram autorizados a reforma. They believed slavery was sinful, and would accept nothing less than ending it. Eles acreditavam escravidão era pecadora, e aceitaria nada mais nada menos do que termina-lo. In 1831, William Lloyd Garrison founded The Liberator. Em 1831, William Lloyd Garrison fundada O Libertador. It became the voice of militant abolitionism. Tornou-se a voz dos militantes abolicionismo. “Garrison was no gradualist.” He refused compromise and demanded “immediate and unconditional emancipation.” "Garrison não foi gradual." Ele recusou compromisso e exigiu "imediata e incondicional emancipação".

Others were equally committed. Outros foram igualmente empenhados. They formed antislavery associations, edited papers, spoke publicly, and by 1841 claimed 200,000 members. Eles formaram antislavery associações, editado papéis, falou publicamente, e em 1841 alegou 200000 membros. Religious passion and enlightenment fervor spread throughout the North. Paixão e fervor religioso iluminação espalhados por todo o Norte. In the South, it was opposed by “Southern rights” societies that used the Bible to claim “slavery fulfilled God’s purposes.” It produced schisms and strife, got Garrison paraded through Boston with a rope around his neck, and vigilante welcoming committees awaited northern abolitionists coming south. No Sul, foi contestado por "Southern direitos" sociedades que utilizaram a Bíblia para reclamar "escravidão preenchidas propósitos de Deus." Ele produziu dividiram e conflitos, comecei Garrison paraded através de Boston com uma corda em torno de seu pescoço, vigilantes e acolhedor comissões aguardado próximos abolicionistas norte sul.

Nonetheless, abolitionism grew, congressional antislavery petitions mounted, Congress claimed no authority to act, and thousands of slaves took matters into their own hands. No entanto, cresceu abolicionismo, congressual antislavery petições montado, alegou Congresso não autoridade para agir, e milhares de escravos em matéria teve suas próprias mãos. They resisted by “evasion, sabotage, suicide, or running away.” There were also slave revolts - in 1800 in a march on Richmond; 1811 on a plantation near New Orleans; 1817 and 1818 in Florida; and Nat Turner and 70 other slaves in Virginia “kill(ing) all whites” and sparing no one. Eles resistiram por "fraude, sabotagem, suicídio, ou fugindo." Houve também slave revoltas - em 1800, em março com um Richmond; 1811 sobre uma plantação perto de Nova Orleans, 1817 e 1818, na Flórida, e Nat Turner e 70 outros escravos no Estado da Virgínia "kill (ING) todos os brancos" e não uma poupadores.

Most disruptive was the Underground Railway with whites and free blacks involved. A maioria era perturbador da Metro com brancos e negros livres envolvidos. It defied federal antifugitive laws and freed tens of thousands of southern slaves. Ela desafiou antifugitive leis federais e libertou dezenas de milhares de escravos do sul. Abolitionist disruptions “inevitably penetrated electoral politics.” It fragmented both parties, made compromise impossible, and led to the emergence of the Republican Party. Abolicionistas rupturas "inevitavelmente penetrou política eleitoral." Ela fragmentadas ambas as partes, feita compromisso impossível, e levou ao surgimento do Partido Republicano. It opposed expanding slavery as new states entered the union, and in 1860 got Abraham Lincoln elected president. É oposição expandindo escravatura como novos estados entraram na União, e em 1860 obteve Abraham Lincoln eleito presidente. His platform - containing slavery and condemning threats of disunion as treason. Sua plataforma - contendo escravidão e condena as ameaças de desunião traição.

The South responded. O Sul reagiu. Seven states seceded, Fort Sumpter was attacked, the Civil War began, four more slave states joined the others, and Lincoln committed to war to restore the union. Sete estados seceded, Fort Sumpter foi atacada, a Guerra Civil começou, mais quatro estados slave juntaram os outros, e Lincoln cometidas à guerra para restabelecer a união. As conflict wore on, its horrific toll drove him toward emancipation. No que usavam em conflito, ele levou suas terríveis pedágio em direção emancipação. Piven notes that the “insurrectionary role of the slaves….was probably critical to his decision.” During the war, hundreds of thousands of them refused to work, deserted plantations, and crippled the Confederacy’s ability to feed itself. Piven observa que o "insurrecional papel dos escravos…. Crítica foi provavelmente a sua decisão." Durante a guerra, centenas de milhares deles se recusou a trabalhar, plantações desertas, e incapacitada o Confederacy da capacidade de alimentos para si mesma. In addition, around 200,000 slaves fought with the North, and their numbers were significant in achieving victory. Além disso, cerca de 200000 escravos lutou com o Norte, e seus números foram significativos na consecução vitória.

Abolitionism grew, southern secession spurred it, and in January 1865 Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment banning slavery. Abolicionismo cresceu, sul de secessão que impulsionou, e em janeiro de 1865 Congresso passou a Décima Terceira Alteração proibição escravatura. Nominally, former slaves got more rights from the Fourteenth (due process and equal protection) and Fifteenth (forbidding racial discrimination in voting) Amendments as well as the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Nominalmente, ex-escravos got mais direitos a partir do décimo quarto (devido processo legal e da igualdade de proteção) e Quinta (proibindo a discriminação racial na votação) As alterações, bem como a Lei dos Direitos Civis de 1866.

“Abolitionists had triumphed,” they did it through electoral politics by splitting the parties, yet their victory was limited. "Abolitionists tinha triunfaram," ela fez isso através de política eleitoral por dividir as partes, mas a sua vitória foi limitado. Post-emancipation, the movement “melted into the Republican Party,” southern and northern leaders became accommodative, and elites in the South “moved rapidly to restore their control over blacks.” Nonetheless, an impressive victory was won even if only marginally, and it would take another century before blacks got any of their constitutional rights. Pós-emancipação, o movimento "derretido para o Partido Republicano", do sul e do norte se tornaram líderes acomodatícia, elites e no sul do país "mudou rapidamente para restabelecer o seu controlo sobre negros." No entanto, uma impressionante vitória foi ganha ainda que apenas marginalmente, e que seria necessário um outro século antes de negros obtive qualquer dos seus direitos constitucionais.

Movements and Reform in the American Twentieth Century Movimentos e Reforma, no século XX-americano

Throughout American history, disruptive protests were common, yet rarely did any have a “big bang” effect. Ao longo da história americana, perturbador protestos eram comuns, ainda que raramente têm qualquer um "big bang" efeito. Decades elapsed between successful abolitionism and New Deal reforms. Décadas decorrido entre abolicionismo e bem sucedido New Deal reformas. In the 20th century, Piven notes that almost all important labor, civil rights and social welfare legislation got passed in just two six-year periods - 1933 - 1938 and 1963 - 1968. No século 20, Piven nota que quase todos os importantes trabalhistas, direitos civis e bem-estar social got legislação aprovada em apenas dois períodos de seis anos - 1933 - 1938 e 1963 - 1968. There was one exception - the 1972 Supplemental Security Income (SSI) for the elderly poor and people with disabilities. Havia uma exceção - a Segurança Renda 1972 Suplementar (SSI) para os idosos pobres e as pessoas com deficiência.

Great Depression hard times spurred important reforms to provide emergency relief: Grande Depressão tempos difíceis impulsionou reformas importantes para prestar ajuda de emergência:

– the Civil Works Administration (CWA) for work relief; it reached 28 million people (22.2% of the population); -- Obras Civis da Administração (CWA) alívio para o trabalho; que atingiu 28 milhões de pessoas (22,2% da população);

– overall social spending rose from 1.34% of GDP in 1932 to 5% by 1934 and showed that government works for the people when it wants to; -- Global das despesas sociais subiu de 1,34% do PIB em 1932 para 5% em 1934 e mostrou que o governo trabalha para o povo quando se pretende;

– the 1935 Social Security Act established the framework for all future income support programs - retirement benefits, unemployment, supplemental income, subsidized housing, and all categories of “welfare;” -- O Social Security Act 1935 estabeleceu o quadro para todos os futuros programas de apoio ao rendimento - reforma, desemprego, suplemento de rendimento, habitação subsidiada, e de todas as categorias de "bem-estar;"

– most entitlements expanded in the 1960s - old age pensions; unemployment insurance; quadrupling the numbers of women and children receiving Aid to Dependent Children; Medicare; Medicaid; new nutritional programs, including food stamps and school lunches; federal aid to education; and inner-city development through the Model Cities Act of 1966. -- Direitos mais alargados na década de 1960 - velhice; seguro de desemprego; quadruplicar o número de mulheres e crianças que recebem ajuda para crianças dependentes; Medicare, Medicaid; novos programas nutricionais, incluindo alimentação e carimbos almoços escolares; federal ajuda à educação; e interior - desenvolvimento da cidade através da Lei Modelo de Cidades 1966.

Overall in the 1960s, social spending rose from $37 billion to $140 billion in the post-1965 decade. Globalmente na década de 1960, as despesas sociais subiu de US $ 37 bilhões para US $ 140 bilhões em dez anos do pós-1965. By the mid-1970s, poverty levels were down from 20% in 1965 to 11%. Até meados da década de 1970, foram estabelecidos níveis de pobreza de 20% em 1965 para 11%.

Each period also saw political rights expand. Cada período teve também a ampliar os direitos políticos. Mass strikes of the early 1930s produced the landmark 1935 National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). Massa greves do início dos anos 1930 produziu o marco 1935 National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). For the first time, it gave labor the right to bargain collectively on equal terms with management and provided legal protections to strike actions. Pela primeira vez, deu trabalho ao direito de negociação colectiva, em igualdade de condições com proteções legais de gestão e desde acções de greve. The 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act established national minimum wages and maximum hours. A Fair Labor Standards Act 1938 estabeleceu o salário mínimo nacional e máxima horas. These laws advanced worker rights over the next three decades. Estas leis avançadas os direitos dos trabalhadores ao longo dos próximos três décadas.

In 1964, civil rights actions got the Twenty-Fourth Amendment passed. Em 1964, os direitos civis acções got a vigésima quarta alteração aprovada. It prohibited poll taxes in federal elections, and along with the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act overrode state and local franchise restrictions that were in place in the South since Reconstruction. É proibido enquete impostos em eleições federais e, juntamente com a Lei dos Direitos Civis 1964 e 1965 Direitos de Voto Lei overrode estaduais e locais franquia restrições que estavam em vigor no sul do país desde Reconstrução. As Piven put it: The 1960s civil rights movement “finally won, a century later, the reforms first announced (but never gotten) in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.” In addition, the 1964 Equal Opportunity Act (antipoverty program) provided federal funds for poor communities. Como Piven colocá-lo: O movimento dos direitos civis 1960 "ganhou finalmente, um século depois, as reformas anunciadas primeiro (mas nunca obteve) em Alterações do décimo quarto e décimo quinto." Além disso, o Equal Opportunity Act 1964 (programa antipobreza) desde fundos federais para comunidades pobres.

Why these “big bangs” then and not at other times? Por que estes "big bangs" então, e não em outros momentos? It’s because they were gotten during periods of “mass disruption” that mobilized “interdependent power from below….” Veterans marched on Washington, rent strikes spread, people commandeered food, labor walkouts occurred, demonstrations demanded relief, so Roosevelt had to act. É porque foram obtidos durante os períodos de "maciça" que mobilizou "interdependentes de potência abaixo…." Veteranos marcharam em Washington, aluguel greves propagação, as pessoas commandeered alimentos, trabalhistas walkouts ocorreu, manifestações exigiram socorro, de modo Roosevelt tinha de agir . It wasn’t out of benevolence, and his 1932 platform showed it. Não era fora de benevolência, e sua plataforma 1932 revelou-lo. It contained the same old 1920s planks that kept Republicans in power throughout the decade. Continha o mesmo velho 1920 tábuas republicanos que manteve no poder durante toda a década. Conditions now changed, disruptive protests demanded help, echoes of the 1917 Russian Revolution were still audible, so Roosevelt acted to save capitalism. As condições agora mudou, perturbador protestos exigiram ajuda, os ecos da Revolução Russa 1917 ainda eram audíveis, de modo Roosevelt agiu para salvar capitalismo. He gave a little to save a lot for the privileged who understood the fragility of their position. Ele deu um pouco para salvar um lote para os privilegiados que compreendeu a fragilidade da sua posição.

The 1960s saw other disruptive protests - this time by a massive black insurgency on one side against white southern “resistance” on the other. A década de 1960 viu outros perturbador protestos - desta vez por uma insurreição maciça preta de um lado contra o branco do sul "resistência" na outra. It came to a head in the mid-1960s in the form of civil disobedience. Ela veio a uma cabeça, em meados dos anos 1960, sob a forma de desobediência civil. It began in the South, spread across the country, resulted in harsh police crackdowns, greater disruptive riots, and they forced the federal government to intervene. Iniciou-se no sul do país, espalhados por todo o país, resultou em duras crackdowns polícia, maior perturbador motins, e eles obrigaram o governo federal a intervir. Turbulence, social unrest, and a climate of general crisis produced reforms to diffuse the disorder of the times. Turbulência, agitação social, e um clima de crise generalizada produzida reformas para difundir a desordem dos tempos.

Electoral forces also played a role the way Piven explains. Eleitoral forças também desempenhou um papel a forma como Piven explica. She calls the “interplay between electoral shifts and political leaders….the most influential explanation of twentieth-century policy change.” Big bangs were “big electoral” ones. Ela chama de "interacção entre turnos eleitorais e os líderes políticos…. Explicação o mais influente do século vinte-mudança política." Big bangs foram "big eleitoral". Two credible hypotheses explain how they occur: Duas hipóteses credíveis explicar como eles ocorrem:

– the “mobilization” thesis (during hard times) raising the level of voter turnout; new voters are key; they provide impetus for realignment under this theory; and -- A "mobilização" tese (durante tempos difíceis) elevar o nível das eleições; novos eleitores são fundamentais, pois eles fornecem um incentivo para realinhamento com esta teoria, e

– the “conversion” thesis (also during hard times) detaching voters from their traditional Republican Party affiliation; here shifting loyalties explain it. -- A "conversão" tese (também durante tempos difíceis) descolamento de seus eleitores tradicionais Partido Republicano filiação; deslocamento lealdades explicar isso aqui.

Either way, political leaders respond, strive to win and/or hold their support, and they enacted social relief measures in the 1930s and 1960s. De qualquer maneira, os líderes políticos responder, esforçar para ganhar e / ou mantenha o seu apoio, e eles adoptaram medidas provisórias sociais na década de 1930 e 1960.

More is in play as well as voters by themselves have little influence over policy. Mais está em jogo, assim como pelos próprios eleitores têm pouca influência nas políticas. In addition, politicians need broad majorities, and building them takes avoiding conflict, building consensus and striking familiar appeals for prosperity, God, country and family. Além disso, os políticos têm ampla maioria, construção e leva-los evitando conflitos, formação de um consenso surpreendente e familiar apelos para a prosperidade, a Deus, ao país e à família. As a result, electoral shifts alone don’t automatically produce bold new initiatives. Como resultado, turnos eleitorais por si só não produz automaticamente negrito novas iniciativas. In fact, they rarely do unless special times produce extraordinary responses. Na verdade, elas raramente fazem salvo em tempos extraordinários produzir respostas. In the 1930s and 1960s, disruptive protests and potential institutional disorder got Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson to act quite differently than they would have had conditions been normal. Na década de 1930 e 1960, perturbadoras e de protestos potencial desordem institucional Roosevelt e Lyndon Johnson começou a agir muito diferente do que eles teriam condições tinham sido normal.

Under the right circumstances, protest movements are powerful and provide the impetus for social reform. Ao abrigo do direito circunstâncias, protesto movimentos são poderosos e fornecer o impulso para a reforma social. “The urgency, solidarity, and militancy that conflict generates lends movements distinctive capacities as political communicators.” At least for a brief time, “marches, rallies, strikes and shutdowns can break the monopoly on political discourse otherwise held by politicians and the mass media.” They can bring vital issues to the fore and get politicians (out of fear) to address them. "A urgência, a solidariedade, e de militância que gera conflitos empresta movimentos políticos distintivo capacidades como comunicadores." Pelo menos por um breve tempo ", marchas, manifestações, greves e encerramentos podem quebrar o monopólio do discurso político, outra realizada por políticos e meios de comunicação de massa . "Eles podem trazer questões vitais para o primeiro plano e obter políticos (de medo) para lhes fazer face. Potential or actual “voter dissensus is the main source of movement influence on public policy.” It was true in the 1930s, again in the 1960s, and the latter victories inspired other movements for women’s rights, the disabled, gays, lesbians, and so forth.

The Times-In-Between

Unfortunately, disruptive movements are short-lived. After a few years they pass as politicians mount rollback initiatives when the pressure is off and they’re able to do it. New state constitutions stripped away hard-won abolitionist reforms. Labor rights underwent a gradual erosion after peaking in the 1930s. Union membership declined from a post-war 34.7% high. It was 16.8% after the Reagan era and is currently around 12% overall today but only 7.4% in the private sector.

Social gains have also eroded, and now have Democrats as much against them as Republicans. Why so is the question? It’s because protest movements lose their energy when the reasons causing them subside. Further, it’s because internal movement dynamics are hard to sustain. They wane from exhaustion. Exhilaration can’t last forever. In addition, defiance entails costs and sacrifice. Strikers lose wages. Workers get fired. Plants relocate, and governments support business and sometimes with force.

Protests also fade when gains are won. They always fall short and yet fail to embolden more action. Movement leaders also get co-opted, become more conciliatory to management, get more enmeshed in party politics, and sometimes run for office at federal, state or local levels. Dissensus has its limits. Inevitably, gains come at the expense of concessions, the movement runs out of energy, disruption ebbs, and hard-won reforms get rolled back. Nonetheless, these are glorious times in our history, momentous advances get achieved, and the lesson is that at other times for other reasons it can happen again.

People in large numbers and with enough will have enormous power provided they use it. Nonetheless, it’s disconcerting that the Constitution was designed as a conservative document to protect what Michael Parenti calls “a rising bourgeoisie(’s)” freedom to “invest, speculate, trade, and accumulate,” and to assure that (as John Jay believed) “The people who own the country (ought) to run it.”

After Reconstruction, Abolitionists lost out as well. Southern states regrouped, enacted new laws, and curbed the rights of newly freed blacks. The old planter class was gone but not its mentality. A new capitalist planter class replaced it, many from the North, and it proved easy for them to devise new ways to exploit cheap, vulnerable black labor.

The Supreme Court went along much the way it does today. In a number of decisions, it rolled back civil rights gains, including enough of the Fourteenth Amendment to restore near-total white supremacy in the South. Its 1896 “separate but equal” Plessy ruling added insult to its 1857 Dred Scott support for slavery.

Post-war, blacks were nominally free but light years from equality, and southern states intended to keep it that way. Property tests, poll taxes and literacy qualifications were imposed to enforce disenfranchisement. Jim Crow laws multiplied and lynchings became a way of life. Washington was dismissive.

Labor also lost out in the post-New Deal years. What the NLRA gave, Taft-Hartley and other regressive laws took back. Labor got progressively weaker, its leadership became part of the problem, while business ascended to omnipotence with plenty of friendly governments on its side. Early on, workers hoped the Democrat Party would represent them. How could it in the conservative (anti-labor) South and, in the North, where big city bosses ran things. Over time, business took over and effectively created a one-party state with “two right wings,” as Gore Vidal explains.

Post-WW II, Piven notes that America’s economic dominance was unchallenged for 25 years, so business opposition to New Deal gains was largely muted. But once Europe and Japan recovered, they became formidable competitors, profit margins got squeezed, and a conservative counterassault gained momentum to roll back earlier social gains. Piven cites four ways:

– a “war of ideas” beginning in the early 1970s with the formation of a right wing “message machine” - corporate-funded think tanks like Cato, Hoover, Heritage and AEI; they preached cutting social programs, weakening unions, ending costly regulations, military spending, tough law enforcement, privatizing everything, and using the dominant media for propaganda;

– building up a business lobbying capacity; “K Street” became a household term, and so is the “revolving door” arrangement between business and government;

– the growth of right wing populism, “rooted in fundamentalist churches” as part of the powerful Christian Right; also pro-life, defense-of-marriage and gun groups, along with others opposed to progressive ideas, racial and sexual liberalism, and the notion that public welfare is a good thing and government ought to provide it; in their best of all possible worlds, markets work best so let them, and democracy is only for the priviliged; and

– the effective merging of Republicans and Democrats into one pro-business party with each pretty much vying to outdo or outfox the other; it took Democrat Bill Clinton to “end welfare as we know it,” continue shifting more of the tax burden from the rich to workers, enact tough law enforcement measures, offer big giveaways to business, cut social benefits as much as Republicans, and pretty much make the 1990s a new golden age for Wall Street and the privileged. James Petras calls the decade “the golden age of pillage.”

George Bush then took over and went Clinton whole new measures better - declaring open warfare on workers, waging real wars on the world, enacting repressive police state laws, surrendering unconditionally to business, smashing every social service in sight, desecrating the environment, pretty much acting as despotic and vicious as the worst third world dictators, and getting away with it.

Since the early 1970s, and especially since Ronald Reagan, most notable in Piven’s mind is “the striking rise in wealth and income inequality” that economist Paul Krugman calls “unprecedented.” Moreover, “as wealth concentration grows, so does the arrogance and power that it yields to the wealth-holders to continue to bend government policies to their own interests.”

With business so omnipotent, government as its handmaiden, the scale of corruption extreme, the electoral process so flawed, it makes the task of redressing social gains lost formidable but not impossible.

Epilogue

Given the state of things, Piven poses the essential question - is another “popular upheaval” possible? She calls this “the big question for our time.” Nothing is certain or simple, but historically “hardship propels people to collective defiance,” especially in times of extreme inequalities of wealth. The current American era is the most extreme ever, so how long will people tolerate the decline in their standard of living as the rich grow richer and multi-billions go wars without end.

How does the Bush administration respond - with a dominant media “message machine” touting an “ownership society,” scaring people to accept the outlandish and fraudulent “war on terror,” blaming victims for their own misfortune, letting (Christian) faith-based groups take over welfare, preaching God and markets solve everything, and calling a lack of patriotism the equivalent of treason.

Piven, nonetheless, is hopeful. Independent polls show Bush’s approval at record lows as well as a large majority opposing the Iraq war. In addition, she sees “an intimate connection between what people think is possible in politics and what they think is right.” Popular aspirations tend to rise for what people believe is “evident” and “reach(able).”

So she asks: “What, then, are the prospects for the emergence of new social movements that mobilize disruptive power?” Global justice demonstrations in Seattle and around the world aren’t enough. Much more is needed. Labor must become resurgent, but it’s no simple matter doing it and without committed leadership impossible.

Yet it happened in the 1930s at a time of great need, and Piven suggests that “Maybe workers need to see the possibility of worker power again.” Activists and organizers must concentrate on “developing and demonstrating power strategies” for a “new economy” that’s increasingly service-based, high-tech and global.

Millions still live here, their standard of living is declining, business pretty much has it all, and it’s high time that changed. People have power but only if they use it. New times need “new forms of political action, new ‘repertoires’ that extend across borders and tap the chokepoints of new systems of production (and governance)” where they’re most vulnerable to mass disruption.

Piven closes by saying that history shows that “collective defiance” and its subsequent “disruption” have “always been essential to the preservation of democracy.” It’s no different today than it’s ever been, and that’s an idea to build on.

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2 Responses to “‘Challenging Authority’”

  1. Garry
    Posted: May 16th, 2008 at 1:28 pm | Link to this

    Excellent article, the only problem is the people, some call it apathy, others indifference.

    The fact is that if the present day population had been around in 1939 we all be singing Deutschland Über Alles! Give them their Beer, TV and throw a few pennies at them and they’ll pretend it isn’t happening.

    Virtually every war and incidence of human misery has been caused by politicians, their corporate masters and their greed. So when will people stand up to be counted?

    Governments have succeeded in convincing people that they can do nothing. It doesn’t require violence, people must learn to use their votes tactically, get rid of the rotten Politicians and replace them with men and women of substance.

    The next stage is to remove power from the Blair’s, Brown’s and Bush’s of this world and instigate Direct Democracy, the right of referenda, put the power back with the people.

    The Swiss did it and whilst their system isn’t perfect, it is a lot better than any other Governmental system.

    Politicians can’t be trusted with unfettered power, this is why the EU is so dangerous.

    Reply

  2. Neal
    Posted: May 17th, 2008 at 11:38 pm | Link to this

    Problem with this is it’s exactly what The Keepers want to happen.

    This is 1960’s style protests and they are a 2008 trap.

    Laws changed in 2002 making it possible to end any uprising very quickly and with who cares about the bloodshed.

    Large movements also rely on people having it in them to hold a thought or intent for longer than 24 hours … name one!!

    By the time a movement has hit the media, government agents are already involved at top levels in that movement controlling and directing it’s actions to “The Keepers” end agenda.

    So in my opinion, there is no “in mass” answer to the problem at all … HOWEVER there may be room for separate people to make their way out to some form of safety.
    One would have to leave society behind, grow all your own food and have control over your own water.

    Reply

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