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星期六， 2008年8月2日
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由 亞當ZAGORIN  | 差不多二年從喬治・ W.總統通過了。 布什公開地承認了代辦處出租航空器飛行恐怖主義嫌疑犯在秘密監獄和審訊站點之間在世界範圍內CIA節目的存在。 「這個節目在9月幫助我們採取潛在的大量謀殺者街道，在他們需要一個機會殺害之前」，總統說。 6, 2006. 從那入場，白宮拒绝詳盡闡述或評論進一步對節目的具體，雖然多個報告關於保密機構的存在波蘭和羅馬尼亞浮出了水面。

依據一位前資深美國官員，看起來另一個地點在波蘭和羅馬尼亞比涉嫌的站點可以增加到審訊站點國際花名冊-一陰暗和潛在地有爭議。 來源告訴時間2002年和可能2003年，美國。 監禁和詢問一個或更多恐怖主義嫌疑犯在Diego Garcia，一個海島在英國控制的印度洋。

官員，一個頻繁參加者在白宮情況室會議在9月以後。 11誰有從左政府，認為CIA反恐怖主義官員兩次說一個高值囚犯或囚犯在海島被拿著并且被詢問。 俘虜或俘虜的身分清楚地未被做。 根據這個帳戶， CIA官員通過志願信息，明顯地顯示出，使到會者驚奇代辦處做着它最佳得到可貴的智力。 由於討論的被分類的本質根據這個唯一來源，請求匿名，美國。 在船願也保留了囚犯在Diego Garcia的領海，角逐之內美國。 長期否認了。 白宮會議由各種各樣的其他資深反恐怖主義官員也參加。

時間與理查Clarke談論了指控，在應付反恐怖主義的國家安全理事會擔當一位特別顧問對布什，直到2003年，但不是來源為這個故事。 「在我的存在，在白宮，使用Diego Garcia的可能性為扣留高值目標被談論了」，他說。 Clarke did not witness a final resolution of the issue, but adds, “Given everything that we know about the Administration’s approach to the law on these matters, I find the report that the U.S. did use the island for detention or interrogation entirely credible.”

Since leaving the White House, Clarke has written Against All Enemies, a scathing critique of the Bush Administration’s handling of the war on terrorism. Clarke, who was in charge of U.S.-U.K. cooperation on Diego Garcia in the early ’90s, says using the island for interrogations or detentions without British permission “is a violation of U.K. law, as well as of the bilateral agreement governing the island.”

Diego Garcia is a tiny island, but its use by the U.S. as a detention or interrogation site has global significance. While the governments of Poland and Romania have faced few domestic consequences for their rumored cooperation with U.S. counterterrorism measures, many in Britain have been voluble in their opposition to what they see as the U.S.’s abrogation of human rights as well as violations of law and British sovereignty. Says the chief spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office: “Our intelligence and counterterrorism relationship with the U.S. is vital to the national security of the United Kingdom. We accept U.S. assurances on rendition in good faith. But if others have definitive evidence of rendition through the U.K. or our overseas territories, including Diego Garcia, then we will raise it with the U.S. authorities.”

A CIA spokesman says there have been no changes in the agency’s position on Diego Garcia since February 2008, when CIA director Michael Hayden admitted that the agency’s previous denials about U.S. activities on the island were incorrect. Hayden acknowledged then that the U.S. had inadvertently misled the British government and that two suspects had been on flights that stopped to refuel on Diego Garcia en route to Guantánamo Bay and Morocco in 2002. “Neither of those individuals was ever part of CIA’s high-value terrorist-interrogation program,” said Hayden. “These were rendition operations, nothing more.” Hayden did not identify the suspects who were transited on the island and said that no other U.S. prisoners have been on Diego Garcia since Sept. 11.

A variety of press reports over the years have claimed otherwise, citing evidence that people ranging from alleged Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to his associate Abu Zubaydah and other suspected terrorists were in American hands there. (Britain leased Diego Garcia, which is halfway between Africa and Southeast Asia, to the United States and barred anyone from entering the island, except by permit, in 1971.) In 2003, TIME reported that Hambali, alleged architect of the Bali discotheque bombings, was held there.

U.K. foreign secretary David Miliband and his predecessor, Jack Straw, who served under Prime Minister Tony Blair, have both repeatedly denied that the U.S. detained terrorism suspects on British territory.

Hayden’s attempt to set the record straight has failed to quiet British protests about American activities on the island. Instead, the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition has begun an investigation, raising a variety of pointed questions about the island with Gordon Brown’s Labour government. Speaking to the BBC, Labor MP and Foreign Affairs Committee member Fabian Hamilton said this week, “I think it’s important the British government makes plain its … deep concern that it’s not being told the truth and that our territories are being used for these purposes.”

In late June, Foreign Secretary Miliband said the U.S. had studied a list of 391 flights compiled by British human rights groups and assured British authorities it had found that no further extraordinary-rendition flights had passed through British territory. But Hamilton’s committee insists that Britain can no longer take at face value America’s assurances that it is not torturing prisoners and, in a clear reference to Diego Garcia, says the U.K. now bears a “legal and moral obligation” to make certain that no British territory abets American rendition flights or interrogations.

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