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Zaterdag, 2 Augustus, 2008
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Door ADAM ZAGORIN  | Bijna twee jaar heeft sinds President George W. overgegaan Bush erkende openbaar het bestaan van een CIA- programma waarin de agentschap-gehuurde vliegtuigen terrorismeverdachten tussen geheime gevangenissen en ondervragingsplaatsen rond de wereld vliegen. „Dit programma heeft ons helpen om potentiële massamoordenaars uit de straten te verwijderen alvorens zij een kans hebben te doden,“ de Voorzitter bovengenoemd op Sept. 6, 2006. Sinds die toelating, is het Witte Huis om verder op de details van het programma gedaald uit te weiden of commentaar te geven, hoewel de veelvoudige rapporten betreffende het bestaan van geheime faciliteiten in Polen en Roemenië zijn opgedoken.

Volgens een vroegere hogere Amerikaanse ambtenaar, verschijnt het een andere scène aan het internationale rooster van ondervragingsplaatsen kan worden toegevoegd - één zowel duisterder als potentieel controversiëler dan de zogenaamde plaatsen in Polen en Roemenië. De bron vertelt TIME dat in 2002 en misschien 2003, de V.S. gevangengenomen en ondervraagd één of meerdere terrorismeverdachten op Diego Garcia, een eiland in de Indische Oceaan die door het Verenigd Koninkrijk wordt gecontroleerd.

De ambtenaar, een frequente deelnemer in de vergaderingen van de Zaal van de Situatie van het Witte Huis na Sept. 11 wie sinds linkeroverheid heeft, zeggen een counterterrorismambtenaar van de CIA zei tweemaal dat een hoogwaardige gevangene of de gevangenen werden gehouden en op het eiland werden ondervraagd. De identiteit van de gevangene of de gevangenen werd niet gemaakt duidelijk. Volgens deze rekening, verraste attendees van de CIA ambtenaar door zich de informatie aan te melden, blijkbaar aan te tonen om dat het agentschap zijn beste waardevolle intelligentie deed verkrijgen. Volgens deze enige bron, die om anonimiteit wegens de geclassificeerde aard van de besprekingen, de V.S. verzocht. kan gevangenen op schepen binnen de territoriale wateren van Diego Garcia's, een geschil ook gehouden hebben de V.S. lang heeft ontkend. De vergaderingen van het Witte Huis werden ook bijgewoond door een verscheidenheid van andere hogere counterterrorismambtenaren.

TIME besprak de bewering met Richard Clarke, die diende als speciale adviseur aan Bush op de Nationale Veiligheidsraad die counterterrorism tot 2003 behandelt maar niet de bron voor dit verhaal is. „In mijn aanwezigheid, op de Witte Algemene Vergadering, werd de mogelijkheid om Diego Garcia te gebruiken voor het vasthouden van hoogwaardige doelstellingen besproken,“ hij zegt. Clarke did not witness a final resolution of the issue, but adds, “Given everything that we know about the Administration’s approach to the law on these matters, I find the report that the U.S. did use the island for detention or interrogation entirely credible.”

Since leaving the White House, Clarke has written Against All Enemies, a scathing critique of the Bush Administration’s handling of the war on terrorism. Clarke, who was in charge of U.S.-U.K. cooperation on Diego Garcia in the early ’90s, says using the island for interrogations or detentions without British permission “is a violation of U.K. law, as well as of the bilateral agreement governing the island.”

Diego Garcia is a tiny island, but its use by the U.S. as a detention or interrogation site has global significance. While the governments of Poland and Romania have faced few domestic consequences for their rumored cooperation with U.S. counterterrorism measures, many in Britain have been voluble in their opposition to what they see as the U.S.’s abrogation of human rights as well as violations of law and British sovereignty. Says the chief spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office: “Our intelligence and counterterrorism relationship with the U.S. is vital to the national security of the United Kingdom. We accept U.S. assurances on rendition in good faith. But if others have definitive evidence of rendition through the U.K. or our overseas territories, including Diego Garcia, then we will raise it with the U.S. authorities.”

A CIA spokesman says there have been no changes in the agency’s position on Diego Garcia since February 2008, when CIA director Michael Hayden admitted that the agency’s previous denials about U.S. activities on the island were incorrect. Hayden acknowledged then that the U.S. had inadvertently misled the British government and that two suspects had been on flights that stopped to refuel on Diego Garcia en route to Guantánamo Bay and Morocco in 2002. “Neither of those individuals was ever part of CIA’s high-value terrorist-interrogation program,” said Hayden. “These were rendition operations, nothing more.” Hayden did not identify the suspects who were transited on the island and said that no other U.S. prisoners have been on Diego Garcia since Sept. 11.

A variety of press reports over the years have claimed otherwise, citing evidence that people ranging from alleged Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to his associate Abu Zubaydah and other suspected terrorists were in American hands there. (Britain leased Diego Garcia, which is halfway between Africa and Southeast Asia, to the United States and barred anyone from entering the island, except by permit, in 1971.) In 2003, TIME reported that Hambali, alleged architect of the Bali discotheque bombings, was held there.

U.K. foreign secretary David Miliband and his predecessor, Jack Straw, who served under Prime Minister Tony Blair, have both repeatedly denied that the U.S. detained terrorism suspects on British territory.

Hayden’s attempt to set the record straight has failed to quiet British protests about American activities on the island. Instead, the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition has begun an investigation, raising a variety of pointed questions about the island with Gordon Brown’s Labour government. Speaking to the BBC, Labor MP and Foreign Affairs Committee member Fabian Hamilton said this week, “I think it’s important the British government makes plain its … deep concern that it’s not being told the truth and that our territories are being used for these purposes.”

In late June, Foreign Secretary Miliband said the U.S. had studied a list of 391 flights compiled by British human rights groups and assured British authorities it had found that no further extraordinary-rendition flights had passed through British territory. But Hamilton’s committee insists that Britain can no longer take at face value America’s assurances that it is not torturing prisoners and, in a clear reference to Diego Garcia, says the U.K. now bears a “legal and moral obligation” to make certain that no British territory abets American rendition flights or interrogations.



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