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Samedi 2 août 2008
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Par ADAM ZAGORIN  | Presque deux ans ont passé depuis le Président George W. Bush a publiquement reconnu l'existence d'un programme de CIA dans lequel agence-a loué des suspects de terrorisme de mouche d'avion entre les prisons et les emplacements secrets d'interrogation autour du monde. « Ce programme nous a aidés à prendre les meurtriers de masse potentiels outre des rues avant qu'ils aient une chance à tuer, » le président dit sur septembre. 6, 2006. Depuis cette admission, la Maison Blanche a refusé d'élaborer ou présenter plus loin ses observations sur les détails du programme, bien que les rapports multiples aient apprêté concernant l'existence des équipements secrets en Pologne et en Roumanie.

Selon un ancien fonctionnaire américain aîné, il est évident qu'un autre lieu peut être ajouté au rôle international des emplacements d'interrogation - un plus obscur et potentiellement plus controversé que les emplacements allégués en Pologne et en Roumanie. La source indique TEMPS qu'en 2002 et probablement 2003, États-Unis emprisonné et interrogé un ou plusieurs suspects de terrorisme sur Diego Garcia, une île dans l'Océan Indien commandé par le Royaume-Uni.

Le fonctionnaire, un participant fréquent aux réunions de pièce de situation de la Maison Blanche après septembre. 11 qui a depuis le gouvernement gauche, indique un fonctionnaire d'anti-terrorisme de CIA deux fois dit qu'un prisonnier ou des prisonniers de haute valeur étaient tenus et interrogés sur l'île. L'identité du captif ou des captifs n'a pas été faite clairement. Selon ce compte, le dirigeant de CIA a étonné des participants en offrant l'information, pour démontrer apparemment que l'agence faisait son meilleur pour obtenir l'intelligence valable. Selon cette source simple, qui a demandé l'anonymat en raison de la nature classifiée des discussions, les États-Unis peuvent également avoir gardé des prisonniers sur des bateaux dans les eaux territoriales de Diego Garcia, une controverse les États-Unis a longtemps nié. Les réunions de la Maison Blanche ont été également suivies par une variété d'autres fonctionnaires aînés d'anti-terrorisme.

TEMPS a discuté l'allégation avec Richard Clarke, qui a servi de conseiller spécial à Bush sur le Conseil de sécurité nationale traitant l'anti-terrorisme jusqu'en 2003 mais n'est pas la source pour cette histoire. « Dans ma présence, dans la Maison Blanche, la possibilité d'employer Diego Garcia pour détenir les cibles de haute valeur a été discutée, » il dit. Clarke did not witness a final resolution of the issue, but adds, “Given everything that we know about the Administration’s approach to the law on these matters, I find the report that the U.S. did use the island for detention or interrogation entirely credible.”

Since leaving the White House, Clarke has written Against All Enemies, a scathing critique of the Bush Administration’s handling of the war on terrorism. Clarke, who was in charge of U.S.-U.K. cooperation on Diego Garcia in the early ’90s, says using the island for interrogations or detentions without British permission “is a violation of U.K. law, as well as of the bilateral agreement governing the island.”

Diego Garcia is a tiny island, but its use by the U.S. as a detention or interrogation site has global significance. While the governments of Poland and Romania have faced few domestic consequences for their rumored cooperation with U.S. counterterrorism measures, many in Britain have been voluble in their opposition to what they see as the U.S.’s abrogation of human rights as well as violations of law and British sovereignty. Says the chief spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office: “Our intelligence and counterterrorism relationship with the U.S. is vital to the national security of the United Kingdom. We accept U.S. assurances on rendition in good faith. But if others have definitive evidence of rendition through the U.K. or our overseas territories, including Diego Garcia, then we will raise it with the U.S. authorities.”

A CIA spokesman says there have been no changes in the agency’s position on Diego Garcia since February 2008, when CIA director Michael Hayden admitted that the agency’s previous denials about U.S. activities on the island were incorrect. Hayden acknowledged then that the U.S. had inadvertently misled the British government and that two suspects had been on flights that stopped to refuel on Diego Garcia en route to Guantánamo Bay and Morocco in 2002. “Neither of those individuals was ever part of CIA’s high-value terrorist-interrogation program,” said Hayden. “These were rendition operations, nothing more.” Hayden did not identify the suspects who were transited on the island and said that no other U.S. prisoners have been on Diego Garcia since Sept. 11.

A variety of press reports over the years have claimed otherwise, citing evidence that people ranging from alleged Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to his associate Abu Zubaydah and other suspected terrorists were in American hands there. (Britain leased Diego Garcia, which is halfway between Africa and Southeast Asia, to the United States and barred anyone from entering the island, except by permit, in 1971.) In 2003, TIME reported that Hambali, alleged architect of the Bali discotheque bombings, was held there.

U.K. foreign secretary David Miliband and his predecessor, Jack Straw, who served under Prime Minister Tony Blair, have both repeatedly denied that the U.S. detained terrorism suspects on British territory.

Hayden’s attempt to set the record straight has failed to quiet British protests about American activities on the island. Instead, the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition has begun an investigation, raising a variety of pointed questions about the island with Gordon Brown’s Labour government. Speaking to the BBC, Labor MP and Foreign Affairs Committee member Fabian Hamilton said this week, “I think it’s important the British government makes plain its … deep concern that it’s not being told the truth and that our territories are being used for these purposes.”

In late June, Foreign Secretary Miliband said the U.S. had studied a list of 391 flights compiled by British human rights groups and assured British authorities it had found that no further extraordinary-rendition flights had passed through British territory. But Hamilton’s committee insists that Britain can no longer take at face value America’s assurances that it is not torturing prisoners and, in a clear reference to Diego Garcia, says the U.K. now bears a “legal and moral obligation” to make certain that no British territory abets American rendition flights or interrogations.

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