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Britische Gegend benutzt für US Folterung

Samstag, den 2. August 2008
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Durch ADAM ZAGORIN  | Fast zwei Jahre haben seit Präsidenten George W. überschritten Bush bestätigte öffentlich das Bestehen eines CIA Programms, in dem Flugzeugfliege Terrorismusverdächtige zwischen geheimen Gefängnissen und Befragungaufstellungsorten um die Welt Agentur-mietete. „Dieses Programm hat uns geholfen, mögliche Massenmörder die Straßen zu entfernen, bevor sie eine Wahrscheinlichkeit zu töten haben,“ der Präsident, der an Sept. gesagt wird. 6, 2006. Seit dieser Aufnahme ist das Weiße Haus gesunken, weiter die Besonderen des Programms auszuarbeiten oder zu kommentieren, obgleich mehrfache Reports betreffend das Bestehen des geheimen Service in Polen und in Rumänien aufgetaucht sind.

Nach Ansicht eines ehemaligen älteren amerikanischen Beamten scheint es, daß ein anderer Schauplatz dem internationalen Register der Befragungaufstellungsorte - eins hinzugefügt werden kann unverständlicher und möglicherweise umstrittener als die angeblichen Aufstellungsorte in Polen und in Rumänien. Die Quelle erklärt ZEIT daß 2002 und vielleicht 2003, die US eingesperrt und abgefragt einen oder mehrer Terrorismusverdächtigen auf Diego Garcia, eine Insel im Indischen Ozean gesteuert durch das Vereinigte Königreich.

Der Beamte, ein häufiger Teilnehmer an das Haus-Situation Raumsitzungen nach Sept. 11 wer seit linker Regierung hat, sagt einen zweimal gesagten CIA counterterrorism Beamten, daß ein high-value Gefangener oder Gefangene auf der Insel gehalten und abgefragt wurden. Die Identität des Gefangenen oder der Gefangenen wurde nicht klar gebildet. Entsprechend diesem Konto überraschte der CIA Offizier Teilnehmer, indem er die Informationen, um freiwillig erbot anscheinend zu zeigen, daß die Agentur sein bestes tat, um wertvolle Intelligenz zu erhalten. Entsprechend dieser einzelnen Quelle die um Anonymität wegen der eingestuften Natur der Diskussionen bat, die US Gefangene auf Schiffen innerhalb Diego Garcias des territorialen Wassers, eine Absicht auch gehalten haben können die US hat lang verweigert. Die Haussitzungen wurden auch durch eine Vielzahl anderer älterer counterterrorism Beamter gesorgt.

ZEIT besprach die Behauptung mit Richard Clarke, der Bush auf dem Staatssicherheit Rat als spezieller Berater diente, der counterterrorism beschäftigt, bis 2003 aber nicht die Quelle für diese Geschichte ist. „In meiner Anwesenheit, im Weißen Haus, wurde die Möglichkeit des Verwendens von Diego Garcia für das Zurückhalten der high-value Ziele besprochen,“ sagt er. Clarke did not witness a final resolution of the issue, but adds, “Given everything that we know about the Administration’s approach to the law on these matters, I find the report that the U.S. did use the island for detention or interrogation entirely credible.”

Since leaving the White House, Clarke has written Against All Enemies, a scathing critique of the Bush Administration’s handling of the war on terrorism. Clarke, who was in charge of U.S.-U.K. cooperation on Diego Garcia in the early ’90s, says using the island for interrogations or detentions without British permission “is a violation of U.K. law, as well as of the bilateral agreement governing the island.”

Diego Garcia is a tiny island, but its use by the U.S. as a detention or interrogation site has global significance. While the governments of Poland and Romania have faced few domestic consequences for their rumored cooperation with U.S. counterterrorism measures, many in Britain have been voluble in their opposition to what they see as the U.S.’s abrogation of human rights as well as violations of law and British sovereignty. Says the chief spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office: “Our intelligence and counterterrorism relationship with the U.S. is vital to the national security of the United Kingdom. We accept U.S. assurances on rendition in good faith. But if others have definitive evidence of rendition through the U.K. or our overseas territories, including Diego Garcia, then we will raise it with the U.S. authorities.”

A CIA spokesman says there have been no changes in the agency’s position on Diego Garcia since February 2008, when CIA director Michael Hayden admitted that the agency’s previous denials about U.S. activities on the island were incorrect. Hayden acknowledged then that the U.S. had inadvertently misled the British government and that two suspects had been on flights that stopped to refuel on Diego Garcia en route to Guantánamo Bay and Morocco in 2002. “Neither of those individuals was ever part of CIA’s high-value terrorist-interrogation program,” said Hayden. “These were rendition operations, nothing more.” Hayden did not identify the suspects who were transited on the island and said that no other U.S. prisoners have been on Diego Garcia since Sept. 11.

A variety of press reports over the years have claimed otherwise, citing evidence that people ranging from alleged Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to his associate Abu Zubaydah and other suspected terrorists were in American hands there. (Britain leased Diego Garcia, which is halfway between Africa and Southeast Asia, to the United States and barred anyone from entering the island, except by permit, in 1971.) In 2003, TIME reported that Hambali, alleged architect of the Bali discotheque bombings, was held there.

U.K. foreign secretary David Miliband and his predecessor, Jack Straw, who served under Prime Minister Tony Blair, have both repeatedly denied that the U.S. detained terrorism suspects on British territory.

Hayden’s attempt to set the record straight has failed to quiet British protests about American activities on the island. Instead, the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition has begun an investigation, raising a variety of pointed questions about the island with Gordon Brown’s Labour government. Speaking to the BBC, Labor MP and Foreign Affairs Committee member Fabian Hamilton said this week, “I think it’s important the British government makes plain its … deep concern that it’s not being told the truth and that our territories are being used for these purposes.”

In late June, Foreign Secretary Miliband said the U.S. had studied a list of 391 flights compiled by British human rights groups and assured British authorities it had found that no further extraordinary-rendition flights had passed through British territory. But Hamilton’s committee insists that Britain can no longer take at face value America’s assurances that it is not torturing prisoners and, in a clear reference to Diego Garcia, says the U.K. now bears a “legal and moral obligation” to make certain that no British territory abets American rendition flights or interrogations.



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