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Saturday, October 18th, 2008 星期六， 2008年十月18日

Lew Rockwell柳罗克韦尔 | Following Plato, many moralists have associated political virtue with a reluctance to pursue and exercise power. |柏拉图之后，有许多相关的道德政治美德与不愿追求和行使权力。 To want to rule others is to be morally disqualified from doing so.为了要统治别人就是在道德上是被取消资格这样做。 The strong tendency in traditional Western political thought to disparage a desire for power has been unfortunate.强劲的趋势，传统的西方政治思想诋毁的愿望权力一直是不幸的。 Without some people governing others, basic social order could not exist, to say nothing of effecting desirable change.如果有些人理事等，基本的社会秩序就不可能存在，更不用说影响可取的变化。 The prejudice against power-seeking has left politics too much to people with the wrong kind of ambition, who want to rule as an end in itself.在不妨碍对权力的要求已经离开政治太多的人错误的野心，谁想要的规则本身就是目的。

The reason for observing that the pursuit of power need not be immoral but can be a means to good is that this article will challenge a particular manifestation of the will to power – one that finds expression in increasingly influential arguments for boosting the prerogatives of the American president and the federal government.其原因指出，追求权力不一定是不道德的，而且可以是一个很好的手段是，本文将挑战特别体现了权力意志-一种认为表达的越来越有影响的论点提高的特权美国总统和联邦政府。 The criticism that will be directed here against that hankering for domination must not be misunderstood as stemming from opposition to any and all efforts to acquire power.的批评，将针对在这里对这一渴望统治绝不能被误解为来自反对党的任何及所有努力取得权力。 What will be rejected is an inordinate and blatantly partisan, and therefore perverse, craving to rule – a dream not just about taking over the US government but about dominating the world.什么将被拒绝是一种过分，公然偏袒，因此有害的，渴求规则-一个梦想不只是接管了美国政府，而是称霸世界。 The people who have this desire attempt to conceal its real nature by pretending that it comports well with the thinking of the framers of the US Constitution.谁的人有这种愿望企图掩盖其真实性质的假装它comports良好的思想，制定了美国宪法。 It is in fact alien to that thinking.事实上，它是外国人的思维。 Would that power of a different quality could prevail against it!将这种权力具有不同的质量可以战胜它！

A merely self-serving desire for power cannot present itself as such.只是一个自我服务的权力欲望不能成为本等。 It must portray itself as a wish to assist others.它必须把自己作为一个愿协助他人。 How best to argue for giving you or your group great power?如何能最好地说给您或您的小组伟大的力量？ If you are able to persuade others that the present world is grossly oppressive and destructive of human happiness but that you can make it much better, those others may support mobilizing massive power and placing it in your hands or the hands of people like you.如果你能说服他人，目前世界上严重压迫和破坏人类幸福，但你可以使它更好，这些其他人可能支持强大的动员和把它放在你的手或双手的人喜欢你。 The more ambitious your scheme for benevolent change, the greater the need for power.更为雄心勃勃的计划，您仁慈的变化，需要更大的权力。

Since the French Revolution, ideologies have been exceptionally conducive to power-seeking.自法国大革命，意识形态已经非常有利于权力寻求。 Jacobinism, Communism, and National Socialism are alike in promising glorious change and assuming the desirability of giving vast power to those who claim to know what needs to be done.雅各宾主义，共产主义，社会主义和民族的前途都在光荣的变化和假设是可取的巨大力量使这些人谁知道需要做些什么。 A few years ago, David Frum and Richard Perle provided an all-purpose justification for unlimited power: putting “an end to evil” – the title of their co-authored book.几年前，大卫Frum和理查德珀尔提供了一个通用的理由无限的权力：把“终止罪恶” -的标题他们共同撰写的书。 Now there is a noble and ambitious goal!现在，是一项崇高和宏伟目标！ Power beyond the dreams of avarice would be needed to realize it.电力超越梦想的贪婪将需要实现它。 That rooting out evil might be an endless task only increases its appeal to a ravenous will to power.这铲除邪恶的可能是一个无休止的任务只会增加其吸引了贪婪的权力意志。 We are, of course, supposed to believe that the connection between advocating sweeping change and needing great power is purely coincidental.我们当然，要相信，主张之间的联系发生翻天覆地变化和需要伟大的力量是纯粹的巧合。

Jacobinism and Marxism were openly revolutionary.雅各宾主义和马克思主义公开革命性的。 They were the ideologies of out-groups challenging existing elites.他们的意识形态了团体挑战现有的精英。 What this writer has called neo-Jacobinism is the ideology of people on the inside, members of America’s elites, who wish to make the military and other might of the United States a more pliant and powerful tool and who are attempting a creeping coup d’état from within.什么笔者呼吁新雅各宾主义是意识形态的人在里面，成员美国的精英，谁愿作出军事和其他可能对美国更柔软和功能强大的工具，谁正试图逐渐政变政变内。 According to their ideology, America is called by history to create a better world based on universal principles.根据他们的思想，被称为美国历史创造一个更美好的世界的基础上的普遍原则。 Virtuous American power must be unleashed.良性美国的力量必须得到释放。 Their main excuse at present for exercising extra-constitutional power is to combat “Terrorism,” but any threat to their great cause is a potential justification for setting the Constitution aside.他们的主要借口，目前额外行使宪法权力，以打击“恐怖主义” ，但任何威胁到他们的伟大事业是一个潜在的理由设置宪法一边。

The rise of the huge, centralized Federal government and the corresponding decline of limited, decentralized government resulted from changes deep in the American mind and imagination.崛起的巨大的，集中联邦政府和相应下降有限，政府权力下放造成深部的变化在美国铭记和想象力。 The new Jacobins take advantage of the fading of the old ethos and hasten its disappearance by advocating notions incompatible with it.新雅各宾派利用褪色的旧精神和加速其失踪倡导的概念不符合它。

The old American idea of government was indistinguishable from the commandment to “love thy neighbor.” That morality stressed the importance of the person trying to control his own evil and weakness.这位美国政府的想法是区分的戒律，以“爱你的邻居。 ”这强调道德的重要性的人试图控制自己的罪恶和弱点。 Strength of will – character – had to be built up so that the person would become capable of more loving familial and local relationships and more responsible citizenship.意志的力量-性质-要建立起这样的人将成为能够更加热爱家族和地方的关系和更负责任的公民。 This morality made for strong communities and self-reliance and minimized the need for government.这种道德了强有力的社区和自力更生和最大限度地减少需要的政府。 Alexis de Tocqueville pointed to the great reluctance among Americans in the early 19th century to give up power over their own lives to any distant authority.托克维尔指出，伟大的美国人不愿意在19世纪初放弃权力，自己的生活遥远的任何权力。

The Constitution rested on an unwritten constitution, which was America’s religious, moral, intellectual, cultural, and social habits and beliefs.宪法取决于一个不成文的宪法，这是美国的宗教，道德，智力，文化和社会习惯和信仰。 Traditional America encouraged a strong attachment to life lived up-close.美国传统的强有力的鼓励依恋生命辜负关闭。 It fostered self-restraint, modesty, respect for law, and a willingness to compromise.它促进自我克制，谦虚，尊重法律，并愿意妥协。 It was this heritage that brought into being the constitutional personality.正是这一文化遗产，被带入宪法的个性。 Just as people were in the habit of imposing internal checks on desire, so were they predisposed to accept and respect external constitutional and other legal constraints.正如人的习惯，实行内部检查的愿望，所以他们倾向于接受和尊重外部宪法和其他法律的限制。 Without such people, the Constitution could not work as intended.如果没有这样的人，宪法不能工作打算。

But the self-understanding of Americans slowly changed.但是，自我理解的美国人慢慢地改变。 Throughout the Western world a very different moral ethos was spreading that shifted attention away from intimate associations and local community.在整个西方世界的一个非常不同的道德风气正在蔓延的转移注意力从亲密协会和当地社区。 It rejected the old notion of original sin and of personal responsibility for people up close.它反对旧的概念原罪和个人责任的人了密切的。 It found morality not in acts of character toward particular individuals – neighbors – but in “idealistic,” sentimental caring for unfortunate collectives and mankind at large.它发现没有道德行为的性质特别是对个人-邻居-但在“理想”，感伤的照顾不幸的集体和人类在逃。 The older personality, which the Constitution both assumed and required, began to wither.老年人的人格，这两个假定宪法和需要，开始枯萎。 Americans started to abdicate authority to benevolent-sounding politicians far away.美国人开始放弃权力，仁慈的冠冕堂皇的政客遥远。

Increasingly, doing good became perceived as the responsibility of government, which alone could take on the large projects now said to be demanded by morality.越来越多行善成为视为政府的责任，这本身就可以采取对大型项目现在说是道德的要求。 Governmental, collective action gradually replaced individual, private and communal responsibility.政府，集体行动，逐步取代个体，私营和社区的责任。 The moral momentum behind the old decentralized society weakened.道德动力分散的旧社会受到削弱。 Today strong, centralized Federal power seems to more and more Americans not merely acceptable but desirable.今天，强有力的，集中的联邦权力似乎越来越多的美国人不仅可以接受，但可取的。 This is so because they are absorbing the anti-traditional moral sensibility now dominant not only in the universities, the arts, the news media, and the entertainment and publishing industries but in many churches.之所以如此，是因为它们吸收的反传统道德的感觉现在占主导地位不仅在大学，艺术，新闻媒体，以及娱乐和出版业，但在许多教堂。 Hence Americans say increasingly to government: “Act for us!”因此说，越来越多的美国人对政府： “对我们来说法！ ”

Much of the intellectual opposition to this trend has been confused and self-defeating.许多知识分子反对这种趋势一直困惑，弄巧成拙。 A prime example is the way many conservatives, thinking that they were shoring up traditional beliefs, attached themselves to the ideas of Leo Strauss (1899–1973), whose disciples became a major force in American academia and national politics.一个主要例子是，许多保守派的方式，认为他们是支撑传统观念，重视自己的想法施特劳斯（ 1899年至1973年） ，其弟子成为一支主要力量在美国学术界和国家政治。 A refugee from Nazi Germany, Strauss taught for many years at the University of Chicago.难民从纳粹德国，斯特劳斯教授多年来在美国芝加哥大学。 Because he appeared to defend a classical, ancient notion of universal moral right, many did not notice that he was actually discrediting respect for tradition.因为他似乎捍卫经典，古老的概念，普遍的道德权利，许多没有注意到，他实际上是诋毁尊重传统。 Strauss and his disciples advocated an anti-historical, un-conservative notion of moral universality.斯特劳斯和他的弟子鼓吹反历史的，取消保守的道德观念的普遍性。

According to Strauss, no real philosopher gives any credence to “the conventional” or “the ancestral,” to use his terms.据斯特劳斯，没有真正的哲学家提供任何可信的“传统”或“祖传” ，利用他的职权。 To respect them represents the greatest of all intellectual sins, “historicism.” Inherited ways are, he insisted, mere accidents of history.要尊重他们代表了最伟大的所有智慧的罪孽， “历史主义” 。继承的方式是，他坚持认为，仅仅事故的历史。 Respect is owed solely to “the simply right,” which is ahistorical and rational.尊重是只欠“的根本权利” ，这是ahistorical和合理的。 Strauss sharply criticized Edmund Burke, who saw the possibility of moral universality acquiring historical form.斯特劳斯尖锐批评埃德蒙柏克，谁看到的可能性，获得道义上的普遍性的历史形式。 Strauss’s abstract notion of natural right ruled out the idea that a particular tradition might, despite inevitable flaws, embody the quest for moral universality and be, for that reason, worthy of allegiance.施特劳斯的抽象的概念，自然权利排除的想法特别传统的可能，尽管不可避免的缺陷，体现了追求道德的普遍性和，因此，值得效忠。

Strauss’s ideas were blithely absorbed by many Christians, not least philosophically unsophisticated and naïve Roman Catholics, who perceived him as a defender of moral right.施特劳斯的想法，愉快地吸收了许多基督信徒，而不是简单的至少有哲理和天真的罗马天主教徒，谁认为他是一名后卫的道义上的权利。 They did not realize that his conception of universality was markedly different from that of Christianity and related philosophical currents.他们没有意识到，他的普遍性概念明显不同，基督教和相关的哲学电流。 They did not understand or care that in rejecting tradition as a proper source of guidance Strauss was attacking one of the pillars of their faith.他们不理解或照顾，拒绝传统，正确的指导斯特劳斯是进攻的支柱之一，他们的信仰。 They did not comprehend that by sharply separating the universal from the particular Strauss ruled out universality becoming selectively incarnate in history and was striking at the very core of their professed beliefs.他们不理解，通过大幅度的普遍分离的特殊斯特劳斯排除普遍性的化身成为选择性的历史和显着的核心其宣称的信仰。 Specifically, he was denying the possibility of the Incarnation, of the Word becoming flesh.具体来说，他是否定的可能性化身，在Word中成为一体。

Straussian political philosophy has sought to detach Americans from their historically existing tradition of constitutionalism with its deep and distinctive roots in history and to make them loyal instead to abstract principles of Straussian design that have been attributed to the founders. Straussian政治哲学试图分离美国人从他们的历史上现有的传统的宪政与深和独特的历史根源，使他们忠实而不是抽象的原则Straussian设计，已归入创始人。 Straussians are not all alike – in a few, the anti-historical prejudice is diluted to some extent by respect for America’s actual past – but prominent disciples of Strauss such as Allan Bloom, Harry Jaffa, and Walter Berns, who differ in some ways, all agree that what is admirable about America is not its concrete, historical self but the abstract principles of the founders. Straussians是不是所有的都一样-在少数，反历史的偏见稀释至一定程度上受到尊重，美国的实际过去-但著名的施特劳斯的弟子，如布鲁姆，哈里月2 7日，和沃尔特伯恩斯，谁在一些不同方式，大家都同意，是令人钦佩的是美国不是它的具体的，历史的自我，但抽象原则的创始人。 In the last few decades, Straussian conceptions of Americanism, patriotism and virtue have been widely advocated in academia, including America’s military academies.在过去的几十年里， Straussian概念主义，爱国主义和美德已被广泛倡导在学术界，包括美国的军事院校。 That terms like these can be given a distinctly anti-traditional meaning has been little noticed.该条款可以这样得到一个明显的反传统的意义已经不大注意。

By propagating a rationalistic, anti-historical notion of moral right Strauss and his disciples have created a deep prejudice against cherishing America’s distinctive, historically evolved Christian and British past.通过传播理性的，反历史的概念，道义上的权利，斯特劳斯和他的弟子创造了一个深偏见珍惜美国的特色，历史演变和英国基督教过去。 But this was the cultural heritage that nurtured the inner and outer restraints of American constitutionalism.但是，这是丰富的文化遗产，培育了内部和外部约束的美国宪政。 Because Straussian anti-traditionalism has confused and weakened so many who wanted to defend that heritage, it has been in some ways more destructive of it than standard liberal anti-traditionalism.由于Straussian反传统的困惑，并削弱了这么多谁要捍卫这一遗产，它已经在某些方面更具破坏性的，这比标准的自由主义反传统。

Despite plentiful ceremonial praise for the Constitution and virtual orgies of constitutional legalism, we are living through the progressive dismantling of America’s proudest political achievement.尽管有丰富的礼仪赞扬宪法和虚拟orgies宪政法制，我们正在经历逐步拆除美国的值得骄傲的政治成就。 One sign of the precarious condition of the Constitution is that many imagine that it could be restored by electing more politicians sympathetic to its tenets and by having more “strict constructionists” appointed to the US Supreme Court.一个迹象不稳定的状况，宪法是，许多想象，它可以通过选举恢复更多的政治家同情其原理和有更多的“严格constructionists ”任命为美国最高法院。

But the old American constitutionalism is inseparable from the moral-spiritual and other culture that gave it birth.但是，旧的美国宪政是分不开的道德精神和其他文化，赋予它出生。 Limited government and liberty were made possible by people who, because of who they were, put checks on their appetites, ran their own lives and communities, and behaved more generally in ways conducive to freedom under law.有限政府和自由成为可能的人们谁，因为他们是谁，把检查的胃口，跑自己的生活和社区，更普遍的行为方式有利于自由的法律规定。 Restoring American constitutionalism would presuppose some kind of resurgence of that old culture.美国恢复宪政将假定某种死灰复燃，旧文化。 Americans would have to begin viewing life rather differently from how they are viewing it now.美国人将不得不开始检视生命，而不同于他们是如何看现在。 They would have to rearrange their priorities and start acting differently, placing more emphasis on family, private groups and local communities.他们将不得不重新安排其优先次序，并开始采取行动不同，将重点放在家庭，民间团体和地方社区。 They would have to want to take back much of the power ceded to politicians.他们将要收回大部分权力割让给政治家。 Is that likely to happen?是可能发生的呢？ If not, the Constitution may not be salvageable.如果没有，宪法可能无法回收。

The time has certainly come to consider what might take the place of American constitutionalism.时间当然应该考虑可能采取什么地点的美国宪政。 That so many admirers of the old Constitution are prone to nostalgic dreaming and elaborate defenses of what is long gone is a sign of moral and intellectual paralysis.如此众多崇拜者的旧宪法很容易怀旧的梦想，并制定防御的是什么早已是一个迹象，道德和智力瘫痪。

But there are people who have thought for a rather long time about what should replace the Constitution of 1789.但是，有些人谁想到一个相当长的时间什么应取代1789年宪法。 They include leading Straussians and neoconservatives who have masked their agenda by pretending to defend what is being lost.他们包括领导Straussians和新保守派谁也掩盖其议程假装捍卫什么是正在丧失。 It is only fair to add that the strategic designs of secretive and obfuscating leaders are not always obvious to the rank and file.只有公平地补充说，战略设计的秘密和混淆的领导人并不总是显而易见的职级和文件。

Straussians and neoconservatives have warned against the consequences of abandoning America’s “founding principles,” but they are not referring to the ways and beliefs of the founders but to abstractions of their own devising that they falsely attribute to revered historical figures. Straussians和新保守派已警告的后果放弃美国的“基本原则” ，但他们没有提到的方法和信仰的创始者，而是抽象自己的设计，他们虚假属性崇敬的历史人物。 Those principles are more reminiscent of the French Jacobins than of the founders.这些原则是更让人想起法国雅各宾派比的创始人。

Straussians and neoconservatives have also warned of the consequences of the “closing of the American mind” – the title of Allan Bloom’s 1987 best-selling book – but the mind that they want kept open is not the old American mind but what they would have preferred it to be, their own version of the Enlightenment mind. Straussians和新保守派也警告的后果“关闭美国心” -的标题布鲁姆的1 987年畅销书-但记住，他们希望保持开放并非岁的美国人铭记但他们将希望它是，他们自己版本的启示铭记。

The same people have warned of American cultural decline, as measured some years back by William Bennett’s “cultural indicators,” but what they want is not the old American virtues of neighborliness, localism, self-control, compromise, and the rule of law, but the purported virtue of vigorously asserting universal principles in the world.同样的人警告说，美国文化下降，作为衡量几年前的威廉贝内特的“文化指标” ，但他们想要的不是岁的美国人美德的睦邻友好，地域性，自我控制，妥协，和法治的法，但声称凭借大力主张普遍性原则，在世界上。 The new Jacobins disdain moral hesitation and ambiguity, demanding what they call “moral clarity.” You are either on the side of good, spreading “democracy” or “freedom,” as they understand them, or you are siding with the enemy.新雅各宾派的蔑视道德犹豫和含糊之处，要求他们所谓的“道义上的明确。 ”你是不是一方的好，推广“民主”或“自由” ，因为他们了解他们，或站在你的敌人。

The new Jacobins have a double message.新雅各宾派有双重讯息。 On the one hand, they tell Americans that their society is in great danger: It is threatened domestically by fragmentation caused by lack of virtue and patriotism, by moral nihilism, historicism, and multiculturalism.一方面，他们告诉美国人，他们的社会是非常危险的：这是威胁国内的分裂所造成的缺乏美德和爱国主义，道德虚无主义，历史主义和多元文化。 It is threatened from abroad by Terrorism and “Islamofascism.” But, on the other hand, the new Jacobins want to be reassuring: Be not afraid!这是来自国外的威胁的恐怖主义和“伊斯兰法西斯主义。 ”但是，另一方面，新的雅各宾派想安慰：不要怕！ We, the patriotic champions of American principles, are here to protect you!我们的爱国冠军美国的原则，来这里是为了保护你！ We promise you order and security and an America committed to right in the world.我们可以向你们保证秩序和安全，并承诺美国有权在世界上。

Their notion of America reveals its alien origins even in strange-sounding language, as in the name “Department of Homeland Security.” They are popularizing un-American ideas of governance, notably the so-called “unitary” executive – the notion of the preeminence of the president, who is to be as little constrained as possible by checks and balances and the rule of law.其概念的美国显露出它的起源甚至外国人在陌生的冠冕堂皇的语言，如名称为“国土安全部。 ”他们是推广非美国设想的治理，特别是所谓的“单一的”行政-的概念杰出的总统，谁是那样的限制很少尽可能制衡和法治。 Their goal is wholly at odds with the constitutionalism of the framers.他们的目标是完全不符合宪法的制定者。

Lest too many worry about the expansion and centralization of federal power, the neo-Jacobins do not let Americans forget even for a day the great and acute danger of Terrorism.为了避免太多担心的扩大和集中的联邦权力，新雅各宾派不要让美国人甚至忘记了一天的伟大和急性恐怖主义的危险。 A country that spends almost as much on its military and national security as the rest of the world put together has to tremble continuously before possible threats.一个国家的花费几乎同样多的关于其军事和国家安全为世界其他地区的合作提出了不断发抖前可能出现的威胁。 People who resist the progressive erosion of American liberties are portrayed as unpatriotic and a threat to national security.人们谁抵制逐步侵蚀美国的自由是描绘成不爱国的和对国家安全构成威胁。

Those who would protect us are advancing the coup from within by teaching us to associate American security and virtue with the leadership of a strong man.这些谁保护我们的推动从内部发动政变的教学我们联系美国的安全和美德的领导一个强有力的人。 Here, as in other ways, Straussian and neoconservative ideas have blended with and hardened standard liberal thinking.在这里，如同在其他方面， Straussian和新保守主义的思想混合硬化标准和自由思维。 In the mid-20th century it was academics like James MacGregor Burns who inspired a cult of the presidency.在20世纪中叶这是学者像詹姆斯麦格雷戈伯恩斯谁启发邪教主席。 Burns, who eventually became president of the American Political Science Association, was the quintessential modern American liberal.伯恩斯，谁最终成为总统的美国政治学协会，是典型的现代美国的自由。 He advocated popular rule through strong presidential leadership in the Roosevelt-New Deal mode.他主张流行的规则通过强有力的总统领导的罗斯福，新政模式。 He knew well that this notion flatly contradicted the framers.他知道，这个概念断然矛盾的制定。 They opposed “democracy” and assumed that if any branch of the US government were preeminent, it would be the Congress.他们反对“民主”和假定，如果有任何分行，美国政府是杰出的，这将是国会。 Now it is Straussians and neoconservatives who most extol strong executive leadership and more generally muscular federal government.现在是新保守派Straussians和颂扬谁最强有力的行政领导和更广泛的肌肉联邦政府。 They see the powers of the executive as trumping the powers of the other branches, especially at a time of national emergency.他们认为，权力的行政作为胜过权力的其他部门，尤其是在一次全国紧急状态。 Then the president must embody and express the will of the nation as he sees fit.然后，总统必须体现和表达意愿的国家，他认为合适的。

Harvard’s Harvey Mansfield is the intellectual figurehead of those attempting to justify the creeping coup from within.哈佛大学的哈维曼斯菲尔德是智力代表人物那些企图辩解悄悄从内部政变。 In The Wall Street Journal (May 2, 2007) he has stressed that, now more than ever, America needs a “strong executive.” Basing his argument on a strained and transparently unhistorical interpretation of the framers, he contends that the rule of law has drawbacks, “each of which suggests the need for one-man-rule.” For one thing, the law can produce only what is mediocre, “an average solution even in the best case.” For another, the law lacks “energy.” In a crisis, government must put forth “energy,” and “the best source of energy” is “one man.” What America needs today, Mansfield declares, is “a wise man on the spot” with freedom to act for the whole.在华尔街日报（ 2007年5月2日）他强调指出，现在比以往任何时候，美国需要一个“强有力的执行。 ”根据他的论点的紧张和透明unhistorical解释的制定，他认为法治有缺点， “每个意味着需要一个人的统治。 ”对于一件事，法律不仅能产生什么是平庸“ ，解决平均即使在最好的情况。 ”另一方面，缺乏法律的“能源。 “在一个危机，政府必须提出”能源“和”最好的能源来源“是”一个人。 “美国需要什么今天，曼斯菲尔德声明，是”一个聪明的人在现场“的行动自由的整个。 To “subordinate” the president to law and the legislature is “dangerous.” Then “he could not do his job.” Not only is a strong executive needed to deal with emergencies, Mansfield contends.以“服从”总统法和立法机关是“危险的。 ”那么“ ，他不能做他的工作。 ”不仅是一个强有力的执行需要处理紧急情况，曼斯菲尔德争辩。 It must also be able to overpower domestic opposition, “oppose a majority faction produced by temporary delusions in the people.” Americans admire strong presidents not just in politics but also in corporations, he argues.它也必须能够打败国内的反对， “反对多数派产生的临时幻想中的人。 ”强大的美国人钦佩总统不仅在政治，而且在公司，他说。

If it is suggested that there is a connection between a strong executive and imperialism, Mansfield regards it as better to err on the side of imperialism than isolationism.如果有人建议，有一个联系一个强有力的行政和帝国主义，曼斯菲尔德认为这是更好地犯错的一方比帝国主义孤立主义。 The difficulties of the war in Iraq arose, he writes, “from having wished to leave too much to the Iraqis, thus from a sense of inhibition rather than imperial ambition.” It seems apposite that Mansfield, the advocate of muscular executive power capable of enforcing its will at home and abroad, should also be a champion of what he calls “manliness,” the topic of his recent book.困难的伊拉克战争中站起身来，他写道， “不必想离开太多的伊拉克人，因此，从某种意义上抑制，而不是帝国野心。 ”看来适当的曼斯菲尔德，主张肌肉行政权力的能力执行其将在国内和国外，也应该是冠军的他所谓的“男子气概”的专题他最近的书。

The many proponents of the theory of the “unitary” executive include John Yoo, now a professor of law at the University of California, Berkeley.许多主张理论的“统一”执行包括约翰柳，现在是一个法学教授在加州大学伯克利分校。 As a Justice Department lawyer in the Bush administration, Yoo, formerly at the American Enterprise Institute, famously defended broadly discretionary presidential power and the use of torture in the war against terrorism.作为司法部律师在布什政府，柳，以前在美国企业研究所，著名辩护广泛的自由裁量总统权力和使用酷刑在打击恐怖主义的战争。 Michael Goldfarb, previously at the Weekly Standard and now deputy communications director for the McCain for president campaign, has asserted that the framers “sought an energetic executive with near dictatorial power in pursuing foreign policy and war.”迈克尔戈德，以前在标准周刊，现在通信副主任麦凯恩的总统竞选已经断言，制定“积极寻求与行政权力近乎独裁者在追求外交政策和战争。 ”

Voices calling for unleashing allegedly virtuous American power have long been heard in the electronic media, the major newspapers – Washington Post and New York Times prominent among them – the big news magazines, and the leading opinion periodicals.的声音，要求释放被美国的力量良性早就听说在电子媒体，各大报纸-华盛顿邮报和纽约时报突出它们之间-大新闻杂志，以及舆论的领导期刊。 Long before 9/11 Charles Krauthammer wrote in the Washington Post that America must take advantage of being the only superpower to create a world to its liking.早在9 / 11查尔斯克劳特哈默写在华盛顿邮报，美国必须利用目前世界上唯一的超级大国创造一个世界，它的喜好。 How should it accomplish this goal?应如何实现这一目标？ “By unapologetic and implacable demonstrations of will” (March 5, 2001). “通过毫无歉意和无情的示威意愿” （三月五日， 2001年） 。 Why should virtuous America not be “implacable”?为什么要良性美国不是“无情” ？ Robert Kagan wrote in the same newspaper that “America .罗伯特卡根写在同一报纸说， “美国。 . 。 . 。 can sometimes seem like a bully on the world stage.” “But really, the 1,200-pound gorilla is an underachiever in the bullying business” (November 3, 2002).可有时似乎像一个恶霸在世界舞台上“ 。 ”但实际上，在1200磅的大猩猩是一个underachiever在欺负生意“ （ 11月3日， 2002年） 。

The handwriting is all over the wall.手写是所有的墙。 It is becoming clearer with each passing day that neo-Jacobinism and related currents, which may have seemed innocuous and “merely academic” to some, have provided ideological cover for an ever more grasping and ruthless pursuit of power.这是变得更加清晰日新月异，新雅各宾主义和相关的电流，这可能似乎无害化和“仅仅是学术”一些，提供了思想涵盖了以往任何时候都更为残酷的把握和追求权力。 People of great ambition who want to exercise the power being abdicated by Americans are trying to make us accept and even welcome the final disappearance of American constitutionalism and its culture of modesty and self-restraint.人民的伟大抱负谁想要行使正在退位由美国人正试图使我们接受，甚至欢迎的最后失踪的美国宪政及其文化的谦虚和自我克制。

As already mentioned, some earlier assaults on traditional Western civilization were launched by openly radical agitators who saw themselves as on the outside of their societies.如前所述，一些早先攻击西方文明的传统发起公开激进的煽动者谁看到自己在外面的社会。 Their justifications for seizing power were revolutionary doctrines like those of Marx and Trotsky.他们的理由是夺取政权的革命理论像马克思，托洛茨基。 Today’s rolling, gradual coup is engineered by already powerful people who want to consolidate and expand their power.今天的滚动，逐步政变策划已经很强大的人谁要巩固和扩大其权力。 Wishing not to antagonize too much those who still identify with an older America and still wield some power, they try not to appear too radical and so often present themselves as “neoconservatives” or even “conservatives.” As should be clear from their own words, that does not make them friends of traditional America.希望不要太多对抗那些仍然确定谁与中美洲和老年人仍然拥有一些权力，他们尽量不要出现过于激进，因此常常把自己说成是“新保守主义” ，甚至“保守派。 ”作为应该明确自己的话，这并不让他们的朋友的传统美。

Needless to say, neo-Jacobin ideology, though long a potent force, is not the only way of justifying the coup from within.不用说，新雅各宾主义意识形态，但长期强大武力，不是唯一的方式发动政变的理由范围内。 Those working to centralize power are strongly entrenched in both major parties and in other influential American institutions, and they employ different ideas and symbols to woo and co-opt different constituencies.这些工作，以集中力量根深蒂固的两个主要政党和其他有影响力的美国机构，他们采用不同的想法和符号，雨和增选不同的组别。

Given the growing problems of the United States, why not welcome these efforts to rethink the ways of traditional America?鉴于日益严重的美国，为什么不欢迎这些努力重新考虑传统的方式合众国？ Because they are inspired by highly dubious motives that color the proposals for change.因为它们是由高度可疑的动机色彩的改革建议。 Though those trying to impose a new power structure often speak in the name of America and their rhetoric is sometimes faintly conservative, they are not inspired by a desire to protect and reconstitute the best of the Western tradition.虽然那些试图强加新的权力结构往往名义发言合众国和他们的言论有时是淡淡的保守，他们没有灵感的愿望，保护和重建最好的西方传统。 By changing the meaning of words, they are rather trying to reconcile us to the demise of that heritage and its replacement with their own enlightened and virtuous regime.通过改变含义的话，而他们试图调和我们的消亡的文化遗产和更换自己的开明和良性制度。 Their response to the crisis is aggravating the crumbling of the American constitutional order.他们对危机的反应是加重了崩溃的美国宪法秩序。 Their prescriptions contain the outlines of tyranny and must fill the friends of traditional American and Western civilization with trepidation.他们的处方含有纲要的暴政和必须填写的朋友传统的美国和西方文明与惶恐。

What is ominous about these, our purported saviors, to repeat, is not that they want power.什么是不祥对这些，我们所谓的救世主，重复，是不是他们想要权力。 It is that they represent a conceited and self-absorbed special interest and have an obsessive desire to rule others – a desire that cannot be concealed by feigned benevolence toward Americans and all mankind.这是他们代表了自负和自我吸收的特殊利益和愿望的一种痴迷的统治其他人-的愿望，不能掩盖对假装仁慈美国人和全人类。 It is necessary to expose their false solutions to what are real problems and to explore by what measures the best of our civilization might, despite daunting odds, be given a new lease on life.这是必要的，揭露其错误的解决办法是什么实际问题，并探讨了什么措施最好的也许我们的文明，尽管艰巨的困难，给予了新生命。

Claes G. Ryn [克拉斯湾雷恩[ send him mail送他的邮件 ], professor of politics at the Catholic University of America, is chairman of the National Humanities Institute and editor of Humanitas. ] ，政治学教授在美国天主教大学，是主席的国家人文科学研究所和编辑人道。 He also is president of the Academy of Philosophy and Letters.他还会长科学院哲学和文学。 He is the author of他是作者 America the Virtuous美国的良性 . 。

Copyright © 2008 Claes G. Ryn版权所有2008年克拉斯湾雷恩

Have Your Say: America’s Coup D’État in the Making 你说：美国的政变制作
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