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Saturday, June 28th, 2008 周六， 2008年6月28日

By通过 Slavoj Zizek斯拉沃伊齐泽克 | In 1968 Paris, one of the best-known graffiti messages on the city’s walls was “Structures do not walk on the streets!” In other words, the massive student and workers demonstrations of ‘68 could not be explained in the terms of structuralism, as determined by the structural changes in society, as in Saussurean structuralism. |在1968年巴黎，其中最知名的涂鸦讯息对城市的墙壁是“结构不走在街上！ ： ”换句话说，大量的学生和工人的示威'68无法解释的条款的结构，所确定的结构性转变，在社会上，由于在saussurean结构。 French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan’s response was that this, precisely, is what happened in ‘68: structures did descend onto the streets.法国psychoanalyst拉康的回应是，这，正是，这是发生在'68 ：结构没有下降走上街头。 The visible explosive events on the streets were, ultimately, the result of a structural imbalance.有形的爆炸事件对街道，最终的结果是结构性的失衡。

There are good reasons for Lacan’s skeptical view.有很好的理由拉康的持怀疑态度的看法。 As French scholars Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello noted in 1999’s The New Spirit of Capitalism , from the ’70s onward, a new form of capitalism emerged.正如法国学者吕克波尔坦斯基和夏娃夏佩罗指出，在1999年的新的资本主义精神 ，从七十年代起，一种新形式的资本主义出现。

Capitalism abandoned the hierarchical Fordist structure of the production process — which, named after auto maker Henry Ford, enforced a hierarchical and centralized chain of command — and developed a network-based form of organization that accounted for employee initiative and autonomy in the workplace.资本主义被遗弃的层次fordist结构，生产过程中-其中，命名后，汽车制造商亨利福特，强迫层次和集中统一的指挥链-并制定了基于网络的组织形式，占雇员的积极性和自主权，在工作场所。 As a result, we get networks with a multitude of participants, organizing work in teams or by projects, intent on customer satisfaction and public welfare, or worrying about ecology.因此，我们得到网络与众多的参与者，在组织工作队，或由项目，意图对客户的满意度和公共福利，或担心生态环境。

In this way, capitalism usurped the left’s rhetoric of worker self-management, turning it from an anti-capitalist slogan to a capitalist one.就这样，资本主义篡夺左侧的修辞工人的自我管理，把它从一个反资本主义的口号，以一个资本主义1 。 It was Socialism that was conservative, hierarchic and administrative.这是社会主义，这是保守的，层次和行政责任。

The anti-capitalist protests of the ’60s supplemented the traditional critique of socioeconomic exploitation with a new cultural critique: alienation of everyday life, commodification of consumption, inauthenticity of a mass society in which we “wear masks” and suffer sexual and other oppressions.反资本主义的抗议，六十年代，辅以传统的批判与社会经济剥削的一种新的文化批判：异化的日常生活中，商品化的消费， inauthenticity一个大规模的社会在这方面，我们“戴口罩” ，并遭受性暴力和其他压迫。

The new capitalism triumphantly appropriated this anti-hierarchical rhetoric of ‘68, presenting itself as a successful libertarian revolt against the oppressive social organizations of corporate capitalism and “really existing” socialism.新资本主义的胜利拨这个反分层修辞'68 ，介绍了本身作为一个成功的自由反抗压迫的社会组织，企业和资本主义“真的现有的”社会主义。 This new libertarian spirit is epitomized by dressed-down “cool” capitalists such as Microsoft’s Bill Gates and the founders of Ben & Jerry’s ice cream.这个新的自由精神，是体现穿着式“酷”的资本家，如微软的比尔盖茨和创始人本＆杰里的冰淇淋。

What survived of the sexual liberation of the ’60s was the tolerant hedonism readily incorporated into our hegemonic ideology.什么存活的性解放，六十年代是宽容的享乐主义随时纳入我们的霸权思想。 Today, sexual enjoyment is not only permitted, it is ordained — individuals feel guilty if they are not able to enjoy it.今天，性享受的不仅是允许的，这是祝圣-个人感到内疚，如果他们没有能够享受它。 The drive to radical forms of enjoyment (through sexual experiments and drugs or other trance-inducing means) arose at a precise political moment: when “the spirit of ‘68″ had exhausted its political potential.驱动器，以激进的形式享受（透过性试验和药物或其他trance诱导的手段）出现在一个确切的政治时刻：当“的精神， '68 ”已耗尽了它的政治潜力。

At this critical point in the mid-’70s, we witnessed a direct, brutal push-toward-the-Real, which assumed three main forms: first, the search for extreme forms of sexual enjoyment; second, the turn toward the Real of an inner experience (Oriental mysticism); and, finally, the rise of leftist political terrorism (Red Army Faction in Germany, Red Brigades in Italy, etc.).在这个关键点在中，七十年代，我们见证了直接的，野蛮的推-对- -真正的，假定的三种主要形式：第一，搜索的极端形式的性享受;第二，转向真正的党内的经验（东方神秘主义） ;以及最后，崛起的左派政治恐怖主义（红军派在德国，红色旅，在意大利，等等） 。

Leftist political terror operated under the belief that, in an epoch in which the masses are totally immersed in capitalist ideological sleep, the standard critique of ideology is no longer operative.左派的政治恐怖下运作，相信，在一个划时代的，其中，人民群众是完全沉浸在资本主义思想的睡眠，标准的批判思想，是不再执行。 Only a resort to the raw Real of direct violence could awaken them.只有诉诸原始的真正的直接的暴力行为可以唤醒他们。

What these three options share is the withdrawal from concrete socio-political engagement, and we feel the consequences of this withdrawal from engagement today.什么这三个选项的份额是从具体的社会政治参与，和我们觉得的后果，这从今天的接触。

Autumn 2005’s suburb riots in France saw thousands of cars burning and a major outburst of public violence. 2005年秋季的郊区暴动，在法国看到数以千计的汽车和燃烧的一个主要突发公共暴力事件。 But what struck the eye was the absence of any positive utopian vision among protesters.但什么击中眼睛是没有任何积极的乌托邦式的远景之间的示威者。 If May ‘68 was a revolt with a utopian vision, the 2005 revolt was an outburst with no pretense to vision.如果可能'68是一个反抗与一个乌托邦的理想， 2005年起义是一个突出的，没有幌子的远见。

Here’s proof of the common aphorism that we live in a post-ideological era: The protesters in the Paris suburbs made no particular demands.这里的证明，共同的格言，我们生活在一个后意识形态时代：示威者在巴黎的郊区并没有特别的要求。 There was only an insistence on recognition , based on a vague, non-articulated resentment.目前只有一，坚持承认的基础上，一个空泛的，非铰接式不满。

The fact that there was no program in the burning of Paris suburbs tells us that we inhabit a universe in which, though it celebrates itself as a society of choice, the only option available to the enforced democratic consensus is the explosion of (self-)destructive violence.事实上，有没有计划在燃烧的巴黎郊区的告诉我们，我们居住的宇宙中，虽然它庆祝本身作为一个社会的选择，唯一的选择，提供给执行民主的共识是爆炸（自我）破坏性的暴力行为。

Recall here Lacan’s challenge to the protesting students in ‘68: “As revolutionaries, you are hysterics who demand a new master.在这里回顾拉康的挑战，抗议学生在'68 ： “作为革命家，你是谁hysterics需求的新主人。 You will get one.”你会得到一“ 。

And we did get one — in the guise of the post-modern “permissive” master whose domination is all the stronger for being less visible.我们没有得到一个-在假借后现代“宽容”师父，其统治是所有强被不太显眼。

While many undoubtedly positive changes accompanied this passage — such as new freedoms and access to positions of power for women — one should nonetheless raise hard questions: Was this passage from one “spirit of capitalism” to another really all that happened in ‘68?虽然许多积极的变化，无疑是伴随着这一段-如新的自由和获得权力地位的妇女-一，但应努力提高的问题：这是通过从一个“资本主义精神”到另一个真的都发生在' 6 8？ Was all the drunken enthusiasm of freedom just a means to replacing one form of domination with another?是所有醉酒的积极性，自由只是一种手段，以取代一种形式的统治与另一？

Things are not so simple.事情并非如此简单。 While ‘68 was gloriously appropriated by the dominant culture as an explosion of sexual freedom and anti-hierarchic creativity, France’s Nicholas Sarkozy said in his 2007 presidential campaign that his great task is to make France finally get over ‘68.而'68是光荣核拨的主导文化作为一个爆炸的性自由和反层次的创造力，法国的尼古拉斯萨尔科齐说，在他2007年总统竞选，他的伟大的任务是使法国终于获得超过'68 。

So, what we have is “their” and “our” May ‘68.所以，我们已是“他们”和“我们”可能'68 。 In today’s ideological memory, “our” basic idea of the May demonstrations — the link between students’ protests and workers’ strikes — is forgotten.在今天的思想记忆， “我们”的基本理念五月示威-之间的联系，学生的抗议和工人罢工-是遗忘。

If we look at our predicament with the eyes of ‘68, we should remember that, at its core, ‘68 was a rejection of the liberal-capitalist system, a “NO” to the totality of it.如果我们看一看我们的困境与眼中的'68 ，我们应该记住，在其核心， '68是一个拒绝自由资本主义制度， “不”的全部。

It is easy to make fun of political economist Francis Fukuyama’s notion of the “end of history,” of his claim that, in liberal capitalism, we found the best possible social system.这是很容易作出的乐趣政治经济学家福山的概念“历史的终结， ”他声称，在自由资本主义，我们发现最好的社会制度。 But today, the majority is Fukuyamaist.但今天，大多数是fukuyamaist 。 Liberal-democratic capitalism is accepted as the finally found formula for the best of all possible worlds, all that is left to do is render it more just, tolerant, etc.自由民主的资本主义是被接纳为终于找到了公式最好的一切可能的世界，所有这一切都是左要做的就是要使其更加公正，宽容，等等。

When Marco Cicala, an Italian journalist, recently used the word “capitalism” in an article for the Italian daily La Repubblica , his editor asked him if the use of this term was necessary and could he not replace it with a synonym like “economy”?当马可cicala ，一个意大利记者，最近使用的字， “资本主义”在一篇文章中为意大利日报共和国报 ，他的编辑问他：如果使用这个词是必要的和可能，他不能取代它与别名一样， “经济” ？

What better proof of capitalism’s triumph in the last three decades than the disappearance of the very term “capitalism”?有什么更好的证明，资本主义的胜利，在过去30年中比失踪的非常长远的“资本主义” ？ So, again, the only true question today is: Do we endorse this naturalization of capitalism, or does today’s global capitalism contain contradictions strong enough to prevent its indefinite reproduction?因此，再次，唯一真正的今天的问题是：我们是否赞同这一归化的资本主义，或是否今天的全球资本主义的矛盾，包含强大的足以防止其无限期再生产？

There are (at least) four such antagonisms: the looming threat of ecological catastrophe; the inappropriateness of private property rights for so-called “intellectual property”; the socio-ethical implications of new techno-scientific developments (especially in biogenetics); and, last but not least, new forms of apartheid , in the form of new walls and slums.有（至少）四个这样的对立：迫在眉睫的威胁的生态灾难;不适当的私有财产的权利，使所谓的“知识产权” ;的社会伦理影响的新技术科学发展 （特别是在biogenetics ） ;最后但并非最不重要， 新形式的种族隔离 ，在形式，新的城墙和贫民窟。

The first three antagonisms concern the domains of what political theorists Michael Hardt and Toni Negri call “commons” — the shared substance of our social being whose privatization is a violent act that should be resisted with violent means, if necessary (violence against private property, that is).首三个对立关注的领域，什么样的政治理论家迈克尔hardt和托妮negri称之为“商品” -共同的实质，我们的社会正在其私有化是一种暴力行为，应予以抵制与暴力手段，如有必要（暴力侵害私人财产，这是） 。

The commons of external nature are threatened by pollution and exploitation (from oil to forests and natural habitat itself); the commons of internal nature (the biogenetic inheritance of humanity) are threatened by technological interference; and the commons of culture — the socialized forms of “cognitive” capital, primarily language, our means of communication and education, but also the shared infrastructure of public transport, electricity, post, etc. — are privatized for profit. 该商品的外部性质的威胁，污染和剥削（从石油到森林和自然生境本身） ; 下议院的内部性质 （生物继承人类）的威胁，技术干扰; 和商品的文化 -社会化形式的“认知”的资本，主要是语言，我们的通信手段和教育，但也共用基础设施，公共交通，电力，邮政等-是私有化的利润。 (If Bill Gates were to be allowed a monopoly, we would have reached the absurd situation in which a private individual would have owned the software texture of our basic network of communication.) （如果比尔盖茨被允许垄断的情况，我们将已达到荒谬的情况，其中个人将拥有该软件的质地我们的基本网络通信） 。

We are gradually becoming aware of the destructive potential, up to the self-annihilation of humanity itself, that could be unleashed if the capitalist logic of enclosing these commons is allowed a free run.我们正逐步成为意识到的破坏性潜力，向自我毁灭人类本身而言，可释放出如果资本主义的逻辑，附上这些商品是允许一个自由运行。

Economist Nicholas Stern rightly characterized the climate crisis as “the greatest market failure in human history.”经济学家尼古拉斯斯特恩是正确的特点是气候危机，作为“最大的市场失灵在人类历史上” 。

There is an increasing awareness that we need global environmental citizenship, a political space to address climate change as a matter of common concern of all humanity.有一个日益认识到，我们需要全球环境公民，政治空间，以解决气候变化问题作为共同关心的所有人类。

One should give weight to the terms “global citizenship” and “common concern.” Doesn’t this desire to establish a global political organization and engagement that will neutralize and channel market forces mean that we are in need of a properly communist perspective?一，应重视的条件“全球公民”和“共同关心”并不这一愿望，以建立一个全球性的政治组织和接触，这将抵消和渠道，市场力量意味着我们需要在一个适当的共产主义的角度来看呢？ The need to protect the “commons” justifies the resuscitation of the notion of Communism: It enables us to see the ongoing “enclosure” of our commons as a process of proletarization of those who are thereby excluded from their own substance.需要保护的“商品”有理由复苏的概念，共产主义：它使我们能够看到正在进行的“圈地”我们的商品的过程，作为proletarization这些是谁，从而排除从自身的实质内容。

It is, however, only the antagonism between the Included and the Excluded that properly justifies the term Communism.然而，它只有对立，包括和排除，妥善合理的任期共产主义。 In slums around the world, we are witnessing the fast growth of a population outside state control, living in conditions outside the law, in terrible need of minimal forms of self-organization.在贫民窟的世界各地，我们正在目睹的快速增长，人口以外的国家控制，居住在条件，在法律以外，在可怕的有需要的最低限度的形式的自治组织。 Although marginalized laborers, redundant civil servants and ex-peasants make up this population, they are not simply a redundant surplus: They are incorporated into the global economy, many working as informal wage workers or self-employed entrepreneurs, with no adequate health or social security coverage.虽然边缘化的劳动者，多余的公务员和前农民弥补这部分人口，他们是不是一个简单的多余的盈余：他们被纳入全球经济，很多工作作为非正式工人或自雇企业家，没有足够的健康问题或社会保障的覆盖面。 (The main source of their rise is the inclusion of the Third World countries in the global economy, with cheap food imports from the First World countries ruining local agriculture.) These new slum dwellers are not an unfortunate accident, but a necessary product of the innermost logic of global capitalism. （的主要来源，他们的崛起，是列入第三世界国家在全球经济中，廉价的进口食品，从第一世界国家，败坏了当地的农业。 ）这些新的贫民窟居民没有一个不幸的意外，但一个必要的产品的内心的逻辑，全球资本主义。

Whoever lives in the favelas — or shanty towns — of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, or in Shanghai, China, is not essentially different from someone who lives in the banlieues — or outskirts — of Paris or the ghettos of Chicago.谁住在贫民窟 -或棚户区-巴西的里约热内卢，或在上海，中国，是没有本质的不同，有人谁的生命，在b a nlieues-或郊区-巴黎，或贫民区的芝加哥。

If the principal task of the 19th century’s emancipatory politics was to break the monopoly of the bourgeois liberals by politicizing the working class, and if the task of the 20th century was to politically awaken the immense rural population of Asia and Africa, the principal task of the 21st century is to politicize — organize and discipline — the “destructured masses” of slum-dwellers.如果主要任务19世纪的解放政治是打破垄断资产阶级自由派政治化的劳动阶层，如果任务，二十世纪是政治上唤醒了巨大的农村人口的亚洲和非洲，主要任务二十一世纪是政治-组织和纪律- “d e structured人民群众的”贫民窟居住者。

If we ignore this problem of the Excluded, all other antagonisms lose their subversive edge.如果我们忽视这个问题的排除在外，其他所有的敌意失去颠覆优势。

Ecology turns into a problem of sustainable development.生态变成了可持续发展问题。 Intellectual property turns into a complex legal challenge.知识产权变成了一个复杂的法律问题的挑战。 Biogenetics becomes an ethical issue. biogenetics成为一个道德问题。 Corporations — like Whole Foods and Starbucks — enjoy favor among liberals even though they engage in anti-union activities; they just sell products with a progressive spin.公司-一样，整个食品和星巴克-享有主张之间的自由主义者，即使他们从事反工会活动;他们只是销售产品与一个渐进的自旋。

You buy coffee made with beans bought at above fair-market value.你买的咖啡与豆买在上述公平市价。

You drive a hybrid vehicle.你驾驶的混合动力汽车。

You buy from companies that provide good benefits for their customers (according to corporation’s standards).您购买由公司提供良好的福利，为他们的客户（按公司的标准） 。

In short, without the antagonism between the Included and the Excluded, we may well find ourselves in a world in which Bill Gates is the greatest humanitarian fighting poverty and diseases, and NewCorp’s Rupert Murdoch the greatest environmentalist mobilizing hundreds of millions through his media empire.在短期内，没有对立，包括和排除，我们很可能发现自己在这个世界中，比尔盖茨是最大的人道主义战胜贫困和疾病，以及newcorp的默多克最大的环保动员亿万通过他的媒体帝国。

In contrast to the classic image of proletarians who have “nothing to lose but their chains,” we are thus ALL in danger of losing ALL.在对比的经典形象，无产者谁“不会失去什么，但他们的连锁店， ”因此，我们对所有的危险，失去一切。 The risk is that we will be reduced to abstract empty Cartesian subjects deprived of substantial content, dispossessed of symbolic substance, our genetic base manipulated, vegetating in an unlivable environment.风险是，我们将减少到抽象的空洞的笛卡尔科目被剥夺的实质性内容，剥夺了象征性的实质内容，我们的遗传基础操纵， vegetating在一unlivable环境。

These triple threats to our being make all of us potential proletarians.这些三重威胁，我们正在尽一切我们潜在的无产者。 And the only way to prevent actually becoming one is to act preventively.和唯一的出路，以防止实际上成为一个是采取预防行动。

The true legacy of ‘68 is best encapsulated in the formula Soyons realistes, demandons l’impossible! (Let’s be realists, demand the impossible.)真正的遗产'68是最好封装在公式soyons realistes ， demandons l'是不可能的！ （让我们得到的现实主义者，需求不可能） 。

Today’s utopia is the belief that the existing global system can reproduce itself indefinitely.今天的乌托邦，是信念，即现有的全球系统可以重现本身无限期地。 The only way to be realistic is to envision what, within the coordinates of this system, cannot but appear as impossible.唯一途径是不切实际的设想是什么，坐标这个制度，不能，但似乎不可能。

See More: 看到更多的： History 历史

Have Your Say: The Big Outcome of the ’60s: The Triumph of Capitalism 你说：大的结果，六十年代：胜利的资本主义
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