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Blackwater: Подъем мира? s большинств мощная армия Mercenary

Понедельник 19-ое августа 2007
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Джереми Scahill

Blackwater будет частной компанией делает пакостную работу для америки в различных войнах, и covert и те, котор мы знаем о всех слишком наилучшим образом. Оно начало только 10 лет тому назад как вид жизнерадостного paintball и снимая ряд в большой Dismal топи North Carolina, но these days оно имеет некоторые 20.000 mercenaries на своих книгах (? whores войны?), не упомянуть весь пук quasi-воинского самолета, военную базу, серии и серии пушек и соединений с точно правыми людьми.

Оно было принесено в существование Эрик принцом, несколько прав--центром римским - католический zealot который окличет от исключительн unlikable, династия Мичигана гадостн-богатые люди. Принц имеет ухо Белого дома и его фирма была награжена с множеством внесметно приносящего деьги никак-предложила цену подряды для работы обеспеченностью внутри, например, Ирак? где Blackwater? большинств видно задача s должна была look after идиотский и фанатический l Пол Bremer CIII во время его термины как администратор США immediately after война.

Несчастливо, вы могли чувствовать, они сделали их работу довольно наилучшим образом в этом отношении, и Bremer выдержало его срок полномочий. В другом месте, однако, Blackwater было conspicuously катастрофическо; оно было 4 из своих людей сами, во время исключительн ill-advised самолетовылета внутри unquelled Fallujah, после того как оно найдено ambushed, машин-дало полный газ и прорубило к битам в самом скотоподобном образе воспламененными locals. Их расчлененные тела были брошены над электрическими кабелями на мосте в городе? и их убийство принесло злющие и deadly репрессалии от воиска США, помогаемых еще раз больше работников Blackwater.

Джереми Scahill, журналист некоторого repute, не довольно уверенн если он должен обвиняет Blackwater для быть неправомочен и нерадиво в посылке этих людей к, то было почти некоторой смертью, или для играть значительно более темную игру и (в cahoots с режимом кустика) эффективно проектировать зверство к которому америка не имела никакой вариант но ответить в stringent образе. Это симптоматическо возвратной проблемы повсеместно в книга этого в противном случае meticulously исследованная и fascinating: мы находимся в никаком сомнении о куда автор приходит от, политически, и его решение peacenik иногда передергивает его суждение. Given the chance, Scahill would blame Bush and Blackwater for every conceivable crime, all the time (for both gross incompetence and the most astonishing Machiavellian cunning, for example), when a less partial observer might suspect such qualities to be mutually exclusive. Also, and I write as someone who thought the war and occupation of Iraq woefully misguided and criminal, Scahill seems to have much more sympathy for the vicious and medieval Islamists of Fallujah who wish to murder every American on sight than he does for his own people, who want to kill Iraqis only when they themselves are under attack.

Typical of the tenor of this book is the author?s pious opprobrium when a Blackwater soldier, alone under fire on three sides from 1,200 heavily armed and enraged Iraqis, dares issue the unfortunate exclamation ?nigger!?. This undoubted contravention of etiquette merits a couple of pages of concentrated hand-wringing. Appalling though it might seem to Scahill, Blackwater?s mercenary soldiers do not always behave in the manner of Polly Toynbee. They instead comprise macho retired US grunts, former Pinochet guardsmen, pensioned-off members of the Israeli Defence Force, white South African soldiers, cheap-as-chips Colombians and so on. The armed mercenary business is of a distinctly rightish political hue, I think it?s fair to say ? and Scahill spends far too long belabouring the point. Some Blackwater executive doesn?t have much time for homosexuals or abortionists ? no, you?re kidding? There are bigger issues here and Scahill, good journalist that he is, does eventually get on to them.

First and foremost is Blackwater?s apparently cavalier attitude towards its employees and its utter lack of accountability. Scahill also does a fine job tying the firm, financially and politically, to the current Bush administration ? despite Prince?s considered view that George W is a lily-livered liberal, all too soft on queers and commies. The contracts roll in, usually without competition, and Blackwater cleans up, bending the rules of engagement by occasionally using what is euphemistically described as ?unapproved ammunition?, its euphemistically named contractors swanning around Baghdad and Fallujah armed to the teeth, wearing wraparound mirror shades, driving expensive SUVs.

Clearly, though, they love their work for the excitement, comparatively high wages and other sundry spin-offs: ?The chicks dig it,? one cheerful Neanderthal mercenary proclaims of his high-risk, highly paid work. Scahill also discovers Blackwater ?contractors? setting up bases in former Russian secret-service headquarters in Georgia and Azerbaijan, their guns pointed in two directions: towards Russia, towards Iran. Ready for the next conflagration. There?s some evidence in the book that the firm was also involved in the ?renditioning? of prisoners, transporting suspects for interrogation to countries with an imperfect grasp of what is meant by human rights.

Blackwater operates in a deliberately hazy area, a private company beholden to the state for its work, yet free from those legal and moral responsibilities imposed upon the state, nationally and internationally. Scahill reports that the same mirror shades, big guns and SUVs were seen tearing around New Orleans in the wake of hurricane Katrina, the contractors charged with the task of keeping order and ?confronting criminals?. If so, it is a scary development. You might hope that when the current US administration bites the dust, Blackwater might do so, too. But that would be a bit naive. The relationship between mercenary and government is now far too convenient and lucrative to be abandoned.


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