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Вторник 20-ое апреля 2009

Джулия Hyland пишет: «От трагизма протухших документов бесконечного возникает,» мир социалистическое, котор web site написало, комментирующ на исполнении положения невиновного бразильского работника, Джин Charles de Menezes, полицейскиями plainclothes на поезде подземки лондона 22-ого июля 2005.

Случаи трагично подтверждали то предупреждение. В летах с умерщвление Menezes', для которого no one всегда держалось, что учитывает, правовая структура полицейского государства было enacted в Британии.

Прикосновенности этого были сделаны ясно над последними неделями.

В виду того что старт от Эйприл, некоторые 300 людей был арестован и задержан в как раз 3 полицейских операциях. Подавляющее большинство этих было округлено вверх в 2 из этих деятельностей, оба фокусируя на supposed угрозе «общественном порядке».

Поддерживая общественным порядком будет теперь псевдоним для criminalising политической контры.

Даже прежде чем саммит G20 руководителей мира начал в лондоне, 5 людей были арестованы в Plymouth под поступком террорисма, сообщено обвиненным обладая «материала relating to политическое мировоззрение».

Все были выпущены без обязанности, но фактом что политический activism учтен уголовной обидой в 2його столетие Британия был затем writ большой на улицах столицы.

Начиная 1-ое апреля, массивнейшая полицейская операция была установлена in place вокруг саммита G20. Сотниы людей, законно работая их право опротестовать, были «kettled» - неволей после того как они придержали за кордонами полиций для up to 7 час-в бортовых улицах центрального лондона.

Оно было за одним из этих кордонов что Ян Tomlinson-пытая сделать его дорогу домашн после того как работать-атаковал от заднего жезл-wielding замаскированным полицейским. Он умер моменты более поздно.

Очевидец учитывает, видео- footage и тишины фотоего обеспечивают веский довод которое нападение полиций против Tomlinson было равно для курса во время протестов.

Действия по наведению порядка не имели ничего сделать с обеспечивать «общественную безопасность». If anything, они образовали нарочито попытку спровоцировать разлад как претекст для более дальнеишей репрессии. Это underscored доказательством офицеров обыкновенн толком-одежд подготовленных при жезлы поражая вне на демонстрантах, так же, как участие блока полиций территориальной Группы- поддержки специального quasi-paramilitary который включились в несколько из publicised случаев, и которого номера идентификации были скрыны.

Downloads of film footage of the police in action at the G20 protests is said to be particularly high in Brazil—Menezes’ birthplace, and a country bitterly familiar with police savagery against political dissidents.

For good reason, the government attempted to ensure that its “public order” policy would not see the light of day. While police now routinely photograph and demand the identification and addresses of people taking part in lawful demonstrations, watching the watchers is illegal in New Labour’s Orwellian dystopia.

Less than one month before the protests, section 76 of the Counter-Terrorism Act 2008 came into force, providing for the arrest and imprisonment of anyone taking photographs of police officers.

In one instance during the G20 protests, recorded on camera, police officers instructed photographers and news crews to leave the vicinity within 30 minutes or face arrest.

This in a country whose population is now one of the most heavily surveilled in the world. The UK has the greatest concentration of closed circuit TV cameras per head of population. Moreover, without any parliamentary debate let alone public consent, recent legislation has compelled all Internet service providers to retain data from emails and website visits for up to one year. Details of phone calls and text messages can be similarly stored, and made available to the government and other official agencies.

As if such powers were not enough for police to be aware of the movements of any potentially “significant” individuals, on April 13, police in Nottingham carried out the unprecedented “pre-emptive” arrests of 114 people. No crime had been committed. The arrests were made purely on the basis that the police “suspected” a plan by environmentalists to target a power station in Nottingham. While no charges have as yet been made, the arrests were used to mount a trawling operation, raiding homes and seizing personal papers and computers.

In between the London and Nottingham operations, police in the north-west of England mounted major “anti-terror” raids, involving dozens of armed officers. Twelve men, mainly foreign students, were detained as part of what was claimed to be an operation against an imminent terrorist attack.

Once again no charges have been made. Under British anti-terror laws, suspects can be held for 28 days without charge. It is widely reported that no evidence has so far been recovered to substantiate claims of a terrorist emergency.

All the recent police operations are predicated on the more than 200 pieces of separate anti-terror legislation enacted by the Labour government over the last years, and consolidated in the Terrorism Act 2006 which criminalises the mere expression of opinion deemed unacceptable by the Home Secretary.

At the time, then Prime Minister Tony Blair defended the measures on the grounds that political exigencies meant the “rules of the game” had changed.

This established a new legal principle—guilty on the say-so of the powers-that-be. The “rules” now in operation are those where armed police swoops and the targeting of political dissent is a matter of routine. In February this year, in a move which received barely any coverage, the Association of Chief Police Officers set up the Confidential Intelligence Unit, targeted at “domestic extremists”. Assuming the “counter-subversion” functions usually conducted by MI5, the CIU is dedicated to the surveillance of radical groups, including placing informers amongst their numbers.

The assault on civil liberties is not specific to Britain. It is a tendency evidenced throughout the so-called “advanced democracies”. Indeed proclamations of “democracy” increasingly function as a thin veneer, behind which the state has abrogated to itself near autocratic powers.

That this finds no principled opposition from within the ruling establishment or its liberal “critics” must serve as a warning.

The essential driving force behind the adoption of such dictatorial methods is not the maintenance of “public order”, but the need to defend the existing order, preserving the wealth and power of a privileged few at the expense of working people under conditions of the greatest breakdown in the world capitalist economy since the 1930s.

The defence of democratic rights requires breaking the monopoly of the financial oligarchy and its representatives over political life. This can only be achieved through the independent initiative of the working class, fighting for the reorganisation of society on a socialist basis.

Have Your Say: Britain Sleep Walks Into a Police State as Political Dissent is Criminalised
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This entry was posted on Monday, April 20th, 2009 at 6:59 pm and is filed under Activism News, Surveillance, Civil Liberties & Human Rights News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.

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