Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11魯迪朱利安尼的五大謊言9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record對殘端，魯迪不能幫助散佈煙霧和灰燼對他的糟糕記錄
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way.近6年之後， 9 / 11 ，魯迪朱利安尼還是穿過峽谷的曼哈頓下城，涉及這方面的煙塵，指向北方，並帶領全國脫離生命危險的方式。 The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House.共和黨站在正在競選總統所引起的視覺在每一個運動停止，而他顯然認為這是照片價值千夜在白宮。
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow.朱利安尼一直領先共和黨套，為7個月，並預言說，黨的新教徒會反過來對他的，至今已被證明是空洞的。 The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country.宗教權利似乎陷入了朱利安尼的故事，因為其餘的國家。
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days.朱利安尼是不是羞於提醒觀眾的那些日子。 In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign.其實，他hyperventilates約他們就殘端，使他的證書是在所謂的反恐戰爭中的核心競選。 His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden.他的說法，同時，得到了一個媒體順從，所以總說，他的採取complimenting "做好正在做的，涵蓋運動"的對手，也沒有敢不敢的問題，他的恐怖證書，因為如果這樣做如此將是一個不愛國低頭拉登。
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign .在這裡，那麼，是一個少deferential看看在虛幻的雲源於前任市長的競選。 . 。 . 。
BIG LIE1 LIE1. 大lie1 lie1 。 ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. '我覺得這件事區別，我就恐怖主義是，我有更多的經驗加以處理。 '這一支柱的朱利安尼競選斷言，由專家為常，因為這是由人本身-的基礎上，想法魯迪獨特理解恐怖威脅是因為他的背景下，作為一名檢察官，並為紐約市的市長。 In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood.在7月出現在馬里蘭的猶太教堂，朱利亞尼勾勒出他的反恐怖簡歷，一份簡歷說，恰巧是植根於虛偽性。
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. "作為美國司法部長，我調查了克林霍弗謀殺阿拉法特， "他告訴猶太人聽眾，是指臭名昭著的1985年殺害一名坐輪椅者， 69歲的紐約商人船上阿基萊勞倫 ，一家意大利劫持船隻的海岸附近對埃及，巴勒斯坦極端分子。 “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "這是誠實的原因，我就知道這麼多，阿拉法特說： "朱利安尼。 “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "我知道，在細節，美國人他殺害。 I went over their cases.”我到過他們的情況" 。
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office.與此相反，維多利亞toensing ，副助理總檢察長在司法部在華盛頓的人提起刑事控訴，在Lauro號調查說，沒有人在朱利安尼的辦公室"的是，在所涉及的所有"傑伊菲舍爾，阿布尼達爾家庭律師主持下簽署了一項為期12年的官司對巴解組織說，他"從未有過任何接觸" ，與朱利亞尼或其辦公室。 “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "這將令人困惑我的心，如果有人在1985年， 1986年， 1987年，還是此後進行了一項調查，這一案件的，並沒有罵我， "他補充道。 Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.”菲舍爾說，他有一個私人晚宴上，與朱利亞尼在1992年說： "這是我們第一次交談，我們甚至沒有談到這兩位當時的情況" 。
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family.晚宴由該公司安排，阿諾德伯恩斯的親密朋友，菲舍爾和朱利安尼的人，也代表了這兩位家屬。 Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe.伯恩斯，他同時也是財務主持會議的朱利安尼的市長競選，是美國副總檢察長在1985年和監督探針。 “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "我知道，從無到有，魯迪曾在任何形狀或形式對阿布尼達爾案件" ，他說。
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986.雖然朱利安尼告訴保守派政治行動會議在今年3月，他"起訴了很多犯罪一點一滴的恐怖主義，但大多是有組織犯罪的， "他的確只有一個主要的恐怖主義案件中，作為美國司法部長，標誌著10個軍火商賣2.5元億美元的反坦克導彈，炸彈，和戰鬥機向伊朗於1986年。 The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents.法官在此案裁定出售給伊朗違反了恐怖的章程，因為它的政府已經被捆綁到87起恐怖事件。 Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office.朱利安尼從來沒有講過的情況，這也許是因為他親自遞交文件，終止在他上個月為美國司法部長：關鍵的證人已經死亡，一名法官拋出了46個， 55個計數，因為錯誤是由朱利安尼的辦公室。
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "那麼，作為紐約市長"朱利安尼的講話續說： "我當選之後， 1993年伊斯蘭恐怖襲擊。 . 。 . 。 I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have.我成立了應變計劃，以便在所有各種可能的攻擊，我們可以有。 We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.”我們已經演練和演習，我們準備為沙林毒氣和炭疽菌，骯髒炸彈" 。
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty.事實上，朱利安尼被漠視， 1993年世界貿易中心爆炸案的整個他的市長。 A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner.一個月後，攻擊，候選人朱利安尼舉行了第一次會議，與條例草案布拉登，誰會最終成為他的警務專員。 The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers.冗長的會議錄製的是一個幾個政策會議中，他曾與非官方的顧問。 The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism.轟炸都不來了;也沒有恐怖主義。 When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner.當朱利安尼當選幾個月後，他立刻展開了尋找新的警務專員。 Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself.三名成員組成的審查小組認為，朱利安尼命名進行搜索，其中4名候選人面談工作，在會後表示，該爆炸案和恐怖主義，從來不提，甚至當新市長又涉及與本人面談。 When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar.當朱利亞尼需要進行一次緊急管理主任一對夫婦，兩年後，兩位候選人為這項工作，及市官員帶頭搜索說，轟炸和未來恐怖威脅並未對朱利安尼的雷達。 The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger.唯一的一次朱利安尼援引1993年轟炸公開是在他的就職，在1994年，當他提到了道路建設的佔用疏散自己作為一個比喻為個人的責任，忽略了轟炸本身作為一個恐怖先聲。
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney.美國司法部長瑪麗，然後白色和四名助理，他曾起訴1993年轟炸表示，他們從來不問，向朱利亞尼說與恐怖主義有關，雖然所有的助理知道朱利安尼親自實際上已聘請了由他的時候，他被美國聯邦檢察官。 White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999.白色的辦公室，位於一對夫婦100碼從大會堂，起訴拉登三年前9 / 11 ，但朱利安尼回憶說，在他自己的書， 領導才能 ，即"後不久， 9 / 11 ，朱迪思[彌敦道]了我一個副本yossef bodansky的拉登：人宣戰美國 " ，其中曾警告說： "壯觀的恐怖襲擊，華盛頓和/或新的紐約" ，在1999年。 As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.”作為一個例子，他如何"把握一個主題， "朱利亞尼寫道，他很快"涵蓋" bodansky的先知性工作" ，在highlighter和債券" 。
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. 1995年沙林毒氣瓦斯鑽說，朱利亞尼在引用他的講話也預言果然，預計到很多的細分妨礙城市的9 / 11回應。 The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment.這次演習是這樣一個災難的後續演習被取消，以避免尷尬。 More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas.一百多的先遣急救員趕到，在如此猖狂，他們都是"死"的曝光，以煤氣。 Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident.無線電通訊已在市自己的報告"非常糟糕" ，與警察和消防"的經營上的不同頻率"指揮所位於太接近事件。 All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response.所有這三個弱點，將查明年後，在正式審查9 / 11回應。
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism.朱利安尼接著，在這殘端講話精神，名單上其他的例子，他的市長經驗，對抗恐怖主義。 There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said.還有的是時間，他說， "我們已和我們所想的是沙林毒氣攻擊" ，並也有50週年紀念的聯合國和2000年千禧年慶祝活動，來與時代時，他說， "當我們經歷了很多的警告，並已做了大量準備， "讓我們不要忘記，他指出， 1997年紐約市警察局逮捕的兩名恐怖分子的人"去炸毀的一個地鐵車站， "朱利亞尼利用這一挫敗襲擊，以證明該城市的準備情況： "非常，非常警覺，年輕的警員看見那些傢伙， "他說。 “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "他們期待可疑， [他]報導，他們到服務台警長。 The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.”警察部門處決令，並槍殺兩名男子其中一人，因為他即將被觸及切換開關" 。
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate.每項索賠在朱利安尼的自我服務帳戶是不正確的。 The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse.假定的"沙林毒氣襲擊" ，根本發現一個空筒上標明"沙林" ，在家庭中的無一害皇后隱士。 It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo.據當時坐在旁邊的一個完全相同的貨櫃標記"壓縮空氣" ，以笑臉面圖案。 Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly.傑里hauer ，市的緊急事務管理署署長在那個時候，在倫敦逗留期間，透過電話與朱利亞尼不斷。 Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. hauer感到諷刺的說，朱利亞尼仍然議論紛紛，因為他們都以為那是"滑稽" ，把握不好。 “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "警方前往有沒有西裝就觸及所有的容器沒有適當的衣物。 They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street.他們把它變成一個主要的犯罪現場，與數百警察襯砌街頭。 Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house.魯迪有一次對我說： '在這裡，我們有市長，消防專員，行政的警察部門，其中一個是我的副市長是站在前面的草坪上這個家。 Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney.我們是不是應該街之隔的情況下，這東西點燃呢？ ' " ，這得過頭了緊急導致輕罪被捕，其後被解僱，由區檢察長。
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats.同樣，在安全關切，在1995年聯合國週年的重點是古巴和中國，並沒有涉及到阿拉伯國家的恐怖威脅。 The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York.千禧年的目標，奠定了良好的數次試驗，是洛杉磯國際機場，而不是紐約。 While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot.雖然毫無疑問，克林頓政府把國家和城市的恐怖警戒迎接公元二千年以及其他原因，它被逮捕，對華盛頓/加拿大邊境破獲了一個西海岸陰謀。
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD.地鐵爆炸案，同時，是不是阻礙了由紐約警察局。 An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it.埃及朋友的轟炸機-與他同居在公寓所在的管狀炸彈被內置告訴兩個長島鐵路路派出所警員約。 When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial.當紐約市警察局隨後搜查公寓時，他們槍殺了兩名巴勒斯坦人，有一人，打5次會議，並受重傷，後來被宣判無罪。 No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony.沒有人曾試圖掀起了炸彈，在當時的拘捕行動中，雖然新聞故事報;轟炸機已達到一個幹事的槍，根據試驗的證詞。 The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network.新聞故事，也初步提出了聯繫，以哈馬斯，雖然獨行炸彈，實際上是一個業餘賣命，沒有錢也沒有網絡。 As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.”作為保守的一個來源，作為條例草案葛茲的華盛頓時報寫道，美國聯邦調查局在反恐調查人員"關切初步危言聳聽陳述的情況發了言市長魯道夫朱利亞尼" -似乎是一個參考，以洩露哈馬斯和切換開關" ，將證明尷尬"
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk.朱利安尼的恐怖主義傳記是雙層。 As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians.作為市長，他的激光束的重點是街頭暴徒，並作為一名檢察官，這是暴民，華爾街，彎曲的政治家。 He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life.他不能達成回到當年和重寫，例如著名的篇章了他的命。
BIG LIE 天大謊言
2. 2 。 ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. '我不認為有anyplace在該國，包括美國聯邦政府，這是作好充分準備，為這次攻擊為紐約市是在2001年'這個斷言蒼蠅在面對所有三項研究該城市的響應- 9 / 11委員會，國家標準與技術研究院（ NIST ） ，麥肯錫公司，諮詢公司聘請的布隆伯格。
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term.其實，朱利安尼並沒有創造的OEM ，直到三年後的1993年轟炸後， 27個月到他的任期。 And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office.他沒有打開， OEM廠商的新的應急指揮中心，直到1999年年底-近六年後，他'd就職。 If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense.如果他的"假設從時刻，我到辦公室說，青輔會將會受到恐怖襲擊， "他告訴的時候 ，使他成為"年度人物" ，在2001年，他肯定花了很長時間才樹立什麼他形容為城市的前端防線。
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing.原始設備製造商建立了這麼久在轟炸結束後，因為違反了朱利安尼的修正主義，決定創建它已完全與轟炸。 Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched.幾個記事本，出土從朱利安尼檔案，並持續了很長時間，透露說，初步理機構是"非執法活動， "尤其是處理了布魯克林水主要突破在短期內上任後認為市長以為已經拙劣。 Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference.此前，在1994年12月，當一名失業的電腦程序員，進行了炸彈上地鐵，在勒索陰謀對運輸管理局，朱利安尼被打亂，他甚至無法得到計數的患者由響應服務，為他的新聞發布會。
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill.傑里hauer人，由朱利亞尼主管OEM的，作證前9 / 11委員會說，朱利安尼是"無法得到充分的故事"在firebombing及"聽到巨大街崩潰" ，其次是水的主要突破"在電視上" ，並稱： "這是什麼導致了市長成立OEM的" 。 hauer經歷了五年的面試工作，唯一的一次恐怖主義出來時，朱利亞尼簡短地討論了失敗的沙林毒氣瓦斯演練。 He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing.他甚至會見朱利安尼的妻子唐娜漢諾威，沒有人說過一句話關於1993年轟炸。 Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. hauer自己的備忘錄，在當時的原始設備製造商推出了在1996年強調， "能見度的市長" ，在緊急情況下（而不是警察專員）作為一個主要目標之一。 The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD.如今ballyhooed新的辦事處，不過，以目前資金不足，從一開始就認為hauer只能僱用員工，其工資將所需費用由其他機構如紐約警察局。
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11.因為有著這樣的歷史，這是難以令人驚訝的是OEM的是什麼，但"寶貴" 9 / 11 。 Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response.山姆caspersen ，其中一個主要的作者9 / 11委員會的章，對城市的回應，並說， "什麼也沒有發生的OEM " ，在102分鐘的攻擊事件有任何直接影響，對城市的"援救/撤離行動" ，委員會工作人員的聲明中發現，即使事先向疏散OEM廠商指揮中心於7世界貿易一個小時後，第一架飛機擊中，該機構" ，沒有起到不可或缺的作用"的反應。 Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing.儘管朱利安尼的索賠今天說，他與OEM夥伴" ，不斷策劃各種不同"的攻擊，沒有OEM廠商演習仿效1993年轟炸。 No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere.沒有演練發生在世界貿易中心，並沒有涉及應對高層火災一事無成。 In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur.其實，在OEM沒有高層計劃-應急管理導師甚至沒有指派為準備一個攻擊事件已經發生，一個最有可能重演。 Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.”凱文culley ，消防局隊長，她是一名外地急救員在OEM廠商表示，該機構"的計劃，為小規模突發事件" ，但他也可以不記得"任何人期待另一次攻擊一樣'93轟炸" 。
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports.反而受到最好的準備，市，紐約州的缺乏統一的指揮，以及分項進行溝通，警察和消防部門，遠低於努力在五角大樓當天，為後來成立了由9條/ 11委員會和NIST報告。 When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union.當280000成員組成的國際協會的消防戰士最近公佈了一個強大的視頻調戲朱利安尼堅持消防隊員與上年收音機說： "我們知道，沒有工作" ，在1993年的攻擊事件，總統競選時抨擊聯盟。 “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "這是一個組織支持克里為總統，在2004年， "朱利安尼的助手托尼carbonetti說。 “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "所以，它的任何衝擊，他們出門在外，有去後，一個有公信力的共和黨參議員" ，而iaff並贊同克里，消防隊員制服的大紐約地區，其主席主演的錄像片，通過了布什。 Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani.它的前總統，湯姆馮埃森-現為會員的朱利安尼夥伴-被消防專員9 / 11正是因為聯盟已經發揮了舉足輕重的作用，初步選出朱利安尼。
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians.該iaff視頻報導說， 121消防隊員在北塔並沒有失控，因為他們沒有聽到疏散命令，駁回朱利亞尼的索賠前9 / 11委員會說，消防人員聽到命令和英勇決定"堅持自己的立場" ，並拯救平民。 Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers.放棄了到2004年的爭論，朱利安尼競選正試圖嫁禍致命通信失效對中繼器，其中安裝了增強的無線電信號，在水塔。 But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.”但該委員會的結論是"技術故障fdny收音機" ，是"一個促進因素" ，雖然"不是主要的原因" ， "許多消防隊員死亡，在北塔" ，該委員會相比， "實力"的紐約警察局和fdny收音機，並說這個弱點的fdny收音機"工作，對成功的溝通" 。
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located.該委員會的報告也發現， "這是不可能知道有什麼區別，它認為，單位中，北塔沒有使用中繼器頻道" ，因為沒有人知道，如果它"繼續運作， "崩潰後，南樓，這倒與貿易中心的設施，如中繼器及其控制台分別設。 The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console.崩潰，也將大家走出北樓大廳，不留下任何一個操作中繼器控制台。 In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks.此外，委員會得出結論，認為消防首長未能打開留級正確晨再次表明，缺乏訓練和演習，在世貿中心之間的攻擊。 In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse.在年底前，消防人員已完全依賴於他們的收音機，並未能對朱利安尼當局找到一個替代方案，收音機即發生故障，在1993年給他們留下無法互相通話，甚至失控，塔於1896年崩潰的邊緣。
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible.市長也做了什麼，使無線電對講機互通的，這會使得警察和消防隊員溝通各地各部門線路-儘管他收到了1995年聯邦政府給予減免城市增設無線電頻率，以做到這一點。 That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell.這意味著消防首長，沒想到警用直升機已預料到局部的崩潰，都水塔用不了多久，它們下跌。
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies.而且不只是收音機及OEM廠商：朱利安尼從來沒有強迫警方和消防部門要遵守明確的是指揮與控制的議定書正視提出一個服務主管，另一次安排在指定的突發性事件。 Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds.雖然他收集了2.5億美元的稅附加費，電話使用，以改善911系統，他改行這個應急資金轉作其他用途，與911調度員是一個極大的災難這一天，告訴被害人留在那裡，他們只要經過消防酋長下令疏散，其中有潛在封存命運數百人。 And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11.而且，儘管透明的教訓， 1993年，朱利亞尼從未設立任何協議天台或電梯救援中，在高樓林立的，甚至是一個戰略，使受損和受傷地地道道的全部代價高昂的失誤， 9 / 11 。
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11.不過，也許最好的證明了朱利安尼政府的缺乏準備的是，沒有人在其高層進行了自上而下的秘密安全檢查9 / 11 。 Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. hauer ，但已離開OEM廠商在2000年成為一個熱門的生化顧問，在美國商務部的衛生和人類服務部，應邀gracie大廈的數天9 / 11一項戰略會議，與朱利亞尼和一個半十多人，他頂顧問，其中包括警察專員伯尼克里克，湯姆馮埃森和凱莉sheirer ，他們成功地hauer在OEM的。 Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” hauer ，人的最高層次的關說， "沒有其他人在房間內有一個在所有" ，有人告訴他說，聯邦調查局"正在試圖讓他們加快清拆行動" 。
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. hauer以往需要sheirer下降到白宮會晤頂部反恐怖黃銅和了解，他到會上表示， sheirer已不是"填寫問卷"當克里克的提名為國土安全部部長炸毀了，在2004年，新聞戶口還表示，他從來沒有填出來。 Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack.馮埃森是出於河套他說，前9 / 11 ，有人告訴他： "什麼都沒有" ，並說，他剛聽說"講的一個組織稱為基地組織和一個叫拉登的"數小時後，攻擊。 “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "它意味著什麼，我， "他寫道，在他自己的書。
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "我讀的每日情報在華盛頓， " hauer回憶說， "我並沒有感到舒服談論的事情，人不清理。 Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing.談一般魯迪一對一的是一件事，但說話凱莉和伯尼和張宇人侵犯了我的安全檢查。 "雖然朱利安尼的熱門球隊未能尋求清拆行動，他們需要事先到9 / 11 ，克里克和朱利安尼襲擊美國聯邦調查局並沒有共享信息，與當地執法官員當他們作證一個月襲擊發生後，在眾議院小組委員會的聽證會。
BIG LIE 天大謊言
3. 3 。 Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. 也不要責怪我，為7個世貿中心，魯迪說，在回應他的批評最嚴厲健全咬傷，朱利安尼正試圖責怪一個曾經值為幕僚決定把他的珍藏， 61000000美元應急救援指揮中心，在世界貿易中心，一個明顯的恐怖襲擊目標。 The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. 1997年決定了可怕的後果，對9 / 11時，全市已動員反應，沒有任何業務中心。
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "我總的應急管理推薦七日世台會" ，作為"地盤這將使大部分意義上說， "朱利亞尼說，克里斯華萊士的福克斯新聞頻道顯示，今年5月，針對偷工減料hauer作為賞金。
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one.華萊士面對朱利亞尼，但是，隨著1996年的一項hauer備忘錄中建議該掩體位於在美國脈測布魯克林區，接近那裡彭博政府最後一座。 The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997.市長擦肩而過的備忘錄外，繼續堅持hauer有所回升，為"黃金地段"的運動，然後把報表，由前副市長，他說hauer支持貿易中心選址在一次高級別會議與市長在1997年。
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. hauer不爭的事實，他最終支持700個世貿中心的位置，但他明顯傾向美國脈測。 His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC.他的備忘錄中說，美國脈測" ，可以提供6個月的" ，而用了四年半，更數年才能獲得掩體並運行7個世貿中心。 He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison.他說，美國脈測是安全的"不作為有形的目標，作為建築物在曼哈頓下城" -先知的比較。 Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable.上市八年陽性對美國脈測，這份備忘錄也提到，底片，但他表示，他們並非不可逾越。 “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "真正的問題" ， hauer總結說： "是不是市長要去河對岸來管理事件。 If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy.如果他願意這樣做，美國脈測是一個很好的選擇" 。紙幣，從會議表明hauer繼續推動美國脈測在討論中，與市長和他的高級副手。
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan.但hauer裕仁說，年輕人，市長也是他的另一個自我，世衛組織已在他的身邊，為近30年來，最終"說得很清楚： "朱利安尼"希望可以步行到這個設施很快" ，這意味著該掩體要在曼哈頓下城。 Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground.由於大會堂面積低於漫灘時，指揮中心-這是建立在一個颶風幕牆-都必須在地面上。 The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone.正式市文件批准該網站稱，它"被選為由於接近大會堂， "一套標準，由朱利亞尼和朱利安尼。
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. 700個世貿中心的網站是發明人的法案鑽石，一個突出曼哈頓共和黨表示，朱利安尼已安裝在城市機構辦理出租。 When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies.當鑽石舉行了類似的員額，並在裡根政府幾年前，他的辦公室已經選定，同時建設可容納9個聯邦機構。 Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser.鑽石的共和黨有線經紀人帶領hauer向建設，這是所擁有的一個重大朱利安尼捐助國和籌款。 When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him.當hauer簽名上，他被鎖在所限制朱利安尼曾加諸於搜索和網站提供的鑽石他。 The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects.市長就這樣親自側重於選址和建設的地下掩體，這個小城市管理員負責監督，它證明了在隨後的訴狀中指出， "很高級官員" ，具體包括朱利安尼， "參與了" ，他說，這是一個重大的區別這和其他項目。 Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom.朱利安尼辦公室進行了保濕盒雪茄和紀念品，從大會堂，其中包括一名消防喇叭，警察帽及消防帽，以及monogrammed毛巾在他的浴室。 His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced.他的套房是bulletproofed和他去過很多時候，即使是在週末，把他的女朋友（ Judi彌敦道有很久之前的關係浮出水面。 He had his own elevator.他有自己的私人電梯。 Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras.偉大關注的是書面表示，該平台在新聞發布室都必須高到足以使確信他的頭部上方相機。 It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him.它的不可思議之手-對市長的幻想指揮中心形或位置由其他人比他。
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable.當然，其後果將中心有可預測性。 The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center.恐怖誰策劃了1993年的轟炸告訴聯邦調查局，他們回來了貿易中心。 Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack.反對網站安全與這位市長見面，警務專員霍華德使者，稱它是"零地帶" ，因為該較早的攻擊。 Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site.婁海葵，級別最高的軍裝警員在紐約警察局，寫備忘錄，砰擊地盤。 “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "我從未見過，在我的生命'的步行距離'作為某種標準，為風險管理" ，海葵會後表示。 “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "可是你不想混淆朱利安尼與事實不符" 。海葵，事先做了詳細的脆弱性研究的城市，為朱利安尼，針對恐怖攻擊的目標。 “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "在短期內的目標，世貿中心，是第一位的， "他說。 “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "我猜你必須有在1993年至不知如何強烈，我們認為這是錯誤的地方" 。
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures.怪異的是，朱利安尼甚至試圖在華萊士採訪時否認早日撤離掩體留給他尋找一個新的站點，相反的帳戶即狂暴早上他的給予數百次，而且往往是酬金達七位數字。 “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "的方式您解讀它， "他告訴華萊士： "這是因為如果這是一個固定指揮中心。 It was not.事實並不是這樣。 There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.”有備份指揮中心" ，以最大限度地減少的影響，損失的地下掩體，朱利亞尼說， "在一個半小時"的關機的地下掩體， "我們能夠立即採取行動的另一個指揮中心" 。
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris.事實上，由於朱利安尼本人曾告訴戲劇性的故事，他和他的隨行人員作了簡要被困在美林辦事處" ， jimmied鎖"的一個消防站，並接管了一家豪華酒店，直到他們意識到這是"護套在窗戶。 "他們認為，去大會堂，但據悉，這是為了在廢墟中。 The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working.唯一的備份中心存在的是一個小警察總部表示，已放置在結業時，世貿中心地下室開，但朱利亞尼表示，它的手機並沒有工作。 “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "我們還必須再找到someplace ， "朱利亞尼說，據他的時候帳戶，將它描繪成一個"漫長和痛苦的"搜索。 “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "我們的政府已經不再有地方工作，他寫道： "在領導 。
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack.他們結束了在警察學院小區，並根據該帳戶朱利安尼和公司給的時候 ， "我們正在和營業，由下午4時， " -七個多小時，而不是一個半小時後，攻擊。 But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch.但朱利亞尼說， 9 / 11委員會說，他們很快決定在該學院"太小" ，並"能夠建立一個指揮中心" ，在碼頭， 92個" 3天內， "實際上，它的建設從無到有。 Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. hauer說他會要求一份備份指揮中心年前9 / 11 " ，但他們告訴我，有沒有錢，因為它" 。 hauer後離開，不久之前9 / 11 ，全市已宣布，計劃建立一個數據備份中心附近的警察總部的網站迅速轉淡，由彭博管理。 Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11.警方官員告訴記者說，他們正在尋找空間外曼哈頓和地下何義教訓9 / 11 。
BIG LIE 天大謊言
4. 4 。 ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. '民主派並不了解全面的性質和範圍的反恐戰爭對我們不利。朱利安尼歸咎於他所稱的比爾克林頓的"十年否認" ，為這個爛攤子，我們能加入，並利用它來抹黑休息的克林頓' s 。 “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "不要反應，種讓長此下去，一種行為方式，克林頓在九十年代"是他最喜愛的方式刻畫民主黨回應恐怖主義的威脅。 “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "我們遭到襲擊，在科巴爾水塔，肯尼亞，坦桑尼亞， 17 ，我們船員喪生於美國海軍科爾和美國政府，根據當時的美國總統克林頓，並沒有回應， "朱利亞尼說， rabidly反克林頓觀眾在八羅伯遜的攝政大學。 “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "這是一個很大的錯誤，不承認1993年的爆炸事件是一次恐怖行為和戰爭行為， "他補充說。 “Bin Laden declared war on us. "賓拉登宣戰。 We didn’t hear it.我們沒有聽到這種說法。 I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.”我還以為這是相當清楚的，在時間，但很多人沒有看到它，看不出來" 。
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing.這是赤裸裸的修正主義和，不僅因為他自己早已確立，頭部中的砂冷漠， 1993年轟炸。 It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Neither political party covered itself in glory.”
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001 , than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.”
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA News Section has more related reports Help keep RINF going..
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