Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11鲁迪朱利安尼的五大谎言9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record对残端，鲁迪不能帮助散布烟雾和灰烬对他的糟糕记录
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way.近6年之后， 9 / 11 ，鲁迪朱利安尼还是穿过峡谷的曼哈顿下城，涉及这方面的烟尘，指向北方，并带领全国脱离生命危险的方式。 The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House.共和党站在正在竞选总统所引起的视觉在每一个运动停止，而他显然认为这是照片价值千夜在白宫。
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow.朱利安尼一直领先共和党套，为7个月，并预言说，党的新教徒会反过来对他的，至今已被证明是空洞的。 The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country.宗教权利似乎陷入了朱利安尼的故事，因为其余的国家。
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days.朱利安尼是不是羞于提醒观众的那些日子。 In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign.其实，他hyperventilates约他们就残端，使他的证书是在所谓的反恐战争中的核心竞选。 His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden.他的说法，同时，得到了一个媒体顺从，所以总说，他的采取complimenting "做好正在做的，涵盖运动"的对手，也没有敢不敢的问题，他的恐怖证书，因为如果这样做如此将是一个不爱国低头拉登。
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign .在这里，那么，是一个少deferential看看在虚幻的云源于前任市长的竞选。 . 。 . 。
BIG LIE1 LIE1. 大lie1 lie1 。 ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. '我觉得这件事区别，我就恐怖主义是，我有更多的经验加以处理。 '这一支柱的朱利安尼竞选断言，由专家为常，因为这是由人本身-的基础上，想法鲁迪独特理解恐怖威胁是因为他的背景下，作为一名检察官，并为纽约市的市长。 In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood.在7月出现在马里兰的犹太教堂，朱利亚尼勾勒出他的反恐怖简历，一份简历说，恰巧是植根于虚伪性。
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. "作为美国司法部长，我调查了克林霍弗谋杀阿拉法特， "他告诉犹太人听众，是指臭名昭著的1985年杀害一名坐轮椅者， 69岁的纽约商人船上阿基莱劳伦 ，一家意大利劫持船只的海岸附近对埃及，巴勒斯坦极端分子。 “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "这是诚实的原因，我就知道这么多，阿拉法特说： "朱利安尼。 “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "我知道，在细节，美国人他杀害。 I went over their cases.”我到过他们的情况" 。
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office.与此相反，维多利亚toensing ，副助理总检察长在司法部在华盛顿的人提起刑事控诉，在Lauro号调查说，没有人在朱利安尼的办公室"的是，在所涉及的所有"杰伊菲舍尔，阿布尼达尔家庭律师主持下签署了一项为期12年的官司对巴解组织说，他"从未有过任何接触" ，与朱利亚尼或其办公室。 “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "这将令人困惑我的心，如果有人在1985年， 1986年， 1987年，还是此后进行了一项调查，这一案件的，并没有骂我， "他补充道。 Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.”菲舍尔说，他有一个私人晚宴上，与朱利亚尼在1992年说： "这是我们第一次交谈，我们甚至没有谈到这两位当时的情况" 。
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family.晚宴由该公司安排，阿诺德伯恩斯的亲密朋友，菲舍尔和朱利安尼的人，也代表了这两位家属。 Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe.伯恩斯，他同时也是财务主持会议的朱利安尼的市长竞选，是美国副总检察长在1985年和监督探针。 “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "我知道，从无到有，鲁迪曾在任何形状或形式对阿布尼达尔案件" ，他说。
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986.虽然朱利安尼告诉保守派政治行动会议在今年3月，他"起诉了很多犯罪一点一滴的恐怖主义，但大多是有组织犯罪的， "他的确只有一个主要的恐怖主义案件中，作为美国司法部长，标志着10个军火商卖2.5元亿美元的反坦克导弹，炸弹，和战斗机向伊朗于1986年。 The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents.法官在此案裁定出售给伊朗违反了恐怖的章程，因为它的政府已经被捆绑到87起恐怖事件。 Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office.朱利安尼从来没有讲过的情况，这也许是因为他亲自递交文件，终止在他上个月为美国司法部长：关键的证人已经死亡，一名法官抛出了46个， 55个计数，因为错误是由朱利安尼的办公室。
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "那么，作为纽约市长"朱利安尼的讲话续说： "我当选之后， 1993年伊斯兰恐怖袭击。 . 。 . 。 I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have.我成立了应变计划，以便在所有各种可能的攻击，我们可以有。 We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.”我们已经演练和演习，我们准备为沙林毒气和炭疽菌，肮脏炸弹" 。
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty.事实上，朱利安尼被漠视， 1993年世界贸易中心爆炸案的整个他的市长。 A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner.一个月后，攻击，候选人朱利安尼举行了第一次会议，与条例草案布拉登，谁会最终成为他的警务专员。 The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers.冗长的会议录制的是一个几个政策会议中，他曾与非官方的顾问。 The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism.轰炸都不来了;也没有恐怖主义。 When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner.当朱利安尼当选几个月后，他立刻展开了寻找新的警务专员。 Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself.三名成员组成的审查小组认为，朱利安尼命名进行搜索，其中4名候选人面谈工作，在会后表示，该爆炸案和恐怖主义，从来不提，甚至当新市长又涉及与本人面谈。 When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar.当朱利亚尼需要进行一次紧急管理主任一对夫妇，两年后，两位候选人为这项工作，及市官员带头搜索说，轰炸和未来恐怖威胁并未对朱利安尼的雷达。 The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger.唯一的一次朱利安尼援引1993年轰炸公开是在他的就职，在1994年，当他提到了道路建设的占用疏散自己作为一个比喻为个人的责任，忽略了轰炸本身作为一个恐怖先声。
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney.美国司法部长玛丽，然后白色和四名助理，他曾起诉1993年轰炸表示，他们从来不问，向朱利亚尼说与恐怖主义有关，虽然所有的助理知道朱利安尼亲自实际上已聘请了由他的时候，他被美国联邦检察官。 White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999.白色的办公室，位于一对夫妇100码从大会堂，起诉拉登三年前9 / 11 ，但朱利安尼回忆说，在他自己的书， 领导才能 ，即"后不久， 9 / 11 ，朱迪思[弥敦道]了我一个副本yossef bodansky的拉登：人宣战美国 " ，其中曾警告说： "壮观的恐怖袭击，华盛顿和/或新的纽约" ，在1999年。 As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.”作为一个例子，他如何"把握一个主题， "朱利亚尼写道，他很快"涵盖" bodansky的先知性工作" ，在highlighter和债券" 。
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. 1995年沙林毒气瓦斯钻说，朱利亚尼在引用他的讲话也预言果然，预计到很多的细分妨碍城市的9 / 11回应。 The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment.这次演习是这样一个灾难的后续演习被取消，以避免尴尬。 More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas.一百多的先遣急救员赶到，在如此猖狂，他们都是"死"的曝光，以煤气。 Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident.无线电通讯已在市自己的报告"非常糟糕" ，与警察和消防"的经营上的不同频率"指挥所位于太接近事件。 All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response.所有这三个弱点，将查明年后，在正式审查9 / 11回应。
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism.朱利安尼接着，在这残端讲话精神，名单上其他的例子，他的市长经验，对抗恐怖主义。 There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said.还有的是时间，他说， "我们已和我们所想的是沙林毒气攻击" ，并也有50周年纪念的联合国和2000年千禧年庆祝活动，来与时代时，他说， "当我们经历了很多的警告，并已做了大量准备， "让我们不要忘记，他指出， 1997年纽约市警察局逮捕的两名恐怖分子的人"去炸毁的一个地铁车站， "朱利亚尼利用这一挫败袭击，以证明该城市的准备情况： "非常，非常警觉，年轻的警员看见那些家伙， "他说。 “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "他们期待可疑， [他]报道，他们到服务台警长。 The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.”警察部门处决令，并枪杀两名男子其中一人，因为他即将被触及切换开关" 。
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate.每项索赔在朱利安尼的自我服务帐户是不正确的。 The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse.假定的"沙林毒气袭击" ，根本发现一个空筒上标明"沙林" ，在家庭中的无一害皇后隐士。 It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo.据当时坐在旁边的一个完全相同的货柜标记"压缩空气" ，以笑脸面图案。 Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly.杰里hauer ，市的紧急事务管理署署长在那个时候，在伦敦逗留期间，透过电话与朱利亚尼不断。 Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. hauer感到讽刺的说，朱利亚尼仍然议论纷纷，因为他们都以为那是"滑稽" ，把握不好。 “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "警方前往有没有西装就触及所有的容器没有适当的衣物。 They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street.他们把它变成一个主要的犯罪现场，与数百警察衬砌街头。 Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house.鲁迪有一次对我说： '在这里，我们有市长，消防专员，行政的警察部门，其中一个是我的副市长是站在前面的草坪上这个家。 Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney.我们是不是应该街之隔的情况下，这东西点燃呢？ ' " ，这得过头了紧急导致轻罪被捕，其后被解雇，由区检察长。
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats.同样，在安全关切，在1995年联合国周年的重点是古巴和中国，并没有涉及到阿拉伯国家的恐怖威胁。 The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York.千禧年的目标，奠定了良好的数次试验，是洛杉矶国际机场，而不是纽约。 While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot.虽然毫无疑问，克林顿政府把国家和城市的恐怖警戒迎接公元二千年以及其他原因，它被逮捕，对华盛顿/加拿大边境破获了一个西海岸阴谋。
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD.地铁爆炸案，同时，是不是阻碍了由纽约警察局。 An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it.埃及朋友的轰炸机-与他同居在公寓所在的管状炸弹被内置告诉两个长岛铁路路派出所警员约。 When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial.当纽约市警察局随后搜查公寓时，他们枪杀了两名巴勒斯坦人，有一人，打5次会议，并受重伤，后来被宣判无罪。 No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony.没有人曾试图掀起了炸弹，在当时的拘捕行动中，虽然新闻故事报;轰炸机已达到一个干事的枪，根据试验的证词。 The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network.新闻故事，也初步提出了联系，以哈马斯，虽然独行炸弹，实际上是一个业余卖命，没有钱也没有网络。 As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.”作为保守的一个来源，作为条例草案葛兹的华盛顿时报写道，美国联邦调查局在反恐调查人员"关切初步危言耸听陈述的情况发了言市长鲁道夫朱利亚尼" -似乎是一个参考，以泄露哈马斯和切换开关" ，将证明尴尬"
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk.朱利安尼的恐怖主义传记是双层。 As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians.作为市长，他的激光束的重点是街头暴徒，并作为一名检察官，这是暴民，华尔街，弯曲的政治家。 He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life.他不能达成回到当年和重写，例如著名的篇章了他的命。
BIG LIE 天大谎言
2. 2 。 ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. '我不认为有anyplace在该国，包括美国联邦政府，这是作好充分准备，为这次攻击为纽约市是在2001年'这个断言苍蝇在面对所有三项研究该城市的响应- 9 / 11委员会，国家标准与技术研究院（ NIST ） ，麦肯锡公司，咨询公司聘请的布隆伯格。
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term.其实，朱利安尼并没有创造的OEM ，直到三年后的1993年轰炸后， 27个月到他的任期。 And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office.他没有打开， OEM厂商的新的应急指挥中心，直到1999年年底-近六年后，他'd就职。 If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense.如果他的"假设从时刻，我到办公室说，青辅会将会受到恐怖袭击， "他告诉的时候 ，使他成为"年度人物" ，在2001年，他肯定花了很长时间才树立什么他形容为城市的前端防线。
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing.原始设备制造商建立了这么久在轰炸结束后，因为违反了朱利安尼的修正主义，决定创建它已完全与轰炸。 Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched.几个记事本，出土从朱利安尼档案，并持续了很长时间，透露说，初步理机构是"非执法活动， "尤其是处理了布鲁克林水主要突破在短期内上任后认为市长以为已经拙劣。 Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference.此前，在1994年12月，当一名失业的电脑程序员，进行了炸弹上地铁，在勒索阴谋对运输管理局，朱利安尼被打乱，他甚至无法得到计数的患者由响应服务，为他的新闻发布会。
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill.杰里hauer人，由朱利亚尼主管OEM的，作证前9 / 11委员会说，朱利安尼是"无法得到充分的故事"在firebombing及"听到巨大街崩溃" ，其次是水的主要突破"在电视上" ，并称： "这是什么导致了市长成立OEM的" 。 hauer经历了五年的面试工作，唯一的一次恐怖主义出来时，朱利亚尼简短地讨论了失败的沙林毒气瓦斯演练。 He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing.他甚至会见朱利安尼的妻子唐娜汉诺威，没有人说过一句话关于1993年轰炸。 Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. hauer自己的备忘录，在当时的原始设备制造商推出了在1996年强调， "能见度的市长" ，在紧急情况下（而不是警察专员）作为一个主要目标之一。 The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD.如今ballyhooed新的办事处，不过，以目前资金不足，从一开始就认为hauer只能雇用员工，其工资将所需费用由其他机构如纽约警察局。
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11.因为有着这样的历史，这是难以令人惊讶的是OEM的是什么，但"宝贵" 9 / 11 。 Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response.山姆caspersen ，其中一个主要的作者9 / 11委员会的章，对城市的回应，并说， "什么也没有发生的OEM " ，在102分钟的攻击事件有任何直接影响，对城市的"援救/撤离行动" ，委员会工作人员的声明中发现，即使事先向疏散OEM厂商指挥中心于7世界贸易一个小时后，第一架飞机击中，该机构" ，没有起到不可或缺的作用"的反应。 Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing.尽管朱利安尼的索赔今天说，他与OEM伙伴" ，不断策划各种不同"的攻击，没有OEM厂商演习仿效1993年轰炸。 No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere.没有演练发生在世界贸易中心，并没有涉及应对高层火灾一事无成。 In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur.其实，在OEM没有高层计划-应急管理导师甚至没有指派为准备一个攻击事件已经发生，一个最有可能重演。 Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.”凯文culley ，消防局队长，她是一名外地急救员在OEM厂商表示，该机构"的计划，为小规模突发事件" ，但他也可以不记得"任何人期待另一次攻击一样'93轰炸" 。
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports.反而受到最好的准备，市，纽约州的缺乏统一的指挥，以及分项进行沟通，警察和消防部门，远低于努力在五角大楼当天，为后来成立了由9条/ 11委员会和NIST报告。 When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union.当280000成员组成的国际协会的消防战士最近公布了一个强大的视频调戏朱利安尼坚持消防队员与上年收音机说： "我们知道，没有工作" ，在1993年的攻击事件，总统竞选时抨击联盟。 “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "这是一个组织支持克里为总统，在2004年， "朱利安尼的助手托尼carbonetti说。 “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "所以，它的任何冲击，他们出门在外，有去后，一个有公信力的共和党参议员" ，而iaff并赞同克里，消防队员制服的大纽约地区，其主席主演的录像片，通过了布什。 Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani.它的前总统，汤姆冯埃森-现为会员的朱利安尼伙伴-被消防专员9 / 11正是因为联盟已经发挥了举足轻重的作用，初步选出朱利安尼。
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians.该iaff视频报道说， 121消防队员在北塔并没有失控，因为他们没有听到疏散命令，驳回朱利亚尼的索赔前9 / 11委员会说，消防人员听到命令和英勇决定"坚持自己的立场" ，并拯救平民。 Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers.放弃了到2004年的争论，朱利安尼竞选正试图嫁祸致命通信失效对中继器，其中安装了增强的无线电信号，在水塔。 But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.”但该委员会的结论是"技术故障fdny收音机" ，是"一个促进因素" ，虽然"不是主要的原因" ， "许多消防队员死亡，在北塔" ，该委员会相比， "实力"的纽约警察局和fdny收音机，并说这个弱点的fdny收音机"工作，对成功的沟通" 。
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located.该委员会的报告也发现， "这是不可能知道有什么区别，它认为，单位中，北塔没有使用中继器频道" ，因为没有人知道，如果它"继续运作， "崩溃后，南楼，这倒与贸易中心的设施，如中继器及其控制台分别设。 The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console.崩溃，也将大家走出北楼大厅，不留下任何一个操作中继器控制台。 In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks.此外，委员会得出结论，认为消防首长未能打开留级正确晨再次表明，缺乏训练和演习，在世贸中心之间的攻击。 In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse.在年底前，消防人员已完全依赖于他们的收音机，并未能对朱利安尼当局找到一个替代方案，收音机即发生故障，在1993年给他们留下无法互相通话，甚至失控，塔于1896年崩溃的边缘。
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible.市长也做了什么，使无线电对讲机互通的，这会使得警察和消防队员沟通各地各部门线路-尽管他收到了1995年联邦政府给予减免城市增设无线电频率，以做到这一点。 That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell.这意味着消防首长，没想到警用直升机已预料到局部的崩溃，都水塔用不了多久，它们下跌。
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies.而且不只是收音机及OEM厂商：朱利安尼从来没有强迫警方和消防部门要遵守明确的是指挥与控制的议定书正视提出一个服务主管，另一次安排在指定的突发性事件。 Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds.虽然他收集了2.5亿美元的税附加费，电话使用，以改善911系统，他改行这个应急资金转作其他用途，与911调度员是一个极大的灾难这一天，告诉被害人留在那里，他们只要经过消防酋长下令疏散，其中有潜在封存命运数百人。 And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11.而且，尽管透明的教训， 1993年，朱利亚尼从未设立任何协议天台或电梯救援中，在高楼林立的，甚至是一个战略，使受损和受伤地地道道的全部代价高昂的失误， 9 / 11 。
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11.不过，也许最好的证明了朱利安尼政府的缺乏准备的是，没有人在其高层进行了自上而下的秘密安全检查9 / 11 。 Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. hauer ，但已离开OEM厂商在2000年成为一个热门的生化顾问，在美国商务部的卫生和人类服务部，应邀gracie大厦的数天9 / 11一项战略会议，与朱利亚尼和一个半十多人，他顶顾问，其中包括警察专员伯尼克里克，汤姆冯埃森和凯莉sheirer ，他们成功地hauer在OEM的。 Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” hauer ，人的最高层次的关说， "没有其他人在房间内有一个在所有" ，有人告诉他说，联邦调查局"正在试图让他们加快清拆行动" 。
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. hauer以往需要sheirer下降到白宫会晤顶部反恐怖黄铜和了解，他到会上表示， sheirer已不是"填写问卷"当克里克的提名为国土安全部部长炸毁了，在2004年，新闻户口还表示，他从来没有填出来。 Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack.冯埃森是出于河套他说，前9 / 11 ，有人告诉他： "什么都没有" ，并说，他刚听说"讲的一个组织称为基地组织和一个叫拉登的"数小时后，攻击。 “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "它意味着什么，我， "他写道，在他自己的书。
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "我读的每日情报在华盛顿， " hauer回忆说， "我并没有感到舒服谈论的事情，人不清理。 Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing.谈一般鲁迪一对一的是一件事，但说话凯莉和伯尼和张宇人侵犯了我的安全检查。 "虽然朱利安尼的热门球队未能寻求清拆行动，他们需要事先到9 / 11 ，克里克和朱利安尼袭击美国联邦调查局并没有共享信息，与当地执法官员当他们作证一个月袭击发生后，在众议院小组委员会的听证会。
BIG LIE 天大谎言
3. 3 。 Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. 也不要责怪我，为7个世贸中心，鲁迪说，在回应他的批评最严厉健全咬伤，朱利安尼正试图责怪一个曾经值为幕僚决定把他的珍藏， 61000000美元应急救援指挥中心，在世界贸易中心，一个明显的恐怖袭击目标。 The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. 1997年决定了可怕的后果，对9 / 11时，全市已动员反应，没有任何业务中心。
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "我总的应急管理推荐七日世台会" ，作为"地盘这将使大部分意义上说， "朱利亚尼说，克里斯华莱士的福克斯新闻频道显示，今年5月，针对偷工减料hauer作为赏金。
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one.华莱士面对朱利亚尼，但是，随着1996年的一项hauer备忘录中建议该掩体位于在美国脉测布鲁克林区，接近那里彭博政府最后一座。 The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997.市长擦肩而过的备忘录外，继续坚持hauer有所回升，为"黄金地段"的运动，然后把报表，由前副市长，他说hauer支持贸易中心选址在一次高级别会议与市长在1997年。
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. hauer不争的事实，他最终支持700个世贸中心的位置，但他明显倾向美国脉测。 His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC.他的备忘录中说，美国脉测" ，可以提供6个月的" ，而用了四年半，更数年才能获得掩体并运行7个世贸中心。 He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison.他说，美国脉测是安全的"不作为有形的目标，作为建筑物在曼哈顿下城" -先知的比较。 Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable.上市八年阳性对美国脉测，这份备忘录也提到，底片，但他表示，他们并非不可逾越。 “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "真正的问题" ， hauer总结说： "是不是市长要去河对岸来管理事件。 If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy.如果他愿意这样做，美国脉测是一个很好的选择" 。纸币，从会议表明hauer继续推动美国脉测在讨论中，与市长和他的高级副手。
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan.但hauer裕仁说，年轻人，市长也是他的另一个自我，世卫组织已在他的身边，为近30年来，最终"说得很清楚： "朱利安尼"希望可以步行到这个设施很快" ，这意味着该掩体要在曼哈顿下城。 Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground.由于大会堂面积低于漫滩时，指挥中心-这是建立在一个飓风幕墙-都必须在地面上。 The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone.正式市文件批准该网站称，它"被选为由于接近大会堂， "一套标准，由朱利亚尼和朱利安尼。
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. 700个世贸中心的网站是发明人的法案钻石，一个突出曼哈顿共和党表示，朱利安尼已安装在城市机构办理出租。 When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies.当钻石举行了类似的员额，并在里根政府几年前，他的办公室已经选定，同时建设可容纳9个联邦机构。 Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser.钻石的共和党有线经纪人带领hauer向建设，这是所拥有的一个重大朱利安尼捐助国和筹款。 When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him.当hauer签名上，他被锁在所限制朱利安尼曾加诸于搜索和网站提供的钻石他。 The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects.市长就这样亲自侧重于选址和建设的地下掩体，这个小城市管理员负责监督，它证明了在随后的诉状中指出， "很高级官员" ，具体包括朱利安尼， "参与了" ，他说，这是一个重大的区别这和其他项目。 Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom.朱利安尼办公室进行了保湿盒雪茄和纪念品，从大会堂，其中包括一名消防喇叭，警察帽及消防帽，以及monogrammed毛巾在他的浴室。 His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced.他的套房是bulletproofed和他去过很多时候，即使是在周末，把他的女朋友（ Judi弥敦道有很久之前的关系浮出水面。 He had his own elevator.他有自己的私人电梯。 Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras.伟大关注的是书面表示，该平台在新闻发布室都必须高到足以使确信他的头部上方相机。 It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him.它的不可思议之手-对市长的幻想指挥中心形或位置由其他人比他。
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable.当然，其后果将中心有可预测性。 The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center.恐怖谁策划了1993年的轰炸告诉联邦调查局，他们回来了贸易中心。 Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack.反对网站安全与这位市长见面，警务专员霍华德使者，称它是"零地带" ，因为该较早的攻击。 Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site.娄海葵，级别最高的军装警员在纽约警察局，写备忘录，砰击地盘。 “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "我从未见过，在我的生命'的步行距离'作为某种标准，为风险管理" ，海葵会后表示。 “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "可是你不想混淆朱利安尼与事实不符" 。海葵，事先做了详细的脆弱性研究的城市，为朱利安尼，针对恐怖攻击的目标。 “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "在短期内的目标，世贸中心，是第一位的， "他说。 “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "我猜你必须有在1993年至不知如何强烈，我们认为这是错误的地方" 。
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures.怪异的是，朱利安尼甚至试图在华莱士采访时否认早日撤离掩体留给他寻找一个新的站点，相反的帐户即狂暴早上他的给予数百次，而且往往是酬金达七位数字。 “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "的方式您解读它， "他告诉华莱士： "这是因为如果这是一个固定指挥中心。 It was not.事实并不是这样。 There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.”有备份指挥中心" ，以最大限度地减少的影响，损失的地下掩体，朱利亚尼说， "在一个半小时"的关机的地下掩体， "我们能够立即采取行动的另一个指挥中心" 。
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris.事实上，由于朱利安尼本人曾告诉戏剧性的故事，他和他的随行人员作了简要被困在美林办事处" ， jimmied锁"的一个消防站，并接管了一家豪华酒店，直到他们意识到这是"护套在窗户。 "他们认为，去大会堂，但据悉，这是为了在废墟中。 The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working.唯一的备份中心存在的是一个小警察总部表示，已放置在结业时，世贸中心地下室开，但朱利亚尼表示，它的手机并没有工作。 “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "我们还必须再找到someplace ， "朱利亚尼说，据他的时候帐户，将它描绘成一个"漫长和痛苦的"搜索。 “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "我们的政府已经不再有地方工作，他写道： "在领导 。
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack.他们结束了在警察学院小区，并根据该帐户朱利安尼和公司给的时候 ， "我们正在和营业，由下午4时， " -七个多小时，而不是一个半小时后，攻击。 But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch.但朱利亚尼说， 9 / 11委员会说，他们很快决定在该学院"太小" ，并"能够建立一个指挥中心" ，在码头， 92个" 3天内， "实际上，它的建设从无到有。 Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. hauer说他会要求一份备份指挥中心年前9 / 11 " ，但他们告诉我，有没有钱，因为它" 。 hauer后离开，不久之前9 / 11 ，全市已宣布，计划建立一个数据备份中心附近的警察总部的网站迅速转淡，由彭博管理。 Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11.警方官员告诉记者说，他们正在寻找空间外曼哈顿和地下何义教训9 / 11 。
BIG LIE 天大谎言
4. 4 。 ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. '民主派并不了解全面的性质和范围的反恐战争对我们不利。朱利安尼归咎于他所称的比尔克林顿的"十年否认" ，为这个烂摊子，我们能加入，并利用它来抹黑休息的克林顿' s 。 “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "不要反应，种让长此下去，一种行为方式，克林顿在九十年代"是他最喜爱的方式刻画民主党回应恐怖主义的威胁。 “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "我们遭到袭击，在科巴尔水塔，肯尼亚，坦桑尼亚， 17 ，我们船员丧生于美国海军科尔和美国政府，根据当时的美国总统克林顿，并没有回应， "朱利亚尼说， rabidly反克林顿观众在八罗伯逊的摄政大学。 “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "这是一个很大的错误，不承认1993年的爆炸事件是一次恐怖行为和战争行为， "他补充说。 “Bin Laden declared war on us. "宾拉登宣战。 We didn’t hear it.我们没有听到这种说法。 I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.”我还以为这是相当清楚的，在时间，但很多人没有看到它，看不出来" 。
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing.这是赤裸裸的修正主义和，不仅因为他自己早已确立，头部中的砂冷漠， 1993年轰炸。 It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president.它的作为毫不含糊党派，因为他声称于9 / 11 ，他看向天空，已经有了第一个战斗机飞越城市以及袭击发生后，并感谢上帝让布什总统。 Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Neither political party covered itself in glory.”
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001 , than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.”
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. 5 。 ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA News Section has more related reports Help keep RINF going..
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