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On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record Sobre o coto, Rudy não pode ajudar a espalhar fumaça e cinzas sobre a sua lousy record

By Por Wayne Barrett Wayne Barrett

Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way. Quase seis anos após 9 / 11, Rudy Giuliani ainda é caminhar pelos canyons de baixa Manhattan, cobertas de fuligem, apontando norte, e conduzindo a nação fora de perigo do caminho. The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House. O republicano frontrunner é lutam pelo presidente por que evocam visual a cada campanha parar, e ele acredita que aparentemente é uma imagem vale milhares de noites na Casa Branca.

Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow. Giuliani foi o líder republicano pack durante sete meses, e que previsões do partido evangélicos iria ligar ele até agora têm provado oca. The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country. A direita religiosa aparece como dominado pela Giuliani história como o resto do país.

Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days. Giuliani não é tímido sobre audiências lembrando daqueles heady dias. In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign. Na verdade ele hyperventilates sobre eles no coto, tornando sua credenciais na chamada guerra contra o terror a peça central de sua campanha. His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden. Sua reivindicação, entretanto, foram atingidos com uma media de forma total deferência que ele é levado para cumprimentar "o bom trabalho que está a realizar cobrindo a campanha". Oponentes, também, não têm coragem de questionar suas credenciais terror, como se faz Isso seria um unpatriotic arco de Osama bin Laden.

Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign . Aqui, então, é um menos deferente olhar para a nuvem ilusória provenientes da ex-prefeito da campanha. . .

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BIG LIE1 LIE1. BIG LIE1 LIE1. ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. "Acho que a coisa que distingue-me sobre o terrorismo é, tenho mais experiência lidar com ele." Este pilar da campanha Giuliani-afirmado por peritos quantas vezes é pelo próprio homem-é baseada na idéia de que Rudy exclusivamente entendem O terror ameaça por causa de seu passado como um procurador e como New York's prefeito. In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood. Num Julho aparição em uma sinagoga Maryland, Giuliani esbocei contraterrorismo sua biografia, um currículo que acontece de ser enraizada na falsidade.

“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. "Enquanto Estados Unidos Attorney, eu investigou o Leon Klinghoffer homicídio por Yasir Arafat", disse o judeu audiência, referindo-se ao assassinato do famigerado 1985 uma cadeira de rodas-vinculado, 69-year-old New York empresário, a bordo do Achille Lauro, um italiano Invadida navio ao largo da costa do Egito por extremistas palestinianos. “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "É honestamente a razão pela qual eu sabia muito sobre Arafat", diz Giuliani. “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "Eu sabia, em pormenor, os americanos mataram ele. I went over their cases.” Fui durante os seus casos. "

On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office. Pelo contrário, Victoria Toensing, o procurador geral Adjunto no Ministério da Justiça, em Washington, que apresentou uma denúncia penal no Lauro inquérito, diz que ninguém no escritório da Giuliani "estava envolvido em tudo." Jay Fischer, a família Klinghoffer Advogado, que liderou a 12 anos de ação judicial contra a OLP, diz que "nunca teve qualquer tipo de contato" com Giuliani ou do seu escritório. “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "Seria boggle minha mente se alguém, em 1985, 1986, 1987, ou posteriormente realizado um inquérito do presente caso e não call me", acrescenta. Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.” Fischer diz que ele não tem um jantar privado com Giuliani, em 1992: "Foi a primeira vez que falei, e nós nem sequer falar sobre o caso Klinghoffer então".

The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family. O jantar foi organizado por Arnold Burns, um amigo próximo de Fischer e Giuliani, que também representou a família Klinghoffer. Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe. Burns, que foi também o presidente de finanças Giuliani mayoral da campanha, foi o vice-E.U. advogado geral em 1985 e supervisionou a sonda. “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "Eu sei de nada Rudy fez, em qualquer forma ou formulário à Klinghoffer caso", diz ele.

Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986. Embora Giuliani disse o político conservador Ação conferência em Março de que ele "perseguidos um monte de crime-um pouco de terrorismo, mas principalmente o crime organizado", ele realmente trabalhou apenas um caso grave como o terrorismo E.U. Attorney, comprovando 10 traficantes de armas para vender US $ 2,5 Bilhões de mísseis anti-tanque, bombas, e lutador jactos ao Irão, em 1986. The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents. O juiz do caso decidiu que uma venda ao Irão violou terroristas estatutos, porque o seu governo tinha sido amarrado a 87 incidentes terroristas. Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office. Giuliani nunca ter mencionado o caso, talvez porque ele pessoalmente documentos arquivados encerra-la em seu último mês como E.U. Advogado: Uma crítica testemunha tinha morrido, e um juiz atiradas out 46 das 55 contagens por causa de erros por Giuliani's office.

“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "Então, como prefeito de Nova York," Giuliani de Julho de intervenção continuou, "Eu fui eleito logo após o atentado terrorista islâmica de 1993. . . I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have. Eu criado planos de emergência para todos os diferentes possíveis ataques que poderíamos ter. We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.” Tivemos treinos e exercícios preparar-nos para o gás sarin e antraz, bombas sujas ".

In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty. De fato, Giuliani foi oblivious ao World Trade Center de 1993 bombardeamentos durante a sua prefeitura. A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner. Um mês após o ataque, candidato Giuliani reuniu-se pela primeira vez com Bill Bratton, que levaria a tornar-se o seu comissário da polícia. The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers. As longas taped reunião foi uma das várias sessões política que ele teve com advogados oficiosos. The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism. O bombardeamento nunca chegou-se, nem ao terrorismo. When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner. Quando Giuliani foi eleito há alguns meses mais tarde, ele imediatamente iniciou uma busca por um novo comissário da polícia. Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself. Três membros do painel que o rastreio Giuliani nomeado para conduzir a pesquisa, e quatro dos candidatos entrevistados para o trabalho, disse mais tarde que o bombardeamento eo terrorismo nunca foram mencionados, mesmo quando o novo prefeito envolvem-se com as entrevistas. When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar. Quando Giuliani emergência precisava de um diretor de gestão de alguns anos mais tarde, dois candidatos para o emprego e para a cidade oficial, que liderou a pesquisa disse que os bombardeamentos e futuras ameaças terroristas não eram sobre Giuliani do radar. The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger. A única vez Giuliani invocado de 1993 bombardeamentos publicamente foi em sua inauguração, em 1994, quando ele referiu-se à forma como os ocupantes do edifício evacuado-se como uma metáfora para a responsabilidade pessoal, ignorando a bombardear-se como um terrorista prenúncio.

US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney. E.U. Attorney Mary Jo White e os quatro assistentes que perseguidos de 1993 bombardeamentos disseram que nunca foram solicitados a breve Giuliani sobre o terrorismo, apesar de todos os assistentes Giuliani conhecia pessoalmente e tinha realmente sido contratado por ele quando era os E.U. Procuração. White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999. White's escritório, localizado a apenas cem metros a partir de um casal City Hall, indiciado bin Laden três anos antes de 9 / 11, mas Giuliani recounted no seu próprio livro, Liderança, que "logo após 9 / 11, Judith [Nathan] got me um Cópia do Yossef Bodansky's Bin Laden: A Man Who Declarada War on America ", que tinha advertido de" espetaculares ataques terroristas em Washington e / ou Nova York ", em 1999. As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.” Como um exemplo de como ele "domina o assunto", escreveu Giuliani que ele em breve "cobertas" Bodansky's profética obra "em marcadores e notas".

The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. 1995-O gás sarin broca que Giuliani já em Julho o seu discurso também foi profética, antecipando muitas das repartições que dificultou a cidade do 9 / 11 resposta. The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment. A broca era um tal desastre que um follow-up exercício foi cancelado para evitar embaraços. More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas. Mais de uma centena de os primeiros a responder de forma imprudente apressado em que eles foram "mortos" pela exposição ao gás. Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident. Radio comunicações foram descritas no relatório da própria cidade como "abysmal", com a polícia e fogo "que operam em diferentes freqüências." O comando lugares foram localizados muito perto do incidente. All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response. Todas as três falhas seriam identificadas anos mais tarde em opiniões oficiais do 9 / 11 resposta.

Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism. Giuliani foi sobre, neste coto discurso, a lista outros exemplos da sua experiência mayoral confrontar o terrorismo. There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said. Houve o tempo, diz ele, "o que nós tínhamos pensado era um gás sarin ataque. 2000 milênio-se com celebração de vezes, disse ele," quando nós Tinha um monte de advertências e tive que fazer uma quantidade enorme de preparação. "E não vamos esquecer, ele salientou, de 1997 NYPD detenção de dois terroristas que" desloca-se ao golpe até uma estação de metrô. "Giuliani utilizado este frustrado Ataque como prova da disponibilidade da cidade: "Um muito, muito alerta jovens policial viu os rapazes", disse. “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "Eles olhou desconfiado, [ele] relatou-los à secretária sargento. The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.” A polícia departamento executa um mandado e tiro um dos homens como ele estava prestes a atingir um toggle switch ".

Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate. Cada uma das reivindicações na Giuliani da auto-serviço conta é imprecisa. The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse. O suposto "sarin ataque" foi simplesmente a descoberta de um vazio caixinha marcada "sarin" em casa de um inofensivo Queens recluse. It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo. Ele estava sentado ao lado de um contentor idêntico chamado "ar comprimido", com uma smiley-face logotipo. Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly. Jerry Hauer, o diretor de gestão de emergência da cidade na época, estava em Londres, no telefone com Giuliani constantemente. Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. Hauer considera irónico que Giuliani ainda é falar sobre o incidente, uma vez que ambos se pensava que era "comically" mishandled então. “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "A polícia foi lá sem fatos e tocado em todos os recipientes sem roupa adequada. They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street. Eles se transformaram em um grande crime cena, com uma centena de polícias forro da rua. Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house. Rudy num ponto me disse, 'Aqui temos o prefeito, o fogo comissário, o chefe do departamento da polícia, e um dos meus vice-prefeitos em pé na frente do gramado nesta casa. Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney. Não deveríamos estar do outro lado da rua, no caso presente stuff inflama? "Esta overhyped emergência levou a uma detenção misdemeanor posteriormente indeferido pelo distrito advogado.

Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats. Do mesmo modo, as preocupações de segurança durante o 1995 º aniversário da ONU focados em Cuba e China e não envolver árabes ameaças terroristas. The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York. O milénio-alvo, bem estabelecida em ensaios subsequentes, foi o Aeroporto Internacional de Los Angeles, e não em Nova York. While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot. Enquanto não há dúvida, a administração Clinton fez colocar o país ea cidade em alerta terrorista para Y2K e outras razões, foi uma prisão na Washington / fronteira canadense que busted uma West Coast enredo.

The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD. O metrô bombardeamentos, entretanto, não foi stymied pela NYPD. An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it. Um egípcio amigo do bombista-que com ele viva no apartamento onde o tubo bomba estava sendo construído-disse duas Long Island Rail Road agentes da polícia sobre ele. When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial. Quando o NYPD posteriormente invadiu o apartamento, eles tiro dois palestinos que estavam lá-um dos quais, cinco vezes e atingiu gravemente ferido, foi posteriormente absolvido em julgamento. No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony. Ninguém tinha tentado lançar a bomba no momento da prisão, embora notícias relatou que, o bombardeiro tinha atingido por um oficial da arma, de acordo com o julgamento depoimento. The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network. As notícias também inicialmente sugeriu um link para o Hamas, embora o bombista solitário foi realmente um amador fanático sem dinheiro e sem rede. As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.” Como conservador uma fonte como Bill Gertz do The Washington Times escreveu que o FBI contraterrorismo investigadores foram "preocupado com o facto de as primeiras declarações alarmistas sobre o caso feitas pelo prefeito Rudy Giuliani"-aparentemente uma referência ao Hamas e vazamentos sobre o toggle switch-"vai provar embaraçoso ".

Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk. Giuliani do terrorismo biografia é beliche. As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians. Como prefeito, seu foco era feixe laser-thugs rua, e como procurador, que foi o mob, Wall Street, torta e políticos. He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life. Ele não pode chegar de volta aos anos e reescrever tais bem conhecido capítulos de sua vida.

BIG LIE BIG LIE

2. 2. ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. "Não creio que houvesse lugar no país, inclusive o governo federal, que foi tão bem preparado para esse ataque como Nova York foi em 2001." Esta afirmação de moscas em face de todos os três estudos da cidade Resposta-a 9 / 11 da Comissão, o Instituto Nacional de Padrões e Tecnologia (NIST), ea McKinsey & Co., da empresa de consultoria contratada pela administração Bloomberg.

Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term. Na verdade, Giuliani não criar o OEM até três anos depois de 1993 bombardeamentos, 27 meses para o seu termo. And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office. E ele não abrir o OEM's new emergência comando central até ao final de 1999, quase seis anos depois ele tomado posse. If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense. Se ele "assumiu a partir do momento que entrou em funções NYC que seria objecto de um ataque terrorista", como ele disse à Time quando ele o fez "Personalidade do Ano" em 2001, certo de que ele demorou muito tempo para erguer o que ele Descreve a cidade como a linha da frente da defesa.

The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing. O OEM foi estabelecida tanto tempo após o bombardeamento, porque, ao contrário do revisionismo Giuliani, a decisão de criar ela não tinha nada a ver com o bombardeamento. Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched. Vários memorandos, revelou a partir do arquivo e Giuliani acontecendo em grande comprimento, revelam que a primeira razão para a agência era "não-aplicação da lei eventos", em especial o tratamento de um Brooklyn água-break principal pouco depois que ele assumiu o cargo que o prefeito Pensamento tinha sido botched. Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference. Antes disso, em dezembro de 1994, quando um desempregado computador programador transitadas uma bomba em um metro em um enredo extorsão contra a Transit Authority, Giuliani foi perturbado que ele não pode sequer começar a contagem dos pacientes a partir da resposta dos serviços para sua coletiva.

Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill. Jerry Hauer, que foi handpicked por Giuliani a cabeça do OEM, testemunhou perante a 9 / 11 da Comissão que Giuliani foi "não foi possível obter o artigo completo", no firebombing e "ouviu falar sobre o enorme rua colapso", que seguiu a água-break principal "Na TV", acrescentando: "Isso é o que levou o prefeito a criar OEM". Hauer passou por cinco entrevistas para o trabalho, e só o tempo o terrorismo surgiu quando foi discutido o Giuliani brevemente falhou gás sarin-broca. He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing. Ele mesmo Giuliani reuniu-se com a esposa, Donna Hanover, ninguém disse uma palavra sobre o bombardeamento 1993. Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. Hauer da própria memos no momento em que o OEM foi lançado em 1996 enfatizam "a visibilidade do prefeito" durante emergências (em vez de o comissário da polícia) como um dos principais objectivos da agência. The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD. O agora-ballyhooed novo escritório foi, no entanto, tão subfinanciadas desde o início que Hauer só podiam contratar funcionários cujos salários seriam pagos por outras agências, como a NYPD.

With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11. Com esse tipo de história, é surpreendente que os OEM foi tudo menos "inestimável" em 9 / 11. Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response. Sam Caspersen, um dos principais autores do 9 / 11 da Comissão no capítulo sobre a resposta da cidade, diz que "nada se passava em OEM" durante os 102 minutos do atentado que teve qualquer impacto directo sobre a cidade do "Rescue / evacuação operação". Uma declaração pessoal comissão constatou que, mesmo antes da evacuação do OEM comando central em 7 World Trade uma hora após o primeiro avião atingiu, a agência ", não desempenhar um papel integral" na resposta. Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing. Apesar da alegação Giuliani hoje que ele e os OEM eram "constantemente planejamento para diferentes tipos" de ataques, nenhum dos exercícios OEM replicadas de 1993 bombardeamentos. No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere. Nenhum broca ocorreu no World Trade Center, e nenhum deles esteve ligado a resposta a uma subida de alta fogo em qualquer lugar. In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur. De fato, os OEM não teve alta subida seu plano de emergência de gestão de formadores não foram ainda atribuídos para se preparar para o ataque que já tinha ocorrido e, o mais provável a recorrência. Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.” Kevin Culley, um Fire Department capitão, que trabalhou como um campo respondedor em OEM, disse que a agência tinha "planos para menores emergências", mas ele não podia recordar "ninguém antecipando outro ataque como o bombardeamento'93".

Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports. Em vez de ser o melhor preparado-cidade, Nova York é a falta de comando unificado, bem como a repartição das comunicações entre os serviços policiais e os incêndios, caiu muito aquém dos esforços no Pentágono naquele dia, como posteriormente estabelecido pela 9 11 / NIST Comissão e relatórios. When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union. Quando os Estados-280.000-International Association of Fire combatentes recentemente lançado um poderoso vídeo assailing Giuliani para adere bombeiros com as mesmas rádios que "sabíamos não funcionou", em ataque de 1993, a campanha presidencial atacou o sindicato. “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "Esta é uma organização que apoiou John Kerry para presidente em 2004," Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti disse. “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "Portanto, não é choque que eles estão lá fora, depois de um curso credível Republicano." Enquanto o IAFF fez aprovar Kerry, o Uniformed bombeiros da Grande Nova York, cujo presidente estrelou no vídeo, apoiado Bush. Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani. Seu ex-presidente, Tom Von Essen-atualmente um membro da Giuliani Partners-fogo foi o comissário em 9 / 11 justamente porque o sindicato tinha desempenhado um papel fulcral em tais inicialmente eleger Giuliani.

The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians. O IAFF vídeo relata que 121 bombeiros no norte torre não sair porque não ouvi evacuação ordens, Giuliani indefere a reclamação perante o 9 / 11 da Comissão que os bombeiros ouviu as ordens e heroicamente decidiu "stand seu terreno "E salvamento civis. Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers. Tendo abandonado que 2004 discórdia, o Giuliani campanha está agora a tentar culpar o mortal comunicações caducam no repetidores, que foram instalados para impulsionar as torres de sinais de rádio. But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.” Porém, a comissão concluiu que a "falha técnica do FDNY rádios" era "um fator contribuinte", mas "não a causa primária", do "firefighter muitas mortes na Torre Norte." A comissão comparado "a força" do NYPD E FDNY rádios e disse que os pontos fracos do FDNY rádios "trabalhou bem sucedida contra a comunicação".

The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located. A comissão relatório também constatou que "é impossível saber qual é a diferença que ele fez unidades da Torre Norte não estavam utilizando o repetidor canal", porque ninguém sabe se ele "se manteve operacional", após a queda da torre sul, Que caiu sobre o comércio-center instalações onde o repetidor e seu console foram localizados. The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console. O colapso também levou todos para fora da torre norte lobby, deixando ninguém para operar o repetidor console. In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks. Além disso, a comissão concluiu que o incêndio chefes falhou para ligar o repetidor corretamente naquela manhã-outra indicação da falta de formação e de exercícios no WTC entre os ataques. In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse. No final, bombeiros tiveram de depender exclusivamente da sua rádios, e da incapacidade da administração Giuliani para encontrar um substituto para as rádios que avariam em 1993 deixou-os incapazes de falar uns com os outros, mesmo sobre a ficar fora de uma torre à beira Do colapso.

The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible. O prefeito também tinha feito nada para fazer a rádios interoperáveis-que teria permitido a polícia e bombeiros se comunicar através departamentais linhas-1995, apesar de ter recebido uma concessão federal renúncia a cidade a mais de radiofrequências para tornar isso possível. That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell. Isso significou o fogo chefes não tinha idéia de que helicópteros da polícia havia previsto o colapso parcial de ambas as torres caíram muito antes.

It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies. Não é apenas a rádios e os OEM: Giuliani nunca obrigou a polícia e os incêndios departamentos acatar claro comando-e-controle protocolos que inequivocamente colocar um serviço a cargo dos outros especificado durante emergências. Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds. Embora ele recolhidos R $ 250 milhões em impostos sobretaxas sobre telefone utilização para melhorar o sistema 911, que esta emergência fundos desviados para outros usos, e os 911 dispatchers foram um desastre total naquele dia, dizendo vítimas de permanecer onde eram muito depois do incêndio chefes tinham Ordenou uma evacuação, que potencialmente selou o destino de centenas. And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11. E, apesar das lições transparente de 1993, Giuliani nunca estabeleceu quaisquer protocolos para telhados ou elevador salvamentos no alto sobe, ou mesmo uma estratégia para trazer os prejudicou e feridos out-todos onerosa falhas em 9 / 11.

But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11. Mas talvez a melhor prova do Giuliani administração da falta de disponibilidade foi que ninguém, na sua parte superior níveis tinha um ultra-secreto sobre segurança apuramento 9 / 11. Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. Hauer, que tinha saído da OEM, em 2000, para se tornar um conselheiro no topo bioquímicos os E.U. Departamento de Saúde e Serviços Humanos, foi convidado a Gracie Mansion dentro de dias de 9 / 11 de uma estratégia sessão com Giuliani e meia-dúzia de seu topo Conselheiros, incluindo Polícia Comissário Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, e Sheirer Richie, que conseguiu Hauer no OEM. Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” Hauer, que teve o mais alto nível de depuração, afirma que "ninguém na sala tinha um em tudo." Foi-nos dito que o FBI "estava tentando fazê-los acelerada folgas".

Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. Hauer já tinha tomado Sheirer baixo para a Casa Branca para reunir-se com top contraterrorismo latão e aprenderam sobre o seu caminho para a reunião que Sheirer não tinha "preencheram o questionário. 2004, News contas também indicou que ele nunca encheu-o para fora. Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack. Von Essen era tão fora do laço que ele disse que, antes do 9 / 11, ele foi dito "nada", e que ele começou a ouvir "falar de uma organização chamada Al Qaeda e um homem chamado Osama bin Laden" alguns Horas após o ataque. “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "Isso significou nada para mim", escreveu ele em seu próprio livro.

“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "Eu estava lendo o diário inteligência em Washington", Hauer recordou, "e eu não sinta confortável falar de coisas que as pessoas não foram apurados por. Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing. Falando em geral, com Rudy um-a-um era uma coisa, mas falar de Richie e Bernie e Tommy violados minha segurança folgas. "Embora Giuliani's top equipe tinha falhado a procurar a folgas que precisavam antes de 9 / 11, e Kerik Giuliani atacou o FBI para não compartilhar informações com os funcionários locais responsáveis pela aplicação da lei quando testemunhou um mês após o ataque a uma assembleia subcomissão audiência.

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BIG LIE BIG LIE

3. 3. Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. Não culpo-me por 7 WTC, Rudy diz. Em resposta a seus críticos' mais condenável som mordida, Giuliani está tentando culpar uma vez-valorizada aide para a decisão de colocar seu prized, US $ 61 milhões emergência-comando central no Mundo Trade Center, um óbvio alvo terrorista. The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. A decisão de 1997 teve consequências em 9 / 11, quando a cidade teve de mobilizar uma resposta sem qualquer centro operacional.

“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "Meu diretor de gestão de emergência recomendados 7 WTC", como "o site que faria mais sentido a", disse Giuliani Chris Wallace da Fox News Channel show em maio, identificação Jerry Hauer como o culpado.

Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one. Wallace confrontados Giuliani, no entanto, com um 1996 Hauer nota recomendando que o bunker ser instalados em MetroTech em Brooklyn, perto de onde a administração Bloomberg eventualmente construído um. The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997. O prefeito brushed o memo lado, continua a insistir que tinha Hauer Escolhi-o como "o primeiro site." A campanha, em seguida, colocar as declarações de um ex-vice-prefeito que disse que Hauer tinha apoiado o comércio local no centro de uma reunião de alto nível Com o prefeito, em 1997.

Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. Hauer não contesta que ele eventualmente apoiado o 7 WTC local, mas ele claramente favorecidos MetroTech. His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC. Sua memo MetroTech disse que "poderia estar disponível dentro de seis meses", enquanto ela teve quatro e meia mais anos para obter o bunker instalado e funcionando em 7 WTC. He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison. Ele disse que estava seguro MetroTech e "não tão visível como um alvo edifícios em Lower Manhattan" - uma comparação profético. Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable. Listando oito positivos sobre MetroTech, o memo também mencionou negativos, mas disse que eles não eram insuperáveis. “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "A verdadeira questão", concluiu Hauer ", seja ou não o prefeito pretende ir do outro lado do rio para gerir um incidente. If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy. Se ele está disposto a fazer isso, MetroTech é uma boa alternativa. "Notas de reuniões indicam que Hauer continuaram a empurrar MetroTech nas discussões com o prefeito e seu vice-top.

But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan. Mas Hauer afirma Denny Young, o prefeito da alterar ego, que trabalhou a seu lado durante quase três décadas, eventualmente "deixou muito claro" que Giuliani queria "ser capaz de caminhar rapidamente para esta facilidade." Isso significou o bunker Teve de ser inferior em Manhattan. Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground. Desde a Câmara Municipal zona situa-se abaixo da várzea, o centro de comando, que foi construído com um furacão-cortina parede-teve de ser acima do solo. The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone. O documento formal cidade, que aprova o site disse que "foi seleccionado devido à sua proximidade City Hall", um padrão estabelecido pelo Giuliani Giuliani e sós.

The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. O 7 WTC site foi o brainchild de Bill Diamond, um proeminente Manhattan republicano Giuliani que tinha instalado na cidade agência manipulação Aluguel. When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies. Quando Diamond realizou um similar no pós administração Reagan poucos anos antes, o seu escritório tinha seleccionado o mesmo prédio para abrigar nove agências federais. Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser. GOP's Diamond-wired corretor direccionais Hauer ao edifício, que foi possuído por um grande doador e Giuliani fundraiser. When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him. Quando Hauer assinado nele, ele foi bloqueado em pelo Giuliani tinha limitações impostas à pesquisa e os sites Diamond ofereceu-lhe. The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects. O prefeito era tão pessoalmente centrou-se na localização e construção das bancas que a cidade administrador que supervisionou ele testemunhou em uma ação judicial posterior que "muito altos funcionários", especificamente incluindo Giuliani, "foram envolvidos", disse ele, que foi uma grande diferença entre Este e outros projectos. Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom. Giuliani do escritório teve um humidor para charutos e mementos da Câmara Municipal, incluindo um incêndio chifre, a polícia chapéus e bonés fogo, bem como monogrammed towels na sua casa de banho. His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced. Sua suite bulletproofed e ele foi visitado, muitas vezes, mesmo em fins de semana, trazendo sua namorada Judi Nathan lá muito antes do relacionamento tona. He had his own elevator. Ele tinha seu próprio elevador. Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras. Grande preocupação foi expressa por escrito de que a plataforma na sala de imprensa tinha de ser suficientemente elevado para certificar-se de que sua cabeça estava acima do câmeras. It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him. É inconcebível que a hands-on prefeito da fantasia comando central foi moldada-ou-instaladas por qualquer outra pessoa que não ele.

Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable. Evidentemente, as consequências da colocação do centro havia previsível. The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center. Os terroristas que engenharia de 1993 bombardeamentos disse ao FBI que eles estavam vindo de volta ao centro comercial. Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack. Opõem ao site durante uma reunião com o prefeito, Comissário de Polícia Howard Safir chamavam-lhe "Ground Zero", porque antes do ataque. Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site. Lou Anemone, a mais alta classificação fardados oficial no NYPD, escreveu memos fechar o site. “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "Eu nunca vi na minha vida" curta distância ", como uma espécie de um padrão para a gestão de crises", disse mais tarde Anemone. “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "Mas você não quiser Giuliani confundir com os factos". Anemone tinha feito um estudo detalhado vulnerabilidade da cidade de Giuliani, identificar alvos terroristas. “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "Em termos de objectivos, o WTC foi número um", diz ele. “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "Eu acho que você tinha que estar lá, em 1993, para saber quão fortemente sentimos que era o lugar errado."

Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures. Bizarrely, Giuliani ainda tentou na Wallace entrevista para negar que o início da evacuação do bunker esquerda ele busca de um novo site, contrariamente à conta de que ele está determinado frenética manhã centenas de vezes, muitas vezes para honorários de seis números. “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "A forma como você interpreta-la", disse Wallace, "era como se o que foi fixado um comando central. It was not. Não foi. There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.” Havia backup comando centers. "Para minimizar os efeitos da perda do bunker, Giuliani disse que," dentro de meia hora "do encerramento do bunker", fomos capazes de passar imediatamente para outro comando central ".

In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris. Na verdade, como disse o próprio Giuliani dramática história, ele e os seus acompanhantes foram sumariamente aprisionado em um escritório Merrill Lynch, "jimmied o bloqueio" de um firehouse, e teve mais de um luxuoso hotel, até que percebeu que estava "sheathed nas janelas. "Eles vão considerar City Hall, mas aprendi que era coberta em detritos. The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working. O único backup center que existia era a sede da polícia em uma pequena que tinha sido posto para fora do negócio quando o WTC bancas abriu; mas disse Giuliani seus telefones não estavam funcionando. “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "Vamos ter de encontrar algum", disse Giuliani, de acordo com o seu Time conta, que ele descreveu como "um longo e angustiante" pesquisa. “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "O nosso governo deixou de ter um lugar para trabalhar", ele escreveu em Liderança.

They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack. Eles liquidação na academia de polícia uptown e, de acordo com a empresa deu conta Giuliani e Hora ", que estamos a constituição e operação por 4 pm"-sete horas, não uma meia hora, após o atentado. But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch. Mas Giuliani disse o 9 / 11 da Comissão que rapidamente decidiu a academia "era demasiado pequeno" e "foram capazes de estabelecer um comando central" de Pier 92 "no prazo de três dias", ela praticamente edifício de raiz. Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. Hauer disse ele pediu um backup comando center anos antes de 9 / 11 ", mas disseram-me não havia dinheiro para isso." Após Hauer esquerda, e pouco antes de 9 / 11, a cidade anunciou planos para construir um centro de backup Perto da sede da polícia de um site rapidamente jettisoned pela Bloomberg administração. Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11. Funcionários da polícia disse aos jornalistas que estavam à procura de espaço exterior Manhattan e subterrâneos, citando as lições de 9 / 11.

BIG LIE BIG LIE

4. 4. ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. 'Democratas não entendem a plena natureza eo alcance das terrorista guerra contra nós. "Giuliani culpa que ele chama Bill Clinton's" década de negação "para o caos em que estamos, e usa-la para manchar o resto de Clinton" S partido. “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "Não reagir, espécie de deixar as coisas correrem, espécie de agir da forma como Clinton fez nos anos 90" é a sua favorita maneira de caracterizar o Democrata resposta à ameaça do terrorismo. “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "Fomos atacados em Khobar Towers, Quênia, Tanzânia, 17 dos nossos marinheiros foram mortos no USS Cole, eo governo dos Estados Unidos, no âmbito do então presidente Clinton-, não deu uma resposta", disse o Giuliani rabidly anti-Clinton em audiência Pat Robertson Regent's University. “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "Foi um grande erro ao não reconhecer que os bombardeamentos 1993 foi um acto terrorista e um acto de guerra", acrescentou. “Bin Laden declared war on us. "Bin Laden declarou guerra ao nós. We didn’t hear it. Nós não ouvi-lo. I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.” Pensei que era muito clara no momento, mas muita gente não vê-la, não podia vê-la. "

This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing. Isto é revisionismo nu-e não apenas por causa do seu próprio bem estabelecido, cabeça-no-areia indiferença aos bombardeamentos de 1993. It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. É tão claramente partidário como sua alegação de que, em 9 / 11, ele olhou para o céu, vi o primeiro lutador jatos voando sobre a cidade, depois do ataque, e agradeceu a Deus, que foi o presidente George W. Bush. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Bob Kerrey, o ex-senador democrata que sentou no 9 / 11 da Comissão, colocá-lo bastante: "Antes de 9 / 11, não fez o suficiente oficiais eleitos para reduzir a ameaça da Al-Qaeda. Neither political party covered itself in glory.” Nenhum partido político em si mesmo coberta glória ".

Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani da vida Louis Freeh amigo, o ex-chefe FBI, que lhe apoiou para presidente, escreveu em 2005 a sua autobiografia que "a nação fundamentais da abordagem de Osama bin Laden e seu ilk não foi diferente após a inauguração de 21 de janeiro de 2001 , Que tinha sido antes. "Bob Kerrey Conforme observou, os cinco democratas e cinco republicanos sobre o 9 / 11 da Comissão disse muito a mesma coisa. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Freeh acrescentou que ambas as administrações "combates foram criminosos, não um inimigo vigor" antes de 9 / 11, Giuliani e agora está fazendo exatamente a mesma política ponto, mas limitando a sua crítica ao Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.” Mesmo o ferozmente anti-Clinton Freeh creditado ao ex-presidente com "uma excepção", afirmando a sua administração fez ir depois Bin Laden ", com uma salvo de mísseis Tomahawk, em 1998, em retaliação à embaixada bombardeamentos na África Oriental."

The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. O melhor exemplo de Giuliani's partidária twist é o USS Cole, que foi atacado em 12 de outubro de 2000, três semanas antes da eleição 2000. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. A 9 / 11 Relatório da Comissão constatou que, no final Clinton meses, nem o FBI, então dirigido pelo Freeh, nem a CIA tinha uma "resposta definitiva sobre a questão crucial de fora direção do ataque", disse Clinton, que ele precisava ir A guerra contra bin Laden ou os Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.

It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.

At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.

“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”

In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?

BIG LIE

5. 5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.

The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.

When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”

The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.

A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.

Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.

Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”

The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”

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Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins.

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