Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11 루디 줄리아니 큰 거짓말에 대해서는 5 9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record 의 등걸, 루디 연기와 유골을 도와줄 수 없어 자신의 형편없는 기록을 확산
By 을 Wayne Barrett 웨인 세탁
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way. 거의 6 년 만에 9 / 11, 루디 줄리아니는 여전히 낮은 협곡을 통해 걸어서 맨해튼에서 다루고있습니다 매연, 포인팅 북한, 그리고 위험의 방식을 이끌고 나라 밖으로합니다. The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House. evoking 의해 대통령이 선거 운동에 대한 공화당의 선두 시각마다가 캠페인을 그만, 그리고 그는 믿고 it'sa 사진을 분명히 백악관에서 밤 수천명의 상당합니다.
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow. 줄리아니되었습니다 공화당 팩은 7 개월에서 선두로, 그리고 예측있는 당사자의 기독교는 그분에게 지금까지 입증된 켜십시오 투명합니다. The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country. 종교적인 오른쪽으로 나타납니다 줄리아니에 의해 닥치게 나라의 나머지 부분을 이야기합니다.
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days. 줄리아니는 그 무모한 일 관객을 깨우쳐에 대해 부끄러워합니다. In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign. 실제로 그는 그들을 유세에 관한 hyperventilates, 그의 자격을 만들고 테러 전쟁에 그렇게 - 불리는이 곳의 그의 캠페인을합니다. His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden. 그의 클레임, 한편으로 만났다되었습니다 미디어 존중 너무 합계로 이동 complimenting 그는 "그 좋은 직업이 일을 덮고있는 캠페인을합니다."반대 세력도 감히하지 않은 그의 테러에 질문을하는가 자격 증명을하는 것처럼 그래서 나비가 오사마 빈 라덴은 비애 국자 것입니다.
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign . 여기에, 그렇다면,이 적게 정유 환상을 봐 구름이 전 시장의 캠페인에서 발생합니다. . 합니다. . 합니다.
BIG LIE1 LIE1. 큰 lie1 lie1합니다. ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. '내 생각에 그 날 테러 것을 구분은, 나는 그것이 더 많은 경험을 다루는합니다.'이 캠페인 - 주장하는 줄리아니의 기둥 같은 빈도로 전문가에 의해 그것은 자기 -이를 기반으로 인간 고유하게한다는 생각을 이해 루디 그의 배경 때문에 테러의 위협과 검사로서 뉴욕의 시장합니다. In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood. 7 월 외모로, 메릴랜드 주 교회당으로, 줄리아니 스케치 테러 대책을 꺼내 전기, 뿌리는 허위로 일어나는을 재개합니다.
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. 있는 그대로 "미국 변호사, 나는 살인 사건을 조사를 yasir 레온 klinghoffer 아라파트,"그 말씀의 유대인 청중의 살해를 참조하고 악명높은 1,985 휠체어 - 바인딩, 69 - 년 - 오래된 뉴욕 사업가 승선을 achille lauro, 이태리 이집트의 앞바 다에서 선박 납치 팔레스타인 과격합니다. “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "그건 솔직히 아라파트에 대해 많이 알고있는 이유"라고 말합니다 줄리아니합니다. “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "나는 알았는데, 구체적으로, 미국은 그 살해합니다. I went over their cases.” 나는 그들의 사례 굴렀죠. "
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office. 그 반대로, 빅토리아 toensing, 법무 장관은 법무부 차관 워싱턴에있는 보조 신청을 한 사람의 범죄 불만 사항 lauro 조사에 따르면 줄리아니의 사무실에 아무도 "는 전혀 관여합니다."제이 피셔, 가족 klinghoffer 변호사 사람에 대한 소송을 진두 지휘 년, 12 - plo, 말로는 "결코 접촉할 수 없어요"을 줄리아니 또는 그의 사무실에합니다. “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "그것은 내 마음을 도깨비 1985 년 만약 누구라도, 1986, 1987, 또는 그 이후이 사건을 조사를 실시하고 못 전화해,"그는 추가합니다. Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.” 피셔와 함께 저녁 않았다고합니다 줄리아니는 1992 년 사설 : "것은 이번이 처음 우리가 이야기, 그리고 우리가 klinghoffer 사건에 대해 얘기도 않았을합니다."
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family. 저녁 식사는 아놀드별로 정렬는 화상, 피셔와 줄리아니의 친한 친구로써 the klinghoffer 가족 누구도 표현합니다. Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe. 화상, 누구는 또한 줄리아니가 시장의 금융 의자는 캠페인, 미 법무 장관은 1985 년 차장 및 감독 프로브합니다. “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "난 알아요 루디 아무것도 어떠한 형태 또는 양식을 한 klinghoffer 경우,"라고 그는 설명합니다.
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986. 줄리아니 비록 보수적인 정치 행동 회의를 말했 년 3 월 그 "기소 많은 범죄가 - 약간의 테러,하지만 대개는 조직 범죄,"그는 실제로 하나 밖에 주요 테러 사건을 일한 미국의 변호사, 10 팔 딜러 판매에 대한 기소 2.5달러 10 억 달러 어치의 안티 - 탱크 미사일, 폭탄, 그리고 1986 년이란에 전투기합니다. The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents. 이 사건에 판사가 판결 테러 법을 위반하는 것이기 때문에 매각을이란 정부는 테러 사건이 공동으로 87. Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office. 줄리아니는이 사건은 언급하지 않았는데, 아마도 개인적으로 신청 서류를 종료 왜냐하면 그는 그의 마지막 달에 미국의 변호사 : 중요한 증인이가 죽었, 그리고 46의 판사가 튕겨 아웃 줄리아니 사무실에 의해 오류 때문에 55 건의합니다.
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "그런 다음 뉴욕 시장으로서,"줄리아니은 7 월 연설을 계속, "난 직후에있어 1993 년 이슬람의 테러 공격을 선출합니다. . 합니다. . 합니다. I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have. 나는 비상 계획을 설정할 수있는 다른 모든 공격을 잡을 수 있었합니다. We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.” 우리는 우리를 위해 훈련과 연습을 준비 시린 가스와 탄저균, 더러운 폭탄을합니다. "
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty. 사실은, 줄리아니는 1993 년 세계 무역 센터 폭탄 테러 모른다는 그의 시장 전역합니다. A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner. 공격을 한달 후, 후보로 줄리아니 법안을 처음 만난 bratton, 누구에게 궁극적으로 그의 경찰 국장이 될합니다. The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers. 긴 녹화 회의는 여러 정책에 세션 중 하나의 비공식적인 조언자로했다. The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism. 폭격 절대 나타났; 마찬가 테러합니다. When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner. 줄리아니 선출된 때 몇 개월 후, 그는 새 경찰 국장을 즉시 검색을 시작합니다. Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself. 회원의 이름을 3 개 줄리아니를 실시하는 심사위원회의 검색, 그리고이 일을 위해 인터뷰를 후보 4 명, 나중에 따르면 폭탄 테러와 테러에 없었던 새로운 시장에 언급된 - 때도 인터뷰와 관련되어있어 자신합니다. When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar. 비상 관리 국장 때 필요로 줄리아니 몇 년 후, 직업과 도시에 대한 두 후보가 진두 지휘하는 공식적인 사람 찾기와 미래의 테러 위협에 대한 폭격 있다고 줄리아니의 레이다에 없었다. The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger. 1993 년 폭탄 테러 줄리아니 공개적으로 호출있는 유일한 시간은 1994 년 취임 때, 그는 건물의 생물체 대피를 추천하는 방식을 개인의 책임에 대한 자신의 은유로서, 그 자체로서 폭탄 테러 전조를 무시합니다.
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney. 미국의 변호사 기소 메리 조 흰색과 4 개의 보조 누구 1993 년 폭탄 테러는 그들이 결코 테러에 관한 질문을 짧은 줄리아니, 그래도 줄리아니 개인적으로 알고있는 모든 조교했고, 실제로 그는 미국의 때 그를에 고용된 변호사를합니다. White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999. 화이트의 사무실, 몇 백 야드 떨어진 곳에 위치하고 시청, 기소 3 년 전에 빈 라덴이 9 / 11,하지만 줄리아니 것이 자신의 책, 리더십, 그 "직후 9 / 11, 쥬디스 [네이트] 사주신 빈 라덴의 사본을 yossef bodansky : 그 사람에 대해 전쟁을 선언했다 미국, "어떤 경고를했다"워싱턴에서 테러 공격 화려한 및 / 또는 뉴욕 "1999 년합니다. As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.” 예를 들어들이 어떻게 그 "마스터 주제,"줄리아니가 쓴 걸 곧 "대상"bodansky의 예언 작업 "을 강조 표시한 및 메모를합니다."
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. 시린 - 가스 훈련을하는 1995 년 7월 줄리아니 연설을 인용 그의 예언은 또한 예상되는 증세 방해의 많은 도시의 9 / 11 대답합니다. The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment. 이 같은 수순은 재해가 곤란한 상황을 피하기 위해 다음과 - 최대 행사가 취소되었습니다. More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas. 100 개 이상의 초동 조치가 너무 무모하게 돌진하는 그들이 "사망"기체에 노출되었을 때. Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident. 무선 통신은이 도시의 자신의 리포트에 설명된 "최악의,"와 경찰 및 소방 "운영에서는 서로 다른 주파수를합니다."명령을 게시물은 너무 근처에 위치해 사건합니다. All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response. 모두 3 개의 단점은 나중에 공식적인 리뷰를 식별 년 9 / 11 대답합니다.
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism. 줄리아니에갔습니다,이 유세 연설에서 그의 시장 경험을 목록에 다른 예는 테러에 직면합니다. There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said. 시간이 있었는데, 그는 말하길, "우리는 우리가 생각했던 시린 가스가 공격을합니다."및 있었다 또한 50 주년을 기념하고 2000 년 유엔 밀레니엄 축하 맞부딪히게, 시간, 그는 "우리가 를 많이했습니다 경고를했고, 엄청난 금액을 준비를해야합니다. "그리고 잊지 말자 구요, 그 지적 테러리스트의 두 사람은 1997 년 뉴욕 경찰이 체포"지하철 정거장을 폭파했던 거에요. "줄리아니은이 동식물 공격을 증거 자료로 도시의 준비 : "아주, 아주 경고 젊은 경찰관이 본 자들은,"라고 그는 말했다. “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "그들은 의심치, [그래서] 보도로 그들을 책상 하사합니다. The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.” 경찰에 영장을 처형하고 남자들 중 한 사람으로 샷을 날린 그는 토글 스위치에 대해서합니다. "
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate. 각각의 주장은 줄리아니의 자기 - 검색 계정이 부정 확한합니다. The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse. the 원래 "시린 공격을"은 단순히 빈 통을 발견 "이라고 표시된 시린"무해한 퀸즈의 홈에 은둔합니다. It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo. 그것은 동일한 컨테이너 옆에 앉아 레이블 "압축 공기"가 스마일 - 얼굴 로고를합니다. Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly. 제리 hauer, 도시의 비상 사태 관리 감독 당시에,이 런던에서 줄리아니에 전화를 지속적으로합니다. Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. 줄리아니는 여전히 hauer 찾아 그것에 대해 얘기를 풍자 사건, 이후 그들은 둘 다 생각은 "희극"처리한 다음합니다. “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "경찰은 한 벌없이 갔었을 건드리지 켜져 있고 제대로하지 않고 컨테이너의 모든 의류. They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street. 그들은 무미 주요 사건 현장을 경찰이 줄지어 거리를 100 달러로합니다. Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house. 루디 어느 시점 내게 말한, '여기에 우리가 시장에, 화재 위원, 최고의 경찰 당국은, 그 중 하나는 앞 잔디밭에 서 내 대리 시장이 집에는합니다. Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney. 건너편에서해서는 안 될 경우에 우리가이 물건 ignites? '를 "이 과대 긴급 체포 이후에 마리화나를 주도 검찰청에 의해 해산합니다.
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats. 마찬가지로, 1995 년 유엔 기념하는 동안의 보안 문제에 초점을 쿠바와 중국, 아랍 테러 위협에 못 포함합니다. The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York. 밀레니엄 목표, 음 설립 이후의 시련은 로스 앤젤레스 국제 공항, 뉴욕없습니다. While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot. 빌 클린턴 행정부 때 의심의 여지가 없어 나라와 도시를 해놨어 2000 년 문제와 다른 이유에 대한 테러 경고, 그것은 워싱턴에 체포 / 캐나다의 국경은 서부 해안의 음모를 들킨합니다.
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD. 지하철 폭탄 테러, 한편 뉴욕 경찰에 의해 좌절하는가없습니다. An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it. 폭격기 - 살아있는 이집트의 친구의 아파트에서 그와 함께 파이프 폭탄이 어디에 건설되고 - 말한 두 개의 롱 아일랜드 철도 도로 경찰관 그것에 대해합니다. When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial. 뉴욕 경찰이 이후 아파트를 압수 수색 때, 그들이 쏜 두 개의 팔레스타인 인들은 거기 - 그 중 한명, 5 회 안타와 큰 부상은 나중에 무죄에 대한 재판합니다. No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony. 아무도 그 시간에 폭탄을 설정하려고의 해제를 체포, 그래도 뉴스 기사를 보도했다 있으며, 장교의 총에 대한 폭격에 도달했다에 따르면 재판을 증언합니다. The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network. 이 뉴스 기사로 연결되는 링크를 제안도 당초 하마스, 단독 폭격기 불구하고 아마추어는 실제로 애호도없고 돈도없이 네트워크를합니다. As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.” 보수적인 소스로로 워싱턴 타임스의 빌 gertz FBI 다 썼다고 테러 대책 조사관은 "우려가있는 사건에 대해 진술의 초기 인심, 루디 줄리아니 시장이 만든"- 사실에 대한 참조를 누수가 하마스와 토글 스위치에 대해서 - "가 증명 당황 합니다. "
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk. 줄리아니의 테러에 전기가 침상으로합니다. As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians. 시장으로서, 그의 레이저 - 빔 초점 거리는 악당, 그리고 검사로서, 그것은 군중, 월스트리트, 그리고 비뚤어진 정치합니다. He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life. 그는 그들 년 동안에 도달할 수없습니다으로 돌아가기과 같은 음 - 알려진 지부는 그의 삶의 재작 성합니다.
BIG LIE 큰 거짓말을
2. 2. ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. '나는 아무 것도 생각하지 않아이 나라에 있었을 포함하여 연방 정부, 그건 물론 그 공격에 대한 준비가 도시는 2001 년에 뉴욕으로합니다.'이 주장의 얼굴에 파리는 도시의 모든 3 개의 연구 응답 - 9 / 11위원회, 국립 연구소의 표준 및 기술 (nist), 그리고 매킨지 & 일산화탄소, 블룸버그 행정부에 의해 컨설팅 회사를 고용합니다.
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term. 사실, 줄리아니 않았 1993 년 이후 3 년 동안 때까지 oem 만들기 폭격, 27 개월 임기합니다. And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office. 그리고 그는 oem의 새로운 비상 않았 명령 센터를 열고 1999 년 말까지 이동 그도 사무실 - 거의 6 년 후. If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense. 만약 그가 "라고 생각하는 순간부터 사무실에 들어왔을 전 뉴욕시 테러 공격의 대상이 될"와 그가 말한 때 그것은 그를 "사람의 1 년"을 2001 년, 그는 발기 확인하는 데 시간이 오래 데려 그가 뭘 국방부의이 도시의 프론트 라인에 대해 설명합니다.
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing. 폭탄 테러 이후에 너무 오래 the oem 설립됐다 왜냐하면, 반대로 줄리아니의 수정은 결정을 폭격은 아무 상관이없는 그것을 만듭니다. Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched. 여러 개의 메모를 발굴 줄리아니 보관 및 벌어지고에서 엄청난 길이, 공개가 정부 기관에 대한 근거의 초기는 "이 아닌 - 법 집행 이벤트를,"특히 브루클린 물 - 메인 브레이크를 처리 직후 시장에 취임 생각이 실패했다. Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference. 그 전에는 년 12 월 1994 년 실업자가 컴퓨터 프로그래머의 근간을 때 지하철에서 폭탄이 방면 교통 기관에 대한 강탈 음모, 줄리아니 뒤숭숭했거든 그 환자의 개수도받을 수없습니다 응답 서비스에서 그의 기자 회견을합니다.
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill. 제리 hauer, 줄리아니를 대표하는 사람이 직접 oem, 증언을하기 전에 9 / 11위원회는 그 줄리아니는 "전체 이야기를 가져올 수없습니다"라는 책자에 firebombing와 "거대한 스트리트의 붕괴에 대해 들었다"그것을 따라 물 - 메인 브레이크 "을, 텔레비전,"설명 : "그게 무슨 주도, 시장을 설정하려면 oem합니다."hauer 간 5 개의 면접 시험을 통해 일자리를, 그리고 테러에있는 유일한 시간이 짧게 나타났 줄리아니 때 시린 - 가스를 논의했다 훈련에 실패했습니다. He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing. 심지어 그는 줄리아니의 부인을 만나, 도나 하노버; 아무도는 1993 년 폭탄 테러에 대해 한 마디합니다. Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. 메모에 자신의 시간을 hauer oem 1996 년 출범을 강조 "시장의 시정 중"비상 사태 (경찰 국장이 아닌)을 주요 목적의 기관. The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD. 이제 - ballyhooed 새 사무실은 그러나, 시작부터 너무 부족 직원을 고용하는 hauer 누구의 연봉 될 수 밖에 다른 기관에 지불한 뉴욕처럼합니다.
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11. 와 그런 종류의 역사, 그것은 거의 의외의 oem는 아무것도하지만, "귀중한"을 9 / 11. Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response. 샘 caspersen 중 하나 교장은 저자의 9 / 11위원회의 지부 도시의 반응이 말로는 "아무 일이 일어 났 oem에서"102 분 공격을하는 동안 어떤 직접적인 영향을 미칠가 도시의 "구출 / 대피 작업을합니다."라는위원회는 직원 성명 것으로, 심지어 oem 명령 센터의 철수에 앞서 세계 무역 한시간 뒤 7시 첫 비행기를 안타 기관에 "중요한 역할을 못 재생"을 응답합니다. Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing. 오늘의 주장에도 불구하고 줄리아니와 그 oem는 "지속적인 계획에 대한 다른 종류"를 공격, 없음을 의미합니다 폭격은 1993 년 oem 운동을 복제합니다. No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere. 아니요 세계 무역 센터에서 훈련을가 발생했습니다, 그리고 아무 관련이 높다 - 상승 화재의 응답을 어디합니다. In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur. 사실, 하이 - 상승 계획을 oem 없었다 -의 비상 - 관리 트레이너는 하나의 공격에 대한 준비도 안되는에게 할당은 이미 발생하고 재발을 한 높습니다. Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.” 케빈 culley, 소방서 선장 응답에서 일했던 분야로서 oem, 기관은 말로는 "사소한 비상 사태에 대한 계획,"그러나 그는 회고 수없습니다 "93 년도의 폭격 같은 또 다른 공격을 누구도 기대합니다."
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports. 최고의 - 준비가되는 대신 도시, 뉴욕의 부족으로 통일된 명령을뿐 아니라 경찰과 소방서 사이의 커뮤니케이 션의 붕괴, 미 국방성에의 노력 부족 멀리 떨어진 그날은 나중에 설립한으로서 9 / 11위원회와 nist보고합니다. When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union. 280,000 - 회원 국제 교류 협회의 경우 소방관 최근 출시된 안은 소방에 대한 강력한 비디오 assailing 줄리아니와 동일한 무선 통신은 "우리가 알고있는 일을 안에서"1993 년 공격, 대통령 선거는 노동 조합을 공격합니다. “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "이것이 조직에 지원되는 존 케리 상원은 2004 년 대통령 선거,"줄리아니 보좌관 토니 carbonetti 말했다. “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "그래서 충격이 아니에요 신빙성이 공화당 후 그들은 밖거야."반면 케리 iaff 한 보증은 소방 교복은 더 좋은 뉴욕, 누구의 대통령에 별표 비디오, 인준 부시 대통령합니다. Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani. 그 전 대통령, 톰 폰 에센 - 현재의 멤버에 줄리아니 파트너 -는 소방 감독관 9 / 11 정확하게 연주하기 때문에이 같은 노조는 당초 선출 줄리아니 중요한 역할을합니다.
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians. the iaff 비디오를보고하는 북쪽 타워에서 121 소방대원 그들은 못 들었 때문에 나오지 않은 대피 명령을 거부했고, 줄리아니의 주장을 거부하기 전에 9 / 11위원회는 소방 및 영웅 소리를 들었을 주문하기로했다 "서 자신의 접지 "그리고 민간인을 구출합니다. Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers. 2,004 경합하는 데 버려진를 줄리아니 치명적인 커뮤니케이 션을 비난하려는 캠페인이 현재의 모습을 보여주 중계기, 무선 신호를 높이기 위해 설치됐다 타워합니다. But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.” 그러나위원회는 결론을 내렸다 "기술 실패 fdny 라디오"는 "기여 요인,"비록 "안의 주요 원인을"의 "많은 소방관 북쪽 타워에서 사망자가합니다."그위원회에 비해 "의 힘"의 뉴욕 경찰의 그리고 라디오라고 말했다 fdny의 약점을 fdny 라디오 "일한 성공적인 커뮤니케이 션 반대합니다."
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located. 위원회 보고서에서도 발견 "그건 불가능을 알고 그것은 어떤 차이가 북쪽에있는 단위를 사용하지 않는 탑은 기관총 채널,"왜냐하면 아무도 모른다면 "여전히 작전"의 붕괴 이후 한국 타워, 무역 - 센터 시설에 떨어졌던 기관총과 그 본체가 어디에 위치합니다. The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console. 또한 북한의 붕괴 모두 나가 몰고 타워 로비, 떠나고 아무도 기관총 콘솔을 작동합니다. In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks. 또한, 화재 참모위원회는 결론을 정확하게 중계하는 데 실패했습니다 그날 아침에 전원을 켜고 - 또 다른 징후 교육과 훈련이 부족 사이의 공격을 wtc합니다. In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse. 결국, 소방 전용의 신뢰는 라디오, 그리고 줄리아니 행정부의 무력에 대한 후임자를 찾기 위해 1993 년 라디오가 오작 동한 서로에게 말할 수없는두고, 심지어 탑에 빠지기 직전에 벗어나는에 대해 붕괴합니다.
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible. 시장을 창구로 아무것도 한 게 없어도 라디오 상호 작용 - 즉, 의사 소통을 활성화 걸쳐 경찰과 소방대원 종류 라인 -에도 불구하고 95 년 연방 정부 면제를 부여받은 도시를 가능하게하는 무선 주파수의 추가합니다. That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell. 한다는 생각이 없었다는 의미 참모 본부 소방 헬기 예상했던 경찰은 양쪽의 일부 붕괴 타워가 오래 전부터 그들이 감소합니다.
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies. 문제가 아니에요 라디오와 oem : 줄리아니 경찰 및 소방서에 강제로 결코 지우기 명령을 준수할 -과 - 제어 프로토콜에 대한 서비스를 제대로 충전 하나씩 지정하는 동안에 다른 비상 사태. Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds. 비록 그는 세금 250,000,000달러 수집된 전화 부가금 911 시스템 사용을 개선하기 위해, 그는이 긴급 자금을 우회 다른 용도, 그리고이 911 dispatchers 심각한 재앙이 하루 였을 거짓말을 피해 오랫동안 그곳을 지키고있는 그들이 참모 본부는 화재 후 대피 명령, 어떤 잠재적인 봉인된 운명의 여신 수백합니다. And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11. 그리고, 투명하게 교훈에도 불구하고 1993 년, 줄리아니 설립 결코 옥상이나 엘리베이터에 대한 모든 프로토콜을 구한 고등 - 상승, 아니면 심지어는 장애인 및 부상을 가져오도록요에 대한 전략을 아웃 - 모든 비용이 많이 드는 단점이 9 / 11.
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11. 하지만 아마도 최고의 증거를 줄리아니 행정부의 준비 부족으로 상단의 수준을 한 번에 없다는 톱 - 비밀의 보안 등급은 9 / 11. Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. hauer했던 2000 년에에서 떠났습니다 oem가되기 위해 미국의 톱 생화학 부 고문의 건강과 인간의 서비스, 맨션으로의 초대를 받았습니다 일간의 9 / 11은 전략 세션이 줄리아니 반 - 12의 상위 자문 위원을 포함 버니 경찰 국장 kerik, 톰 폰 에센, 그리고 리치 sheirer, 누가 hauer에 성공했다 oem합니다. Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” hauer, 누가는 최고 - 수준을 정리, 말로는 "방 안에 아무도 모두 한 번에했다."그는 FBI 다가 말했다 "는 그들을 신속하게 승인 얻으려고합니다."
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. hauer 이전 백악관의 아래쪽으로 이동 sheirer를 만나 그의 방식을 상위로 테러 대책 회의를 경감과 학습 sheirer 않았다면 그 "위탁 밖으로 설문 조사합니다."언제 kerik은 국토 안보부 장관으로 지명을 날려 2004 년 뉴스 계정 채워 한 번도 밖도 지적합니다. Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack. 폰 에센는 너무 밖으로 루프를 그 이전에 따르면 9 / 11, 그는 말한 "전혀요,"그리고 자신이 청문회 시작했다 "토크의 조직 알 카에다라는 이름의 한 남자가 오사마 빈 라덴을"몇 몇 시간 후에 공격합니다. “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "그것은 내게 아무것도 아니"라고 그는 자신의 책을 썼다.
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "나는 독서의 일일 정보는 워싱턴에서,"hauer 소환, "난 편안하게 얘기를 느끼지 않았던 것들에 대한 사람이 지워지지 않는다. Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing. 일반적으로 루디 이야기 한 - 일 - 하나는 중 하나는, 그러나 리치와 버니하고 토미 얘기하고 내 보안 승인을 위반합니다. "하지만 줄리아니의 상위 팀은 이전에 그들이 필요한 정리를 요구하는 데 실패했습니다 9 / 11, kerik 및 줄리아니을 공격했다 현지 법 집행 기관의 정보를 공유하는 FBI 다 않은 공무원의 증언하면 한달 후 그들은 하원 소위원회 청문회에서 공격을합니다.
BIG LIE 큰 거짓말을
3. 3. Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. 나를 비난하지 마라 7 wtc, 루디 말로합니다.에 대한 응답으로 그의 비판 '을 대부분의 것이라 사운드 물린, 줄리아니는 비난을 시도 결정을 한 번 - 자신의 가치에 대한 귀중한 보좌관, 61,000,000달러 세계에서 긴급 - 명령 센터 무역 센터, 명백한 테러 대상합니다. The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. 1997 년 결정은 참담한 결과를 9 / 11, 언제가 응답을하지 않고 도시를 운영 센터를 동원해야만합니다.
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "내 지도자의 긴급 관리를 권장 7 wtc"으로서 "이 사이트가 대부분의 감각을,"줄리아니 말했 크리스 월러스의 폭스 뉴스 채널을 보여 년 5 월 pinpointing 제리 hauer 범인으로합니다.
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one. 월러스가 직면 줄리아니 그러나, 1996 년 hauer 메모를 권유하고있는 메트로 테크에서 벙커 sited가 브루클린에서 블룸버그 행정부 어디에 결국 하나를 만들었을 닫습니다. The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997. 시장을 닦았 메모를 제쳐두고, 계속해서 hauer 주었다이라고 주장한다 "총리 사이트를합니다."그 캠페인을 다음에서 진술을 내보내 전 부시장 hauer 있다고 누구 무역 - 센터 위치를 지원했다 하이 - 레벨 회의에서 1997 년 시장에 함께합니다.
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. 그 사람이 결국 hauer 분쟁 지원하지 않습니다 7 wtc 위치, 그러나 그는 메트로 테크 명확하게 선호합니다. His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC. 그의 메모 메트로 테크는 "6 개월 동안 사용할 수있는가"하는 동안 4 개의 반이 걸렸습니다 벙커를 얻기 위해 더 많은 년 7 시에 wtc를 설치하고 실행합니다. He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison. 메트로 테크는 안전하고 있다고 그는 "를 타겟으로 보이는 건물 아니라 맨하탄"- 예언을 비교합니다. Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable. 상장 8 개 메트로 테크에 대한 되었다면, 메모를 제외도 언급했다, 그러나 그들이 없다는 극복합니다. “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "실제의 문제를,"hauer 결론, "이 시장이 있는지 여부를 관리하는 강을 건너 가고 싶어 사고를합니다. If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy. 그 사람이 이런 일을 기꺼이, 메트로 테크는 좋은 대체합니다. "노트에서 hauer 모임에 따르면 협의를 계속하여 시장을 밀어 메트로 테크와 그의 상위 대리합니다.
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan. 하지만 데니는 hauer 말로 젊은를 자아 시장의 변화, 사람은 거의 30 여년에 대한 그의 한쪽에서 근무, 결국은 "전 아주 분명히"그것 줄리아니 원한다 "산책을 할 수있는 능력을이 시설을 신속하게합니다."뜻이 벙커를 맨하탄야만합니다. Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground. 아래에있는 이후에 시청 영역은 floodplain, 명령 센터 - 어떤 지어진이 허리케인 - 커튼 벽 - 되어야만 지상합니다. The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone. 이 사이트의 공식 도시 문서를 승인했다고 밝혔다 "이 선택으로 인해 근접를 시청했다"줄리아니와 줄리아니의 표준 설정하여 혼자합니다.
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. 이 법안은 블라 wtc 사이트에 7 다이아몬드, 맨해튼 공화당의 저명한 기관을 도시에 설치되어있는 줄리아니 처리를 임대했다. When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies. 게시물에 다이아몬드를 열었다 때 레이건 행정부와 유사한 몇 년 전, 그의 사무실 건물을 주택은 9 개 연방 정부 기관을 선택한 동일합니다. Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser. 다이아몬드의 공화당 - 유선 브로커를 조종 hauer 건물을 소유하는 주요 줄리아니는 기증자 및 기금 모금 행사합니다. When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him. 방면이 때 서명 hauer, 그는 줄리아니의 한계에 의해 잠겨있습니다 부과했다 다이아몬드의 사이트를 검색하고 그를 제공합니다. The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects. 개인적으로이 시장에 초점을 너무나 벙커이 도시의 입지와 건설 관리자가 누구의 감독이 이후의 소송에서 증언을 "아주 고위 관계자,"특히 줄리아니를 포함, "이 관련,"어느 그는 주요 차이점은 이 정보와 기타 프로젝트를합니다. Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom. 줄리아니의 사무실에 대한 humidor는 도시에서 담배를 mementos 홀, 화재가 경적을 포함, 경찰 소방 모자와 모자, 그의 욕실 수건 monogrammed뿐만 아니라합니다. His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced. 그의 스위트룸은 자주 방문한 bulletproofed 그리고 그는, 심지어 주말에, 그의 여자 친구를 데리고 나탄 judi 표면의 관계를하기 전에 거기에 오래합니다. He had his own elevator. 그는 그의 자신의 엘리베이터를합니다. Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras. 큰 우려를 표명은 기자 회견 실에서 플랫폼에 서면으로이 있었을 정도로 충분히 높습니다 상단에있는 그의 머리는 카메라가 있는지 확인합니다. It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him. 그게 말이 되냐고의 손 -이 시장의 판타지 명령 센터는 모양 - 또는 sited - 의해 그를 외에 다른 사람을합니다.
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable. 물론, 그 결과를 예측할 수 있었 중심 퍼팅합니다. The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center. 1993 년 사람의 테러 폭격을 꾀하고 FBI 다 그들이 온다들에게 무역 센터로 돌아합니다. Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack. 사이트에 반대하는 사람들과 회의가 시장, 경찰 국장 하워드 safir 불리는 "그라운드 제로"이전의 공격으로 인해합니다. Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site. '루'말미잘, 뉴욕 경찰의 최고 - 순위 교복 담당관, 사이트에 쓴 메모를 요란합니다. “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "나는 내 인생에서 본 적이 없어 '걸어서'을 일종의 표준에 대한 위기 관리,"아네모네는 나중에합니다. “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "그러나 줄리아니와 혼동하지 않으려는 사실을합니다."말미잘은 도시의 한 연구에 대한 보안 취약점에 대한 자세한 줄리아니, pinpointing 테러 타겟으로합니다. “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "의 측면에서 목표를 wtc은 넘버원,"라고 그는 설명합니다. “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "나는 거기에 맞춰 1993 년 당신이 강력하게 우리가 어떻게해야하는지 알고 느낀 그것은 잘못된 장소합니다."
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures. 기이, 줄리아니 월러스가 인터뷰를 시도를 거부하고 심지어는 그를 왼쪽 벙커의 조기 철수를 찾고있는 신규 사이트, 반대로 열광의 계정이 아침, 그는 수백 배의 주어진을 일으키는 경우가 종종 6 개 숫자에 대한 사례에 도달합니다. “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "그 방법을 해석하고,"그는 말했 월러스, "그것은 마치 그것이 한 고정 명령 센터를합니다. It was not. 그것은 안합니다. There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.” 백업 명령 센터 있었다. "손실에의 영향을 최소화하기 위해 벙커, 줄리아니는,"30 시간 이내 "의 종료를 벙커,"우리는 또 다른 명령 센터로 즉시 이동 할 수있게되었다. "
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris. 사실은, 자신이 이야기를 극적으로 줄리아니 이야기, 그 사람과 그의 측근은 메릴린치에 갇혀 짧게 사무실, "억지로 자물쇠가"의 소방서, 그리고 호화로운 호텔을 데려 실현하기 전까지 그들은 그것은 "시스의 windows. "그들은 고려 시청하려고했지만 그것을 배운 파편이 덮여있는가. The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working. 백업 센터를 유일하게 경찰의 존재는 본사의 작은 한 번에 놨었는데 벙커 wtc 때 사업을 내보 열었다; 그러나 줄리아니에 따르면 휴대 전화가 작동하지 않습니다. “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "우리는 발견해야 할 곳으로,"줄리아니는 그의 시간을 계정에 따르면, 어떤 설명으로 "롱과 비참"검색합니다. “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "우리의 정부가 더 이상 작동 장소를했다"라고 그는 리더십을 썼다.
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack. 그들은 경찰의 학원 앞에 상처가 도시로 그리고 줄리아니와 회사의 계정에 따르면 준 시간, "우리는 영업을하고 오후 4시"- 7 시간이 아니라 30 - 시간, 이후 공격을합니다. But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch. 그러나 줄리아니 이야기를 9 / 11위원회가 아카데미 그들이 신속하게 결정했다 "는 너무 작습니다"와 "의 명령 센터를 설립 할 수있게되었다"를 부두에 92 "3 일 이내에,"사실상 건물이 처음부터합니다. Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. hauer 하시겠다는 명령 센터 년 전에 백업을 요구한 9 / 11, "그러나 그들이 나에게 그것을 위해 돈을 없었다."hauer 후 왼쪽 및 직전 9 / 11, 그 도시의 백업 센터 구축 계획을 발표했다 근처에 경찰 본부 -하는 사이트를 신속하게 jettisoned 블룸버그 행정부에 의해합니다. Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11. 경찰 관계자 공간을 찾고들이 밖에서 기자 회견 맨해튼과 지하의 교훈을 인용해 9 / 11.
BIG LIE 큰 거짓말을
4. 4. ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. '민주당의 범위를 이해하지 못해 전체 자연과 우리의 테러와의 전쟁합니다.'줄리아니 원망 전화를 걸 빌 클린턴의 "10 년간 거부"를 난장판을 우리는, 그리고 그것을 더럽히고를 사용 빌 클린턴 나머지는 ' 초 당합니다. “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "안 반응, 일종의 어디 일들 가자, 빌 클린턴 길을 종류의 행동에 대해선 90 년대"는 그의 좋아하는 방식의 테러 위협에 대한 응답으로 민주 특징. “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "우리는 공격을 khobar 타워, 케냐, 탄자니아, 17의 선원들은 상원 의원의 사망 콜, 그리고 미국 정부가 아래에 다음 - 클린턴 대통령은 응답하지 않았습니다,"줄리아니 이야기를 팻 관객의 열광적인 안티 - 빌 클린턴 로버트슨의 리젠트 대학합니다. “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "그것은 큰 실수를하지 않는 것으로 인식하고 1993 년 폭탄 테러 행위는 전쟁 행위"라고 덧붙였다. “Bin Laden declared war on us. "빈 라덴이 우리를 전쟁을 선언했다. We didn’t hear it. 우리는 못 들었어요. I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.” 그 당시 나는 명확하게 생각했는데,하지만 많은 사람들이 보지 못했다을 볼 수없습니다. "
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing. 이것은 알몸 수정 - 그리고뿐만 아니라 자신의 정평이 나 때문에, 머리 -가 - 1993 년 폭탄 테러로 - 모래 무관심합니다. It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Neither political party covered itself in glory.”
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001 , than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.”
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. 5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA News Section has more related reports Help keep RINF going..
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