Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11 Rudy Giuliani's Big Five Lies About 9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record Sul moncone, Rudy non è in grado di aiutare la diffusione di fumo e cenere sulla sua lousy record
By Da Wayne Barrett Wayne Barrett
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way. Quasi sei anni dopo il 9 / 11, Rudy Giuliani è ancora a piedi attraverso il canyon di Manhattan inferiore, coperto di fuliggine, che punta verso nord, e portando la nazione fuori pericolo il cammino. The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House. Il repubblicano prima fila milita per la presidenza da evocare visiva che in ogni campagna fermata, e apparentemente egli ritiene si tratti di un quadro del valore di migliaia di notti e la Casa Bianca.
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow. Giuliani è stato il leader repubblicano pack per sette mesi, e le previsioni che il partito degli evangelici si trasformerebbe su di lui, non hanno finora dimostrato vuote. The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country. La destra religiosa appare come preso da Giuliani alla storia come il resto del paese.
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days. Giuliani non è timido circa ricordando pubblico di tali inebrianti giorni. In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign. In realtà egli hyperventilates su di loro sul tronco, facendo sue credenziali nella cosiddetta guerra al terrore, il centro della sua campagna. His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden. Le sue pretese, nel frattempo, sono state soddisfatte con una media totale sono deferenza che ha preso a complimentarmi con "il buon lavoro che sta facendo la campagna di copertura". Oppositori, troppo, non hanno osato mettere in discussione le sue credenziali di terrore, come se fare Così sarebbe un antipatriotico prua a Osama bin Laden.
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign . Qui, poi, è una di quelle meno deferente guardare la nube illusoria provenienti dalla ex sindaco di campagna. . .
BIG LIE1 LIE1. Big LIE1 LIE1. ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. 'Credo che la cosa che mi distingue il terrorismo è, ho più esperienza fare con esso.' Questo pilastro della campagna Giuliani-ha affermato da sapientoni più spesso è l'uomo da se stesso-è basato sul concetto che comprende unicamente Rudy La minaccia del terrore a causa del suo ministero come sfondo e come sindaco di New York. In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood. In un rapporto del luglio apparizione in una sinagoga Maryland, Giuliani delineati controterrorismo sua biografia, un riprendere quello che succede a essere radicata nella menzogna.
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. "Come avvocato Stati Uniti, ho studiato l'omicidio di Leon Klinghoffer Yasser Arafat", ha dichiarato al pubblico ebraico, che si riferiscono al 1985 infame uccisione di una sedia a rotelle, 69 anni, uomo d'affari di New York a bordo della Achille Lauro, un italiano Dirottato nave al largo delle coste di Egitto da estremisti palestinesi. “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "E 'il motivo per cui onestamente mi sapeva tanto di Arafat", spiega Giuliani. “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "Sapevo, in dettaglio, gli americani ha ucciso. I went over their cases.” I casi sono andati oltre il loro ".
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office. Al contrario, Victoria Toensing, il vice procuratore generale presso il Dipartimento di Giustizia di Washington che ha presentato una denuncia penale in Lauro indagine, afferma che nessuno in Giuliani's office "è stato coinvolto a tutti." Jay Fischer, la famiglia Klinghoffer Che ha guidato l'avvocato di 12 anni-querela contro l'OLP, dice egli "non ha mai avuto alcun contatto" con Giuliani o il suo ufficio. “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "Sarebbe boggle mia mente se qualcuno, nel 1985, 1986, 1987, o successivamente condotto un'indagine di questo caso e non mi chiamino", egli aggiunge. Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.” Fischer dice di aver fatto avere una cena privata con Giuliani nel 1992: "Era la prima volta che abbiamo parlato, e non abbiamo nemmeno parlare di Klinghoffer caso allora".
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family. La cena è stata organizzata da Arnold Burns, uno stretto amico di Fischer e Giuliani, che ha anche rappresentato il Klinghoffer famiglia. Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe. Burns, che è stato anche il presidente della finanza Giuliani mayoral campagna, è stato il vice procuratore generale degli Stati Uniti nel 1985 e per supervisionare la sonda. “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "Non conosco nulla di Rudy ha in qualsiasi forma o modulo a caso Klinghoffer", egli spiega.
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986. Se Giuliani ha detto il politico conservatore azione conferenza nel mese di marzo che ha "processato un sacco di criminalità-un po 'di terrorismo, ma soprattutto la criminalità organizzata", ha lavorato in realtà solo un importante caso di terrorismo degli Stati Uniti come avvocato, indicting 10 concessionari per la vendita di armi $ 2,5 Del valore di miliardi di missili anticarro, bombe, aerei da combattimento e in Iran nel 1986. The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents. Il giudice ha stabilito che il caso di una vendita Iran violati terroristici statuti, perché il suo governo era stato legato a 87 episodi terroristici. Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office. Giuliani non ha mai menzionato il caso, forse perché egli personalmente depositato documenti che chiude nel suo ultimo mese US Attorney: Una testimonianza critica era morto, e un giudice gettato le 46 del 55 conta a causa di errori di Giuliani's office.
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "Allora, come sindaco di New York," Giuliani luglio discorso continua, "ho eletto a destra dopo il 1993 attentato terroristico islamico. . . I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have. Ho istituito piani di emergenza per tutte le diverse possibili attacchi avremmo potuto. We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.” Abbiamo avuto prove ed esercitazioni per preparare noi antrace e il gas sarin, bombe sporche ".
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty. In realtà, è stato Giuliani alle cause 1993 World Trade Center in tutta la sua podestarile. A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner. Un mese dopo l'attacco, candidato Giuliani, si è riunito per la prima volta con Bill Bratton, che sarebbe diventata la sua ultima analisi, il commissario di polizia. The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers. La lunga riunione è stata registrata una delle numerose sessioni di politica che aveva con non ufficiali consiglieri. The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism. Il bombardamento non è mai entrato; né il terrorismo. When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner. Giuliani, quando è stato eletto pochi mesi più tardi, ha immediatamente avviato una ricerca di un nuovo commissario di polizia. Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself. Tre membri del pannello di screening che Giuliani chiamato a condurre la ricerca, e in quattro dei candidati intervistati per il lavoro, ha detto che più tardi i bombardamenti e il terrorismo non sono mai stati citati-anche quando il nuovo sindaco ha coinvolto le interviste con se stesso. When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar. Giuliani, quando aveva bisogno di un direttore di gestione di emergenza di un paio di anni più tardi, due candidati per il lavoro e la città che ha guidato ufficiali, che la ricerca ha detto che i bombardamenti e future minacce terroristiche non sono stati in Giuliani il radar. The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger. L'unica volta in Giuliani invocato pubblicamente i bombardamenti del 1993, è stato a sua inaugurazione, avvenuta nel 1994, quando ha fatto riferimento al modo in cui l'edificio evacuato stessi come una metafora per la responsabilità personale, ignorando il bombardamento si colgono come un terrorista.
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney. US Attorney Mary Jo White e quattro assistenti che perseguita i bombardamenti del 1993, ha detto che non sono mai stati invitati a breve Giuliani di terrorismo, anche se tutti gli assistenti Giuliani conosceva personalmente e sono state effettivamente assunto da lui quando era l'US Attorney. White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999. White's office, che si trova a un paio di centinaia di metri dal municipio, accusato di bin Laden tre anni prima del 9 / 11, ma Giuliani racconta nel suo libro, Leadership, che "subito dopo 9 / 11, Judith [Nathan] got me un Copia di Yossef Bodansky's Bin Laden: The Man Who dichiarato guerra al America ", che aveva avvertito di" spettacolari attacchi terroristici a Washington e / o di New York "nel 1999. As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.” Un esempio di come egli "padronanza di un soggetto," Giuliani ha scritto che egli presto "coperto" Bodansky profetico di lavoro "e evidenziatore e le note".
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. 1995-gas sarin trapano che Giuliani citato nel suo discorso di luglio è stato anche profetica, anticipando molti dei guasti che ostacolato la città, il 9 / 11 di risposta. The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment. Il trapano è stato un tale disastro che un esercizio di follow-up è stato annullato per evitare imbarazzo. More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas. Più di un centinaio dei primi interventi affrettati e sono temerariamente che erano "ucciso" da esposizione al gas. Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident. Comunicazioni radio sono stati descritti in città la propria relazione come "abissale", con la polizia e il fuoco "che operano su frequenze differenti". Il comando posti sono stati situato troppo vicino al incidente. All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response. Tutte e tre le carenze sarebbero individuati anni più tardi, nel ufficiali recensioni dei 9 / 11 di risposta.
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism. Giuliani ha, in questo discorso tronco, per elencare altri esempi della sua esperienza mayoral affrontare il terrorismo. There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said. Non vi è stato il tempo, egli dice, "noi abbiamo pensato che ciò che era stato un attacco di gas sarin. 2000 millennio celebrazione contro, i tempi, egli ha detto," quando abbiamo Ha avuto un sacco di avvertimenti e aveva a che fare un'enorme quantità di prepararsi. "E non dimentichiamo, ha sottolineato, il 1997 NYPD arresto di due terroristi che" stavano per far saltare una stazione della metro ". Giuliani utilizzato questo sventato Attacco come prova della città è pronta: "Un molto, molto di avviso giovane agente di polizia ha visto i ragazzi", ha detto. “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "Sembravano sospette, [quindi] riferito alla scrivania sergente. The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.” Il dipartimento di polizia eseguito un mandato e girato uno degli uomini come egli stava per colpire un toggle switch ".
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate. Ciascuno dei crediti in Giuliani's self-serving conto è impreciso. The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse. Il presunto "attacco sarin" è semplicemente la scoperta di un vuoto canestro segnato "sarin" in casa di un innocuo Queens recluse. It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo. Si è seduta accanto a un contenitore identico classificati come "aria compressa" con un volto sorridente-logo. Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly. Jerry Hauer, la città del regista di gestione di emergenza, al momento, è stato a Londra, al telefono con Giuliani costantemente. Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. Hauer, la trova ironico che Giuliani è ancora parlando della vicenda, dal momento che entrambi pensato che fosse "comically" mishandled allora. “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "La polizia si sono recati senza vestiti e toccato tutti i contenitori senza un adeguato abbigliamento. They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street. Le hanno trasformate in un grave delitto, con un centinaio di poliziotti rivestimento della strada. Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house. Rudy ad un certo punto mi ha detto, 'Qui abbiamo il sindaco, il commissario fuoco, il capo del dipartimento di polizia, e uno dei miei vice sindaci in piedi sul prato di fronte la casa. Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney. Non dovremmo essere là della strada nel caso in cui questa roba si accende? ' "Emergenza overhyped Questo ha portato a un arresto misdemeanor successivamente respinta dalla procura distrettuale.
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats. Allo stesso modo, le preoccupazioni di sicurezza durante il 1995 ° anniversario delle Nazioni Unite si è concentrato su Cuba e la Cina e non ha comportato arabo minacce terroristiche. The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York. Il millennio di destinazione, ben radicata nelle successive prove, è stato il Los Angeles International Airport, non a New York. While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot. Mentre non c'è dubbio, l'amministrazione Clinton ha messo il paese e la città di terrorismo allerta per Y2K e per altri motivi, è stato un arresto sul Washington / confine canadese, che troppo West Coast di un complotto.
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD. La metropolitana bombardamenti, nel frattempo, non è stato ostacolati dal NYPD. An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it. Amico di un egiziano il bomber-che vivono con lui in appartamento, dove il tubo bomba era in fase di costruzione-ha detto due Long Island Rail Road agenti di polizia su di esso. When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial. Quando il NYPD successivamente irruzione l'appartamento, hanno ucciso due palestinesi che erano lì-uno dei quali, per cinque volte ha colpito e gravemente ferito, fu poi assolto al processo. No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony. Nessuno aveva provato a disattivare la bomba al momento della cattura, anche se le notizie, ha riferito che, il bomber aveva raggiunto un funzionario per la pistola, secondo la testimonianza di prova. The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network. Le notizie inizialmente suggerito anche un link ad Hamas, anche se il singolo bombardiere era in realtà un fanatico amatoriali senza un soldo e senza rete. As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.” Conservatrice come una fonte di Bill Gertz di The Washington Times ha scritto che gli investigatori sono stati FBI controterrorismo "preoccupato per il fatto che le prime dichiarazioni allarmistiche sul caso fatta dal sindaco Rudy Giuliani"-apparentemente un riferimento a fughe di notizie su Hamas e il toggle switch-"sarà imbarazzante ".
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk. Giuliani terrorismo biografia è a castello. As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians. Come sindaco, il suo fascio laser attenzione è stata teppisti di strada, e come un procuratore, è stato il mob, Wall Street, deformata e politici. He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life. Egli non è in grado di raggiungere indietro a quegli anni e riscrivere tali noto capitoli della sua vita.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
2. 2. ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. 'Non credo che ci è stato nel tuo paese, compreso il governo federale, che, come è stato ben preparato per questo attacco come New York City è stato nel 2001.' Questa affermazione vola nel volto di tutti e tre gli studi della città - La risposta 9 / 11 della Commissione, il National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), e McKinsey & Co, la società di consulenza ingaggiati dalla Bloomberg amministrazione.
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term. In realtà, Giuliani non creare OEM fino a tre anni dopo i bombardamenti del 1993, in 27 mesi il suo termine. And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office. Ed egli non ha aperto la nuova emergenza OEM centro di comando fino alla fine del 1999, quasi sei anni dopo ha detto di avere preso ufficio. If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense. Se ha "assunto dal momento in cui sono entrato in ufficio NYC, che sarebbe stata oggetto di un attacco terroristico", come ha detto, quando il tempo lo ha reso "Person of the Year" nel 2001, egli ha fatto un certo tempo per erigere ciò che egli Descrive come la città della prima linea di difesa.
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing. L'OEM è stato stabilito così a lungo dopo i bombardamenti, perché, al contrario di Giuliani revisionismo, la decisione di creare essa non aveva niente a che fare con i bombardamenti. Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched. Diversi memo, rinvenuti dal Giuliani archivio e sta succedendo a lungo, rivelano che la logica iniziale per l'agenzia di stato "non-applicazione della legge manifestazioni", in particolare la gestione di una Brooklyn acqua principali breve pausa dopo aver assunto l'incarico, che il sindaco Era stato pensato botched. Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference. Prima che, nel dicembre 1994, quando un programmatore disoccupati condotto una bomba su un metro in un complotto contro l'estorsione Transit Authority, Giuliani è stato sconvolto che non poteva anche ricevere un conte di pazienti da rispondere servizi per la sua conferenza stampa.
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill. Jerry Hauer, che era mano da Giuliani a testa OEM, ha testimoniato davanti al 9 / 11 della Commissione che Giuliani era "impossibile ottenere il racconto" alla firebombing e "sentito parlare del grande crollo di strada", che ha seguito la pausa principale acqua - "In TV", aggiungendo: "Questo è ciò che ha portato il sindaco di istituire OEM". Hauer, ha attraversato cinque interviste per i posti di lavoro, solo il tempo e il terrorismo è venuto fino Giuliani quando è stato discusso brevemente il fallito il gas sarin-trapano. He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing. Egli ha anche incontrato la moglie di Giuliani, Donna Hanover; nessuno ha detto una parola sui bombardamenti del 1993. Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. Hauer, la propria memo al momento OEM è stato lanciato nel 1996 sottolineare "la visibilità del sindaco" durante le emergenze (piuttosto che il commissario di polizia), come uno dei principali obiettivi della agenzia. The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD. L'ora-ballyhooed nuovo ufficio è stato, comunque, in modo da avviare sottofinanziato Hauer, che potrebbe assumere solo gli stipendi del personale della cui sarebbe pagato da altre agenzie come il NYPD.
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11. Con questo tipo di storia, non è affatto sorprendente che l'OEM è stato tutt'altro che "prezioso" il 9 / 11. Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response. Sam Caspersen, uno dei principali autori dei 9 / 11 della Commissione capitolo sulla risposta della città, dice che "nulla è stato succedendo OEM", durante il 102 minuti l'attacco che ha avuto un impatto diretto sul cittadino "Salvataggio / evacuazione." Una dichiarazione della commissione del personale ha rilevato che, anche prima che l'evacuazione delle OEM centro di comando a 7 World Trade un'ora dopo il primo aereo ha colpito, l'agenzia "non svolgere un ruolo integrale" e la risposta. Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing. Giuliani, nonostante la rivendicazione di oggi che lui e gli OEM sono stati "in costante di pianificazione per i diversi tipi di attacchi, nessuno degli esercizi OEM replicato bombardamenti del 1993. No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere. Trapano non si è verificato per il World Trade Center, e nessuno coinvolto la risposta ad un fuoco alto-aumento ovunque. In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur. In realtà, non ha avuto alcun OEM di alta luogo-il suo piano di gestione dei formatori di emergenza non sono stati assegnati anche per preparare un attentato, che aveva già verificato, e da una maggiore probabilità di verificarsi. Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.” Kevin Culley, un capitano Vigili del Fuoco che hanno lavorato come un campo risponditore a OEM, ha detto che l'agenzia aveva "piani per le emergenze minori", ma non riusciva a ricordare "nessuno anticipando un altro tipo di attacco, come il bombardamento'93".
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports. Invece di essere preparate al meglio per città, New York, la mancanza di comando unificata, come pure la ripartizione delle comunicazioni tra i servizi di polizia e di fuoco, è sceso molto al di sotto della sforzi al Pentagono quel giorno, più tardi, come stabilito dal 9 / 11 Commissione e NIST relazioni. When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union. Quando il membro 280000-International Association of Fire Fighters recentemente rilasciato un potente video bombardarli Giuliani per attaccare i vigili del fuoco con la stessa radio, che "noi non sapevamo di lavoro" nel 1993 attacco, la campagna presidenziale attaccato l'unione. “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "Si tratta di una organizzazione che sostenuto John Kerry per la presidenza nel 2004," aide Giuliani ha detto Tony Carbonetti. “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "Così non c'è shock che là fuori che stanno andando dopo una credibile repubblicano." Mentre la IAFF Kerry ha fatto approvare, in uniforme della Grande Vigili del fuoco di New York, il cui presidente stella e il video, approvato Bush. Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani. L'ex presidente, Tom Von Essen-attualmente un membro della Giuliani Partners-è stato il commissario fuoco il 9 / 11, proprio perché l'unione quali aveva giocato un ruolo fondamentale nella elezione inizialmente Giuliani.
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians. Il video di rapporti che IAFF 121 vigili del fuoco e la torre nord non uscire perché non sentire gli ordini di evacuazione, di rigetto del reclamo Giuliani prima del 9 / 11 che la Commissione vigili del fuoco ascoltato gli ordini ed eroicamente deciso di "stand loro terra "E il salvataggio di civili. Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers. Avendo abbandonato la contesa che il 2004, la Giuliani campagna sta ora cercando di colpa mortale lasso di comunicazione sulla ripetitori, che sono stati installati a rafforzare i segnali radio e le torri. But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.” Ma la commissione ha concluso che "il fallimento della tecnica FDNY radio" è stato "un fattore", anche se "non è la causa principale", del "firefighter molte vittime nel Nord Torre". La commissione di rispetto "la forza" del NYPD FDNY e radio e ha detto che i punti deboli del FDNY radio "lavorato contro la comunicazione di successo".
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located. La commissione relazione anche rilevato che "è impossibile sapere che cosa è il fatto che le differenze di unità nel Nord Torre non sono state usando il ripetitore canale", perché nessuno sa se essa "è rimasta operativa", dopo il crollo della torre sud, Che è caduta sul commercio-centro servizi in cui il ripetitore e la sua console si trovavano. The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console. Il crollo anche scacciò tutti fuori dalla torre nord lobby, lasciando nessuno di far funzionare il ripetitore console. In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks. Inoltre, la commissione ha concluso che il fuoco capi non accendere il ripetitore correttamente mattina-che un altro indizio della mancanza di formazione e di esercitazioni presso il WTC tra gli attacchi. In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse. Alla fine, i vigili del fuoco hanno dovuto fare affidamento esclusivamente sulla loro radio, e l'incapacità di Giuliani la somministrazione di trovare un sostituto per la radio che nel 1993 sinistra malfunctioned loro grado di parlare l'uno con l'altro, anche di uscire di una torre sull'orlo Del collasso.
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible. Il sindaco ha anche fatto nulla per rendere interoperabili le radio-che avrebbe permesso alla polizia e vigili del fuoco del dipartimento di comunicare attraverso le linee-pur avendo ricevuto un 1995 federale rinuncia alla concessione della città ulteriori frequenze radio per far sì che questo possibile. That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell. Significava che il fuoco non aveva alcuna idea di capi di polizia elicotteri che aveva anticipato il parziale crollo di entrambe le torri a lungo prima di essere sceso.
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies. Non è solo la radio e la OEM: Giuliani mai costretto le forze di polizia e servizi antincendio a rispettare chiaro comando-e-controllo di protocolli che saldamente mettere una tassa di servizio e degli altri specificato durante le emergenze. Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds. Sebbene egli raccolti 250 milioni di dollari in tasse extra su l'uso del telefono per migliorare il sistema 911, ha deviato il finanziamento di emergenza per altri usi, e la 911 dispatcher sono state un totale disastro quel giorno, che dicono vittime di rimanere dove sono state a lungo dopo l'incendio aveva notabili Uno ordine di evacuazione, che potenzialmente sigillate le sorti di centinaia. And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11. E, nonostante la trasparente lezioni del 1993, la Giuliani mai stabilito alcun tetto o protocolli per ascensore salva-Sorge in alto, o anche una strategia per portare la ridotta e feriti fuori tutti i costosi carenze sul 9 / 11.
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11. Ma forse la miglior prova della somministrazione Giuliani mancanza di disponibilità che nessuno è stato a sua cima livelli avuto un top-secret del nulla osta di sicurezza sul 9 / 11. Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. Hauer, che aveva lasciato il OEM nel 2000 per diventare un top biochimici consulente presso il Dipartimento di Salute e Servizi Umani, è stato invitato a Gracie Mansion entro giorni di 9 / 11 per la sessione con una strategia Giuliani e una mezza dozzina di sua top Consiglieri, tra cui il Commissario di polizia Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, e Richie Sheirer, Hauer, che è riuscito a OEM. Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” Hauer, che hanno avuto il più alto livello di liquidazione, dice che "non c'è nessun altro nella stanza aveva uno a tutti." Egli è stato detto che l'FBI "stava cercando di farli accelerato nulla osta".
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. Hauer, aveva precedentemente preso Sheirer giù per la Casa Bianca per un incontro con top controterrorismo ottone e per la sua appreso in modo che l'incontro non aveva Sheirer "compilato il questionario. 2004, News conti, che ha anche indicato che non avevo mai riempito. Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack. Von Essen era così fuori il loop che egli ha detto che prima del 9 / 11, gli era stato detto "niente", e che ha iniziato a sentire "parlare di un'organizzazione chiamata al-Qaeda e di un uomo di nome Osama bin Laden" un paio Ore dopo l'attacco. “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "Esso non significa nulla per me", ha scritto nel suo libro.
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "Mi è stata la lettura del quotidiano di intelligence di Washington," Hauer, ha ricordato, "e io non sentirsi a proprio agio parlando di cose che la gente non sono stati cancellati. Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing. Parlando in generale, con Rudy one-to-one è stata una cosa, ma parlando con Richie e Bernie e Tommy violato il mio nulla osta di sicurezza. "Anche se la cima del team di Giuliani non era riuscita a cercare il nulla osta di cui avevano bisogno prima di 9 / 11, e Kerik Giuliani ha attaccato l'FBI non per la condivisione di informazioni con le forze di polizia locali, quando essi testimoniano di un mese dopo l'attacco a un sottocomitato Casa udienza.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
3. 3. Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. Non me la colpa per 7 WTC, Rudy dice. In risposta ai suoi critici 'più schiacciante slogan, Giuliani sta tentando di colpa, una volta valutata aiuto per la decisione di mettere il suo pregiato, $ 61 milioni di emergenza-centro di comando nel Mondo Trade Center, un evidente obiettivo terroristico. The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. La decisione del 1997 ha avuto conseguenze sul 9 / 11, quando la città ha dovuto mobilitare una risposta senza centro operativo.
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "Il mio direttore della gestione delle emergenze raccomandato 7 WTC", come "il sito che renderebbe più senso", ha detto Giuliani Chris Wallace's Fox News Channel mostra nel mese di maggio, l'individuazione Jerry Hauer, come il colpevole.
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one. Wallace fronte Giuliani, tuttavia, con un memo 1996, Hauer, raccomandando che i bunker essere situati a MetroTech a Brooklyn, vicino a dove l'amministrazione Bloomberg eventualmente costruito uno. The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997. Il sindaco spazzolato il memo a parte, continua a insistere sul fatto che, Hauer, aveva scelto come "il primo sito." La campagna poi mettere le dichiarazioni di un ex vice-sindaco, Hauer, che ha detto che aveva sostenuto la posizione centro commerciale a una riunione di alto livello Con il sindaco nel 1997.
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. Hauer, non contesta il fatto che egli eventualmente sostenuto il 7 WTC posizione, ma ha chiaramente favorito MetroTech. His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC. La sua memo MetroTech ha detto che "potrebbe essere disponibile in sei mesi", mentre ci sono voluti quattro e mezzo più anni per ottenere il bunker e funzionante fino al 7 WTC. He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison. Egli ha detto che era sicuro ed MetroTech "non come un obiettivo visibile come edifici in Bassa Manhattan" - un confronto profetica. Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable. Listing MetroTech positivi su otto, il memo menzionato anche negativi, ma hanno detto che non erano insormontabili. “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "Il vero problema", Hauer, ha concluso, "è se il sindaco o non vuole andare oltre il fiume di gestire un incidente. If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy. Se egli è disposto a fare questo, MetroTech è una buona alternativa. "Note da riunioni indicano che, Hauer, ha continuato a spingere MetroTech nelle discussioni con il sindaco e il suo vice superiore.
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan. Hauer, ma dice Denny Young, il sindaco di alter ego, che ha lavorato al suo fianco per quasi tre decenni, eventualmente "ha reso molto chiaro", che voleva Giuliani "per essere in grado di camminare velocemente a questa struttura." Ciò significava bunker Doveva essere inferiore a Manhattan. Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground. Dal momento che il municipio è al di sotto della zona di terreni inondati, il centro di comando-che è stato costruito con un uragano-cortina muro-doveva essere sopra terra. The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone. La città documento formale di approvazione del sito ha detto che essa "è stato selezionato per la sua vicinanza alla City Hall", una serie di Giuliani e Giuliani solo.
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. Il WTC 7 il sito è stato ideato dallo Bill Diamond, un repubblicano di Manhattan che Giuliani aveva installato presso la città di agenzia gestione affitti. When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies. Quando Diamond ha tenuto un simile posto in amministrazione Reagan a pochi anni prima, il suo ufficio aveva scelto lo stesso edificio a casa nove agenzie federali. Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser. Diamond's GOP-wired broker guidato Hauer, per la costruzione, che era di proprietà di un importante donatore Giuliani e fundraiser. When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him. Quando Hauer, firmato su di esso, è stato bloccato dai limiti Giuliani aveva imposto alla ricerca e siti Diamond offerto lui. The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects. Il sindaco è stato personalmente sono focalizzati sulla localizzazione e la costruzione del bunker che la città amministratore di sistema che ha sovrinteso è testimoniato in una successiva querela, che "molto alti funzionari", in particolare tra cui Giuliani ", sono stati coinvolti", che egli ha detto è stata una grande differenza tra Questo e di altri progetti. Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom. Giuliani ufficio aveva un umidificatore per sigari e ricordi da City Hall, compreso un corno fuoco, la polizia e il fuoco cappelli cappelli, come pure asciugamani monogrammed nel suo bagno. His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced. La sua suite è stata bulletproofed e ha visitato spesso, anche nei fine settimana, portando la sua ragazza Judi Nathan vi molto tempo prima che il rapporto superficie. He had his own elevator. Aveva il suo ascensore. Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras. Grande preoccupazione è stata espressa per iscritto che la piattaforma in sala stampa doveva essere abbastanza elevata da assicurarsi che la sua testa è stata superiore alle telecamere. It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him. E 'inconcepibile che il sindaco hands-on's fantasia centro di comando è stato di forma-o-sited da parte di chiunque tranne lui.
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable. Naturalmente, le conseguenze di mettere al centro vi erano prevedibili. The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center. Il terrorista che ha progettato i bombardamenti del 1993 l'FBI ha detto che stavano arrivando al centro commerciale. Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack. Opponente il sito a un incontro con il sindaco di polizia, il Commissario Howard Safir chiamato "Ground Zero" a causa del precedente attacco. Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site. Lou Anemone, il più alto rango in uniforme ufficiale della NYPD, ha scritto memo di sbattere il sito. “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "Non ho mai visto in vita mia 'a piedi' come una sorta di standard per la gestione delle crisi", ha detto Anemone più tardi. “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "Ma non si vogliono confondere Giuliani con i fatti." Anemone aveva fatto un dettagliato studio di vulnerabilità della città, per Giuliani, l'individuazione di obiettivi terroristici. “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "In termini di obiettivi, il WTC è stato numero uno", egli spiega. “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "Immagino che lei doveva essere lì nel 1993 a sapere come fortemente ci è sembrato il posto sbagliato".
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures. Bizzarramente, Giuliani cercato anche nel Wallace intervista a negare che la rapida evacuazione del bunker a sinistra di lui alla ricerca di un nuovo sito, in contrasto con l'account di frenetica mattina che ha dato centinaia di volte, spesso per onorari dei sei cifre. “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "Il modo in cui si sta interpretando", ha detto Wallace, "è stato come se uno che è stato il centro di comando fisso. It was not. Non è stato. There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.” Ci sono stati i centri di comando di backup. "Per ridurre al minimo l'effetto della perdita di bunker, Giuliani ha detto che," all'interno di una mezz'ora "della chiusura di bunker," siamo stati in grado di passare immediatamente ad un altro centro di comando ".
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris. In realtà, come lui stesso ha detto Giuliani, la drammatica storia, lui e il suo entourage sono stati brevemente intrappolati in un ufficio di Merrill Lynch, "jimmied il blocco" di un pompieri, e ha assunto un hotel di lusso, fino a quando non si è realizzato "inguainata e finestre. "Hanno considerato andare a City Hall, ma si è appreso coperto e detriti. The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working. L'unico centro di backup che esisteva era la piccola uno al quartier generale di polizia che erano stati messi fuori uso quando il WTC bunker aperto, ma la sua Giuliani ha detto telefoni non sono state lavorando. “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "Stiamo andando a trovare qualcuno", ha detto Giuliani, secondo il suo tempo, che è descritto come un "lungo e straziante" ricerca. “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "Il nostro governo non aveva più un posto di lavoro", ha scritto nella leadership.
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack. Essi liquidazione presso l'accademia di polizia e uptown, secondo il conto Giuliani e società ha dato tempo ", e noi siamo operativi da 4 pm"-sette ore, non di una mezz'ora, dopo l'attacco. But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch. Ma Giuliani ha detto il 9 / 11 della Commissione che ha deciso rapidamente l'accademia "era troppo piccola" e "sono stati in grado di stabilire un centro di comando" a Pier 92 "entro tre giorni", edificio è praticamente da zero. Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. Hauer, ha detto che avrebbe chiesto un centro di comando di backup anni prima di 9 / 11, "ma mi hanno detto non vi era denaro per esso." Dopo Hauer sinistra, e poco prima del 9 / 11, la città ha annunciato piani per costruire un centro di backup Quartier generale della polizia vicino a un sito velocemente jettisoned dalla Bloomberg amministrazione. Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11. , Ha detto che i funzionari di polizia che erano alla ricerca di uno spazio al di fuori di Manhattan e sotterranea, citando le lezioni del 9 / 11.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
4. 4. ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. 'Democratici non capisco la piena natura e la portata della guerra terroristica contro di noi.' Accusa Giuliani ciò che egli chiama Bill Clinton's "decennio di negazione" per il caos e siamo, e lo utilizza per offuscare il resto della Clinton ' S partito. “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "Non reagire, tipo di anni le cose vanno, tipo di atto, il modo in cui Clinton ha fatto negli anni'90" è il suo preferito che caratterizzano il modo di risposta democratica alla minaccia del terrorismo. “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "Siamo stati attaccati al Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, il 17 dei nostri marinai sono stati uccisi sulla USS Cole, e il governo degli Stati Uniti, sotto l'allora presidente Clinton, non ha risposto," ha detto il Giuliani rabidly anti-Clinton pubblico a Pat Robertson Regent's University. “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "E 'stato un grave errore non riconoscere che i bombardamenti del 1993, è stato un atto terroristico e di un atto di guerra", ha aggiunto. “Bin Laden declared war on us. "Bin Laden ha dichiarato guerra su di noi. We didn’t hear it. Noi non sentire. I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.” Pensavo che fosse abbastanza chiaro, al momento, ma un sacco di gente non vede, non poteva vederlo ".
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing. It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Neither political party covered itself in glory.”
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001 , than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.”
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. 5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA Section has more related reports Help keep RINF going..
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